Immediately after the publication of the December constitution of 1848, Bismarck was, in the same month, elected in Brandenburg the representative of West-Havelland, as a member of the Second Chamber.
The Diet was opened on the 26th of February, 1849; and Bismarck was among the first members to repair to the solemnity in the White Saloon. How many reminiscences were associated in Bismarck’s mind with the White Saloon! How many more were to arise! Memorials and landmarks3 still remain!
Without any special object, most probably, Bismarck took the[192] same seat in the Assembly he had formerly4 occupied as representative of the Knight’s Estate of Jerichow, in the United Diet; and here he held, as it were, as member for the electoral metropolis5 of Brandenburg, a sort of court. It was at least something of a court, for not only was he received by his former associates, such as Count Arnim-Boytzenburg, the minister Von Manteuffel, and many others, but his opponents also addressed him—those who had been his opponents, and were to become so again. Among these were Auerswald, Vincke, and Grabow; at that time they all stood with Bismarck on the right, in the terrible crisis of the country. Bismarck received them with the perfect confidence of a great-hearted gentleman, in that gracious manner of which he was so perfect a master, but which he could, at any moment, for the sake of a joke, frankly7 and freely abandon, without in the least imperilling his position. On that day his face remained serious, despite the anecdote8 related by Freiherr von Vincke, who recounted in a humorous way that on alighting from his carriage he had been hissed9 at the palace gate by the Berlin mob, while plaudits were made to Temmes and D’Esters. Bismarck did not allow himself any illusions as to the difficulty of the position, although the royalists were in ecstasies10 at the result of the elections. Parties were at the time about equal in numbers, if those were counted to the royalist side that had not formally sided with the democrats12. It was a very beggarly account, and yet this was to be regarded, after the events of the spring, as a considerable gain—a gain greatly to be ascribed to the endeavors of Bismarck and his immediate2 friends.
A conservative deputy from Pomerania, addressing the member for West-Havelland, said: “We have conquered!”
“Not so!” replied Bismarck, coolly. “We have not conquered, but we have made an attack, which is the principal thing. Victory is yet to come, but it will come.”
These words accurately14 and truly convey the nature of the situation, Bismarck being a master of short phrases in which situations are rendered in a perfectly15 intelligible16 manner. Very frequently his expressions appear as if a curtain had been suddenly withdrawn17 to allow brilliant light to dissipate gloom. He is the very opposite to those diplomatists who make use of language only to conceal19 their thoughts. His clear perceptions are ever[193] conveyed openly in definite language. Not only in politics is this true, but in ordinary conversation. On one occasion the relative positions of the Pomeranian Circles were under discussion. Bismarck said, “The Principality of Cammin hangs like a pair of breeches over Belgard!” Of course his geographical20 studies aided him to this, but his expressions are equally applicable under all circumstances.
Two of the deputies, on the occasion of this solemnity, displayed the cynicism of street democracy with childish vanity; one of them strutted21 about in a green frock-coat, and the other attempted to draw attention to himself by continually fanning himself with his gray hat. These were not, however, the worst enemies of the Prussian monarchy23 in the White Saloon on that day; under many a well-brushed black coat worse emotions were on fire.
By accident the sabre of one of the officers of the Guards fell from its scabbard on his suddenly turning; the naked weapon lay before the throne of Prussia, a circumstance which could only be regarded by many, on both sides, as portending24 that the sword alone could now save the throne.
At the sessions immediately succeeding the opening of the Second Chamber, Bismarck now found himself placed in the position of defending the constitution—although it did not fulfill25 his aspirations26, opinions, and convictions—against the attacks of democracy. He had accepted constitutionalism, from necessity, and was bound to defend the sovereignty upon this basis. This he did bravely and openly, but in a spirit of self-consciousness and dignity, which often drove his antagonists28 to despair, and frequently aroused a storm of disapprobation.
“No word,” he once exclaimed, “has been more wrongly used in the past year than the word ‘people.’ Every body has held it to signify just what suited his own view, usually as a crowd of individuals, whom it was necessary to persuade.”
To throw this phrase into the face of democracy, meant far more in those days than at the present time.
He declared against a fresh amnesty with manly29 vigor30 and deep insight; he straightforwardly31 said the King, on the 18th March, 1848, had pardoned rebels, but such an act ought not to be repeated, because it would have the effect of spreading an[194] opinion among the people that the whole political rights of the State depended upon the will of the population, as if any one who armed a certain number of individuals, or assembled them in unarmed crowds, to overawe a weak government, possessed33 the right to overturn any law obnoxious34 to him. “There is no accommodation possible with this battle of principles, which has shaken Europe to its foundations; these principles are founded on contradictory35 grounds, opposed from the very commencement. One apparently36 seeks its justification37 in the national will, but really in the brute38 force of the barricades39; the other is founded in a sovereignty granted by Heaven, upon the supremacy40 of divine right, and endeavors to accomplish its development by organically allying itself with constitutional jurisprudence and law. One of these principles regards agitators41 of every kind as heroic combatants for truth, freedom, and right; the other classes them as rebels. These principles can not be decided42 by parliamentary debates; ere long the Almighty43, who is the arbiter44 of battles, will throw the dice45 and so determine the controversy46.”
The Second Chamber adopted the Frankfurt Imperial Constitution by a vote of 179 against 159. Bismarck spoke47 energetically against it, because it bore the broad impress of national sovereignty, this being evident, as the Emperor retained nothing more than a right of a veto of suspension. The Radicals48, he said, would approach the new Emperor with the imperial arms, and ask,—
“Think you that this eagle is given you merely as a present?”
“The Frankfurt crown,” he continued, “may be very brilliant, but the gold, which lends truth to its splendor49, must be added by melting into its composition the Prussian crown; and I can not believe that this recasting is possible by means of the proposed constitution.”
The course of the discussions in the Second Chamber gradually showed an increase in the power of the democrats, and they would render a monarchical50 government impossible. They insisted on the abolition51 of the state of siege in Berlin, as this materially impeded52 their projects; and when they had finally succeeded in effecting this, the Government could do no otherwise than dissolve the Second Chamber and prorogue53 the First. It seemed at one time that this dissolution would be the signal for[195] another insurrection, but the democratic mob was taken aback when the Government showed the necessary severity. It was a terrible exaggeration for a Paris newspaper to announce, “Le canon gronde à Berlin.” One volley in the D?nhofsplatz, and then, “Arms—to the right,” and a cavalry54 charge in the Leipziger-Strasse, were enough thoroughly55 to deprive the democrats of all taste for another rising.
Bismarck was then residing at Wilhelms-Strasse, No. 71; in the summer he went to Pomerania, and thence, in August, proceeded to Brandenburg for the election, and finally to Berlin.
The new electoral law for the Second Chamber, and a decree summoning both Chambers56 for the 7th of August, had already been published, on the 30th of May. This new Chamber, which had grown clearer as to the position of parties, was employed with the revision of the Customs Constitution and with the German policy of Prussia—in fact, with the plans for union proposed by Herr von Radowitz.
Bismarck, who now appeared more and more as one of the leaders of the conservative party, declared against the projects of union and the triple alliance, because it was founded at the cost of Prussia’s specific interests, and, if successful, would, in the end ruin her. On the 6th of September, 1849, Bismarck spoke as follows:—
“I am of opinion that the motive57 principles of the year 1848 were far more social than national. National action would have confined itself to a few, but prominent, persons, in more contracted circles, if the ground had not been shaken under our feet, drawing in the social element, by false representations as to the ambition of the proletariat to acquire the property of others. The envy the poor had of the rich was excited in proportion to the continued feeding of a spirit of license58 from high quarters, which destroyed the moral elements of resistance in the minds of men. I do not believe that these evils would be averted59 by democratic concessions60, or by projects of German unity61; the seat of the disease is deeper; but I deny that any desire has ever existed in the Prussian people towards a national regeneration on the model of the theories of Frankfurt. The policy of Frederick the Great has been frequently alluded62 to; and it has even been identified with the proposition for union. I rather am of opinion[196] that Frederick II. would have turned to the most prominent peculiarity63 of Prussian nationality, to her warlike element, and not without a result. He would have known that to-day, as in the era of our fathers, the sound of the trumpet65 which called to the standard of the father of the country, has lost no charm for the Prussian ear, whether the question concern the defense66 of the frontier or the fame and greatness of Prussia. He would have had the alternative, after the rupture67 with Frankfurt, to ally himself with our ancient ally, Austria, and then assume the brilliant part enacted68 by the Emperor of Russia, in alliance with Austria, to destroy the common enemy—Revolution; or he would have been free, with the same justification he possessed for the conquest of Silesia, after declining the Frankfurt imperial crown, to decide what the nature of the German constitution should be, at the risk of casting the sword into the balance. This would have been a national Prussian policy! In this way Prussia, in union with Austria or alone, would have been able to arrive at the proper position that would have endowed Germany with the power it should possess in Europe. The plan of a constitutional union, however, destroys the Prussian specific character.”
We must draw especial attention to the reply which Bismarck made to the argument of Herr von Radowitz, that the Frankfurt Assembly had shielded Prussia against some dangers.
“I am not in the least aware,” said Bismarck, “of such a thing. I only know that the 38th Prussian Regiment69, on the 18th of September, 1848, preserved us from that which the Frankfurt Parliament, with its predecessor70, had conjured71 up. The specific character of Prussia actually accomplished72 this. This was the remains73 of the heretic Prussiadom which had survived the Revolution; the Prussian army, the Prussian treasury74, the fruits of Prussian administration accumulated through many years, and the animated75 reaction exerted by King and people on each other in Prussia. It consisted in the attachment76 of the Prussian population to the established dynasty; it consisted in the old Prussian virtues77 of honor, fidelity78, obedience79, and bravery, which inspire every Prussian soldier from the backbone—from the officers to the youngest recruit. The army has no enthusiasm for the tricolor; in it, as in the rest of the people, will be found no longing80 for national regeneration. The name of[197] Prussia is all-sufficient for it. These hosts follow the banner of black and white, and not the tricolor: under the black and white they joyfully81 die for their country. The tricolor has been, since the 18th March, recognized as the attribute of their opponents. The accents of the Prussian National Anthem82, the strains of the Dessau and Hohenfriedberg March, are well known and beloved among them: but I have never yet heard a Prussian soldier sing, ‘What is the German fatherland?’ The nation whence this army has sprung, and of which the army is the truest representative, in the happy and accurate words of the President of the First Chamber, Rudolf von Auerswald, does not need to see the Prussian monarchy melt away in the filthy83 ferment84 of South German immorality85. We are Prussians, and Prussians we desire to remain. I know that in these words I utter the creed86 of the Prussian army, the creed of the majority of my fellow-countrymen, and I hope to God that we shall continue Prussians, when this bit of paper is forgotten like the withered87 leaf of autumn!”
This love for the Prussian army, this enthusiasm for it, is a red line which runs through the whole political life of Bismarck. In it he recognizes the especial representative of the Prussian nation, the pillar of the State; and this was quite in the style of Frederick; for did not the great monarch22 say, “that the sky did not rest more firmly on the shoulders of Atlas88, than the Prussian State on the regiments89 of the army.” The German policy of Herr von Radowitz had no more conscious and energetic opponent than Herr von Bismarck, unless in the excellent General von Rauch, the Royal Adjutant-General, a remarkable90 and highly gifted statesman, who opposed him on every opportunity in his powerful way, even in the royal presence. Radowitz, on one occasion, in his emphatic91 style, conjured the King, like C?sar, to cross the Rubicon. General von Rauch replied, with a twang of the Berlin dialect, “I do not know that fellow C?sar, nor that fellow the Rubicon, but the man can not be a true Prussian who counsels His Majesty92 thus!” Herr von Radowitz, it is known, was not a born Prussian.
As to the revision of the constitution, Herr von Bismarck and his associates strove actively93 to endow it with such a shape that it would be possible for the King actually to govern with it. Much was accomplished, but “Far from sufficient!” said Bismarck.[198] Nor was it the fault of Bismarck that much more was not done.
He was particularly zealous94 against the power of granting taxation95 by the Diet. “The centre of gravity, the whole power of the State, departs from the Crown to the Chambers, or their majorities, and nothing then will remain to the Crown but the power of carrying out the votes of the majority. It is true the Government can dissolve the Chambers, and proceed to new elections, but the new Chambers might choose to pursue the way of the old, and thus the conflict would become insoluble and eternal; there is no way of avoiding this. This would be overturning the Prussian State Prerogative96, he perceived, the effects of which very easily would be of a more enduring nature than those of the so-called March Revolution!”
The orator97 of 1849 seemed to have a perception of the conflicts which the Premier98 of 1862 would have to pass through: he then did not see how he should emerge from such a state of things, but in 1866 he found the way the via triumphalis.
Bismarck had been forced to accept constitutionalism, but he did not unconditionally99 do so: it was at least to be a Prussian constitution, or modelled on Prussian principles, not directly inimical to the Kingship.
Prussia, said he, must be distinguishable from other countries. The downfall of German States kept tolerable pace with the concessions made by their Governments to the people. A reference to England was a mistake. “Give us every thing English that we do not possess; give us English piety100, and English respect for the law; give the entire English constitution, but with this the entire relations of the English landlords, English wealth, and English common-sense—then it will be possible to govern in a similar manner. The Prussian Crown must not be forced into the powerless position of the English Crown, which appears more like an elegant ornament101 at the apex102 of the edifice103 of the State. In ours I recognize the supporting pillar.”
England, he added, had given itself the leading principles of the constitution of 1688, only after having been, for more than a century, under the curatorship of an omnipotent104 aristocracy, consisting of a very few families. Parliamentary Reform had now, it was true, broken the power of the aristocracy, but it was yet to[199] be seen whether it would endure like the influence of the aristocracy. “We are deficient105 in the very class which controls politics in England, the class of wealthy and thence conservative gentlemen, independent of material interests, whose whole education is directed to becoming statesmen.”
Bismarck’s words were no longer hesitating, as at the United Diet, although there was always some slight impediment until his language began to flow more readily. But, as now, we perceive in his speeches that he had always to contend with the too rapidly advancing flood of thought. In his outward appearance his aspect was the picture of manly perfection; the tall, strong-boned frame was erect106, but light and unconstrained; his attitude was somewhat daring, but the blue-gray eye glanced forth107 earnestly and sharply, when it was not animated with the light of sincere friendship. It was not the contemplative eye of the thinker, but the straightforward32 look of the man of action.
In the last days of autumn, Bismarck was commanded to the royal hunting-parties at Letzlingen, as he afterwards always continued to be, if not too far away. Frederick William IV. treated him with especial favor on this occasion; it was also with peculiar64 pleasure that he hunted on the moors108 and among the forests, centuries before the proud heritage of his race; a heritage his ancestors had surrendered only under the influence of affection for their princes, and reverence109 for their liege lord.[200] These old Bismarckian preserves are the richest in Prussia: the red deer and bucks110 are counted by thousands, and the royal hunts, which take place every winter since the restoration of the mansion111 of Letzlingen by Frederick William IV., at the beginning of his reign27, are among the best in Europe. Frederick William IV., although familiar with the chase, was not at all times a keen sportsman. Once he leaned his gun against a tree, drew a volume of Shakspeare from his pocket, seated himself on a stump112, and was so absorbed in the poetry, that he never noticed that an inquisitive113 stag, who wished to know what the King was reading, crept up behind him and looked into the book over his shoulder. This pretty scene was witnessed by several sportsmen, and among these Bismarck, from a distance.
In this winter of 1849-50 Bismarck established his family in Berlin, although he retained his seat at Sch?nhausen; his household lived on the first floor on Dorotheen-Strasse, No. 37; here his second child and eldest114 son Herbert was born.
He was christened on the 13th February, 1850, by the well-known and so highly esteemed115 preacher, Gossner. In the spring of 1868 the heirs of Gossner, with other manuscripts, presented the letter of Bismarck, in which he asked Gossner to christen his son, to a bazar for missionary116 purposes. A cousin of the Minister-President—General Count Bismarck-Bohlen, the Commandant of Berlin—purchased the letter, and presented it to Count Herbert. This letter is as follows:—
Berlin, 11th February, 1850.
Reverend Sir,—Although I have not the honor to be personally known to you, I venture to hope, as we have friends in common, that you will not refuse to baptize my first-born son; and I beg respectfully to ask whether it will be agreeable to your engagements to perform this holy office on the day after to-morrow, Wednesday, the 13th current, at about half-past eleven, at my residence, Dorotheen-Strasse, No. 37, and for this purpose would honor me with a visit. In case of your consent, I trust you will make an appointment for to-morrow afternoon or evening, when I can visit you and make the further necessary arrangements.
With great respect, reverend sir, I remain faithfully,
Von Bismarck-Sch?nhausen, M. Sec. Ch.
[201]
Among the friends who about that time visited Bismarck’s hospitable117 though simple household in the Dorotheen-Strasse (afterwards in the Behren-Strasse, No. 60), we may name Von Savigny, André, and Von Kleist-Retzow.
Bismarck’s life in those days was almost entirely118 absorbed by politics: sessions of the Chambers, commissions, committees, clubs, and appointments of all kinds occupied him, and politics formed the theme of the conversations he held in the evening in the beer-saloon of Schwarz (corner of Friedichs and Leipziger Strassen), when he went in to drink a glass of Grünthaler beer. This beer-saloon—it is still existent, although in another locality and under other management—was a principal centre of the conservatives; it was jestingly said, that even the landlord’s little dog was so conservative that he barked at every democrat11.
At another establishment, not that of Schwarz, Bismarck had a little adventure. He had just taken a seat, when a particularly offensive expression was used at the next table concerning a member of the Royal Family. Bismarck immediately rose to his full height, turned to the speaker, and thundered forth:—“Out of the house! If you are not off when I have drunk this beer, I will break this glass on your head!” At this there ensued[202] a fierce commotion119, and threatening outcries resounded120 in all directions. Without the slightest notice Bismarck finished his draught121, and then brought it down upon the offender’s pate18 with such effect that the glass flew into fragments, and the man fell down, howling with anguish122. There was a deep silence, during which Bismarck’s voice was heard to say, in the quietest tone, as if nothing whatever had taken place:—“Waiter, what is to pay for this broken glass?” At this exclamations123 were heard, but not against Bismarck; every one rejoiced and cried:—“That was right! That is the proper thing to do! The wretch124 richly deserved it!” This deed had its intended effect, and Bismarck went on his way unmolested.
There was something indescribably commanding in his firm countenance125, with its close beard, and the cold glance which lay in his eyes, in his form and whole bearing, at this time. This a certain Herr Nelke (Pink) or Stengel (Stalk)—we are not certain of the name—one day learnt to his cost. Bismarck was returning from Potsdam with the venerable and worthy126 Lieutenant127-Colonel von Wolden, who is still remembered in certain circles. In the coupé a silly bagman or something of that kind was making a violent political speech, and at last ventured to ridicule128 and libel the grizzly129 Lieutenant-Colonel to his face. Bismarck looked at the man, who was continuing his insults, for a time, until the train stopped at the station in Berlin. Bismarck paced along the platform at his full height, and advanced in the firmest attitude to the chattering130 gentleman, so that he involuntarily receded131 a step with alarm. Silently Bismarck approached and drove him to the wall, and then simply asked him,
“What is your name?”
“Then take care, you Nelke (Pink) you—or I shall have to pluck you!”
He then turned and left the poor Pink in a crushed state—but richer by a golden lesson—leaning against the wall.
Bismarck wore a long yellowish-gray overcoat, which to this day is called in his house the “dyke133 coat,” as he was accustomed to put it on when he visited the dyke, for which purpose it had done long and faithful service. In Fritz Reuter’s “Journey to[203] Constantinople” the Commerce Councillor Schwofel says:—“In all Eisenach there are only three white hats; His Royal Highness wears one when he is there; Mr. O’Kelly wears the second; and I wear the third. Certainly there are plenty more white hats in the place, but these are the most important.” We might say here that Berlin in those days only contained three yellow overcoats; Bismarck wore one of these; the immortal134 Baron135 von Hertefeld wore the second, until he died, the last of his memorable136 race, as Hereditary137 Grand Huntsman, at Cleve, in 1867; and the author of this book the third. There might be many more yellow coats in Berlin, but these were the most important.
Bismarck very often, as did many members of the conservative party, visited the office of the New Prussian Gazette, in the Dessauer-Strasse, No. 5, to learn the news. He was one of those, however, who always brought more than he carried away. Bismarck is an admirable narrator, especially of anecdotes138, which he used to point with epigrammatic skill; the under-current of little traits of malice139 are generally invested with a dose of good humor, so that the subject of the stories were obliged to laugh themselves. The Napoleonist Duc de Persigny would no doubt have laughed had he heard Bismarck in those days. Fialin de Persigny at that time was intrusted with a political mission in Berlin, which he no doubt carried through to the greatest satisfaction of the higher powers; but he exhibited such disinvolture in the circles of the court society, and so na?ve an admiration140 for female beauty, that a number of tales passed current at his expense. Bismarck’s mode of narration141 was only tinged142 with good humor in the majority of cases, not in all; he could be exceedingly peppery, and could give vent13 to severe sarcasms143, and shoot off arrows which pierced through and through.
He was, however, not only a teller144 of anecdotes in the editorial room of the New Prussian Gazette; he supported the paper he had contributed to found with original articles. These were mostly written at the great round table where so many distinguished145 men have taken their seats, from Von Radowitz and Bethmann-Hollweg to Count Arnim, Pernice, Stahl, Von Gerlach, and Huber; and he wrote in his peculiar firm, but high and compact style. Sometimes he rushed into the room with hasty greeting, and stood at[204] the high desk, retaining his hat and gloves in his left hand, and threw some lines swiftly on to paper. “Put the national motto to these,” he would exclaim to the editor-in-chief, and ran off with another salutation. He was always full of life and activity.
After the close of this session, on the 25th of February, 1850, he returned for a short time to Sch?nhausen, and in the following April we discover him again in Erfurt, at the union Parliament. He had, as we know, been opposed from the very beginning to these attempts at union; they were not, in his firm opinion, fraught146 with any fortunate omen6 to Prussia. The very next few months proved that his acute insight and his Prussian patriotism147 had not erred148. We need not therefore be astonished that he gave vent to his patriotic149 sorrow at the Erfurt project, and the humiliations contemplated150 to Prussia thereby152, in unmeasured language. He closed one of his speeches of that time with the following sentences:—
“It has been a painful feeling for me to see here Prussians, and not nominal153 Prussians only, who advocate this constitution, who have defended it with ardor154. It would have been a humiliating feeling to me, and so it would have been to thousands and thousands of my fellow-countrymen, to see the representatives of princes whom I honor in their own sphere, but who are not my liege-lords, clothed with supreme155 power; a feeling the bitterness of which could not be diminished by seeing the seats we occupy[205] decked with colors—never those of the German empire—but which for two years have been the colors of rebellion and of the barricades, colors worn in my native land by the democrat alone, except when in sorrowful obedience by the soldier. Gentlemen! If you make no more concessions than are contained in this constitution to the Prussian—ancient Prussian spirit—call it obstinate156 Prussian feeling if you choose—I do not believe it will be realized; and if you endeavor to force this constitution on this Prussian spirit, you will find it to be a Bucephalus, who bears his accustomed lord and rider with daring joy, but who will cast the unwelcome Sunday rider with his black-red-gold harness to the earth. I find one comfort against these eventualities in the firm conviction that no long time will elapse ere the parties to this constitution will stand, as, in the fable157 of Lafontaine, the two doctors stood by the patient whose corpse158 they were abandoning. The one said, ‘He is dead, I said so from the beginning!’—the other, ‘Had he followed my advice, he would have been alive now.’”
The further debates of the Erfurt Parliament gave him leisure enough, but this leisure brought no vigor with it, for the impression of a great political blunder sat heavy on the souls of Bismarck and his political partisans159.
Bismarck wished to reinvigorate himself by a thorough hunting-party; he conferred with the Privy160 Councillor Oppermann, one of the “mighty hunters” of Prussia; this gentleman joined him with enthusiasm, and they communicated through the Oberforstmeister von Wedell, in Schleusingen, to obtain a woodcock foray with the famous shot Oberf?rster Klingner. Bismarck and Oppermann left Erfurt one morning together. At the first stage the travellers refreshed themselves at Arnstadt, as keen sportsmen, thinking nothing of the caddish opinions of the day, by a plentiful161 breakfast at eight o’clock, of delicate groundlings, and drank 1811 Bocksbeutel therewith. At the succeeding stations they whetted162 their appetites with trout163, and drank beer with them, as the nectar of 1811 would allow no other wines to attract the palate. On their arrival in Schleusingen at 3 p.m., they had more trout and beer, then an interview and arrangements with the Oberf?rster, and in the evening more trout, which Oppermann ate with wine sauce, Bismarck remaining true to beer despite of[206] urgent dissuasions. At night, about 12 o’clock, the Oberf?rster made his appearance with a keeper, to take the gentlemen off to the forest. Bismarck, however, was in a very lamentable164 plight165; the mixture of fish and beer did not suit his constitution, and he was in a feverish166 state. He was advised to have some peppermint167 and stop in bed, but it was in vain; the keen sportsman was not afraid of stomach-ache; he was soon dressed, and away they went. Oppermann fired and killed a bird, but Bismarck returned home with nothing. He had put up two woodcocks, but at the decisive moment he fired both times at the wrong instant. The keeper showed him another woodcock, but Bismarck was unfit for any further exertion168; he returned to Schleusingen and went to bed. By eleven o’clock the mischief169 was ended by some strong grog, and the sportsmen then went by the express coach over the hills, and arrived very merrily in Erfurt by the evening. Bismarck, however, has never taken beer upon trout since.
During his stay in Erfurt, Dr. Stahl was presented with an album by his admirers. On its eleventh page, the album (which was afterwards printed) contains the following inscription:—
“Our watchword therefore is not ‘A United State at any price,’ but, ‘The independence of the Prussian Crown at every price.’
“Bismarck-Sch?nhausen,
Deputy for Brandenburg.
“Erfurt, 24th April, 1850.”
This expression, if we are not mistaken, was a quotation170 from a speech made by Stahl, at that time in Erfurt. Evidently it came from Bismarck’s inmost soul.
After his return from Erfurt, Bismarck dedicated171 some weeks to his business in Sch?nhausen, and then travelled into Pomerania with his family. It is this journey of which such humorous mention is made in the two following letters to his sister:
BISMARCK TO FRAU VON ARNIM.
Sch?nhausen, 28th June, 1850.
I write you a solemn letter of congratulation on the occasion (I think) of your twenty-fourth birthday. (I won’t tell any body of this.) You are now really a major, or, rather, would have been[207] so, had you not had the misfortune to belong to the female sex, whose limbs, in the eyes of jurists, can never emerge from minority—not even when they are the mothers of the lustiest of Jacks173. Why this apparent injustice174 is a very wise arrangement I will instruct you, when, I hope some fortnight hence, I have you à la portée de la voix humaine before me. Johanna—who at the present time is in the arms of Lieutenant Morpheus—will have written to you what is in prospect175 for me. The boy bellowing176 in a major key, the girl in minor172, two singing nurse-girls, wet napkins and milk-bottles, myself in the character of an affectionate Paterfamilias. I resisted a long time, but as all the mothers and aunts were unanimous that poor little Molly could only be cured by sea-water and air, I should, if I resisted any longer, have my avarice177 and my paternal178 barbarity paraded before me on the occasion of every cold the child will catch till it is seventy, with the words: “Don’t you see! Ah! if the poor child could but have gone to the seaside!” The little being is suffering from the eyes, which are tearful and sticky. Perhaps this arises from the salt baths, perhaps from eye-teeth. Johanna is dreadfully excited about it, and for her satisfaction I have sent to-day for Dr. Bünger, at Stendal, who is the Fanninger of the Alt Mark. We take it for granted that you will be at home next month, and do not contemplate151 an excursion yourselves, in which event we would defer179 our visit until our return. But we write in order to settle time and place. I have very unwillingly180 decided to abandon my country laziness here, but now that it is settled, I see rose-colored hues181 in the affair, and am heartily182 delighted to seek you in the cavern183, which I only know to be situated184 some ten feet above the earth, and hope to seize the herring myself in the depths of the Baltic. Johanna is[208] still asleep, or she would certainly send many greetings. For reasons of health I now rise at six o’clock. Hoping soon to see you, I invoke185 God’s blessing186 on you and yours, for this year and all those to come.
THE SAME TO THE SAME.
Sch?nhausen, 8th July, 1850.
Yesterday a letter arrived from Oscar, according to which he will also be in Berlin to-morrow, but will not return until Thursday. I am very sorry your horses will be kept at work for two days together, but Oscar will not be able to set out on Wednesday, and it would be inconvenient187 for us to remain a day and a half in Berlin without any business whatever, or any other motive. The children and servants, Oscar, Johanna, and I, could not go in one carriage. I therefore remain, and my principal reason for writing to you is in relation to my former letter, according to which we should reach Angermünde on Wednesday and find horses at Gerswalde, unless you have arranged it yourselves differently—in which case Oscar will let me know, and it will be all right. I do not wish to propose any other route, or it will bring the horses into confusion, from the little time before us. This journey I perceive will give me an introduction to the new Lunatic Asylum188, or at least the Second Chamber, for life. I already see myself on the platform at Genthin with the children; then both of us in the carriage with all sort of infantine requirements, businesses at which one turns up one’s nose—Johanna does not like to give the boy the breast, and he roars himself blue—then come official crowds, the inn, with both howlers in the Stettin railway-yard—at Angermünde, we shall have to wait an hour for the horses, and pack ourselves up again. How shall we get from Kr?chlendorf to Külz? If we have to remain a night in Stettin it will be horrible. Last year I had to undergo all this with Marie and her screaming. Yesterday I got so despairing as to all these things that I positively189 determined190 to give the whole journey up, and so went to bed, determined at least to coach it right through or stop somewhere. But what do we not do for domestic peace? “The young cousins ought to know each other, and who can tell when Johanna will see you again?” In the night she attacked me with the boy in her arms, and with[209] the arts that lost us Paradise she naturally succeeded, and every thing remains as before. But I feel that I am myself the victim of a terrible wrong; next year I shall be forced to travel about with three cradles, nurses, sheets, and all the rest. I wake at six o’clock in a mild rage, and can sleep no more, from the pictures of travel which my fancy paints me in the blackest hues—down to the picnics in the sandhills of Stolpmünde. And even were one’s expenses paid! But to throw away the ruins of a once brilliant fortune by travelling about with suckling children! I am very unhappy!
Therefore, on Wednesday we reach Gerswalde. Perhaps I had in the end better have gone by way of Passow, and you would not have had to send so far to Prenzlau as to G. However, it is a fait accompli; and the misery191 of choice is succeeded by the rest of resignation. Johanna greets you and packs. We shall send some of our things per freight; Johanna is therefore in some anxiety about her toilette, in case you Boitzenbürgers have company.
The period till the latter autumn of 1850 was very instructive to Bismarck as a politician; he continued to observe—we should, had not his Prussian heart been in the task, have said with scientific attention and curiosity—the effort made by Radowitz to save the union; he was astonished at the dexterity192 of this statesman, but he also saw clearly that all this dexterity would fail, for want of real pressure. Bismarck learnt that it was as impossible to create a German Unity as any other form of state, if one is wanting in courage or power to exert a sufficient pressure upon that which opposes. While Austria opposed, union was not possible without war, nor did Bismarck forget this truth.
The triple alliance collapsed193, war was forbidden by the political facts of the time—the union was abandoned, Herr von Radowitz resigned, and Herr von Manteuffel, who then entered upon his office as Minister of Foreign Affairs, went to Olmütz.
What a terrible outcry was raised as to this visit to Olmütz at the time, and how greatly Herr von Manteuffel was censured194 on the subject! Prussian feeling was deeply wounded, and was worthy of much respect; it was a severe transposition—but from Erfurt to Olmütz was a necessity, if it were not resolved to[210] break the opposition195 of Austria by the sword. Herr von Manteuffel, however, who entered upon this severe task in patriotic devotion to his country, certainly did not deserve the flood of abuse which was heaped upon his head for many years. He, at least, had not led Prussia to Erfurt.
On the 3d December, 1850, Bismarck in a long speech defended the policy of the Ministry196 respecting the negotiations197 at Olmütz. He emphasized the community of interests existing between Prussia and Austria in reference to revolution, on the community of action of both States in German affairs. He censured war, by which Prussia would have set her existence upon the hazard of the die, in view of the threatening attitude abroad, and would have done so, not for herself, but for the lurking198 democracy. It will be understood that much of the so-called disgrace of Olmütz was cast upon Bismarck, and he was bitterly censured until the year 1866 for having defended those negotiations.
In the course of the session Bismarck had an opportunity of pronouncing a brilliant defense of the Prussian nobility, then assailed199 with unequalled license and malice. His words were these:—
“You ought not to undervalue in these latter days the services of that class, whether as officers of the army, or in such positions where landed property enables it to fight against anarchy200 and for the salvation201 of Prussia. The nobility of Prussia has in these affairs been spinning no silk, take it as a whole; it will be remembered that its immediate ancestry202 conquered the Westphalian Land Tax in the Rhine Province, and that its grandfathers paid for the Patow Promemoria with their blood in Silesia. In like manner, you will find the sons of this class ever among the truest servants of the country. It is true the Prussian nobility have had their Jena; in common with the political associates of those who now attack it, they have had their Second United Diet. If, however, I survey their history as a great whole, I believe there exist no reasons for such attacks as we hear in this place, and I do not think it necessary to despair of discovering within this class worthy members of a Prussian peerage.”
To the continually reiterated203 taunt204 concerning Junkerdom and the Junker party, he fearlessly replied:—
“I am proud to be a Prussian Junker, and feel honored, by the appellation205. Whigs and Tories were terms which once also had a very mean signification; and be assured, gentlemen, that we shall on our part bring Junkerdom to be regarded with honor and respect.”
We here take leave of Bismarck’s activity as a conservative party leader in the Second Chamber. This volcanic206 earth in the Hardenberg Palace, on the D?nhoffsplatz, he only re-entered eleven years afterwards as a Minister, although in the winter of 1851-’2 he several times came from Frankfurt to Berlin, and also appeared in the Chamber.
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1
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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landmarks
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| n.陆标( landmark的名词复数 )；目标；（标志重要阶段的）里程碑 ~ (in sth)；有历史意义的建筑物（或遗址） | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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metropolis
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| n.首府；大城市 | |
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omen
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| n.征兆，预兆；vt.预示 | |
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frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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anecdote
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| n.轶事，趣闻，短故事 | |
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hissed
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| 发嘶嘶声( hiss的过去式和过去分词 )； 发嘘声表示反对 | |
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ecstasies
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| 狂喜( ecstasy的名词复数 )； 出神； 入迷； 迷幻药 | |
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democrat
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士；民主党党员 | |
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democrats
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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vent
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| n.通风口，排放口；开衩；vt.表达，发泄 | |
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accurately
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| adv.准确地，精确地 | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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intelligible
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| adj.可理解的，明白易懂的，清楚的 | |
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withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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pate
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| n.头顶；光顶 | |
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conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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geographical
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| adj.地理的；地区(性)的 | |
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strutted
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| 趾高气扬地走，高视阔步( strut的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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portending
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| v.预示( portend的现在分词 )；预兆；给…以警告；预告 | |
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fulfill
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| vt.履行，实现，完成；满足，使满意 | |
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aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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antagonists
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| 对立[对抗] 者，对手，敌手( antagonist的名词复数 )； 对抗肌； 对抗药 | |
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manly
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| adj.有男子气概的；adv.男子般地，果断地 | |
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vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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straightforwardly
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| adv.正直地 | |
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straightforward
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| adj.正直的，坦率的；易懂的，简单的 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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obnoxious
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| adj.极恼人的，讨人厌的，可憎的 | |
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contradictory
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| adj.反驳的，反对的，抗辩的；n.正反对，矛盾对立 | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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justification
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| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
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brute
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| n.野兽，兽性 | |
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barricades
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| 路障，障碍物( barricade的名词复数 ) | |
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supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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agitators
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| n.（尤指政治变革的）鼓动者( agitator的名词复数 )；煽动者；搅拌器；搅拌机 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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almighty
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| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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arbiter
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| n.仲裁人，公断人 | |
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dice
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| n.骰子；vt.把（食物）切成小方块，冒险 | |
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controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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radicals
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| n.激进分子( radical的名词复数 )；根基；基本原理；[数学]根数 | |
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49
splendor
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| n.光彩；壮丽，华丽；显赫，辉煌 | |
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monarchical
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| adj. 国王的，帝王的，君主的，拥护君主制的 =monarchic | |
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51
abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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52
impeded
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| 阻碍，妨碍，阻止( impede的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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prorogue
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| v.使（会议）休会 | |
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54
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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55
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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56
chambers
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| n.房间( chamber的名词复数 )；（议会的）议院；卧室；会议厅 | |
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57
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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averted
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| 防止，避免( avert的过去式和过去分词 )； 转移 | |
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concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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peculiarity
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| n.独特性，特色；特殊的东西；怪癖 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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trumpet
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| n.喇叭，喇叭声；v.吹喇叭，吹嘘 | |
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defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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rupture
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| n.破裂；(关系的)决裂；v.(使)破裂 | |
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enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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conjured
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| 用魔术变出( conjure的过去式和过去分词 )； 祈求，恳求； 变戏法； （变魔术般地） 使…出现 | |
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72
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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73
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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75
animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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longing
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| n.（for）渴望 | |
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joyfully
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| adv. 喜悦地, 高兴地 | |
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82
anthem
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| n.圣歌，赞美诗，颂歌 | |
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83
filthy
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| adj.卑劣的；恶劣的，肮脏的 | |
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84
ferment
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| vt.使发酵；n./vt.（使）激动，（使）动乱 | |
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85
immorality
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| n. 不道德, 无道义 | |
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creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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withered
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| adj. 枯萎的，干瘪的，（人身体的部分器官）因病萎缩的或未发育良好的 动词wither的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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atlas
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| n.地图册，图表集 | |
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regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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90
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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emphatic
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| adj.强调的，着重的；无可置疑的，明显的 | |
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92
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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93
actively
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| adv.积极地，勤奋地 | |
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94
zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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95
taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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96
prerogative
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| n.特权 | |
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97
orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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98
premier
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| adj.首要的；n.总理，首相 | |
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99
unconditionally
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| adv.无条件地 | |
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100
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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101
ornament
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| v.装饰，美化；n.装饰，装饰物 | |
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102
apex
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| n.顶点，最高点 | |
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103
edifice
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| n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿，教室) | |
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104
omnipotent
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| adj.全能的，万能的 | |
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105
deficient
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| adj.不足的，不充份的，有缺陷的 | |
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106
erect
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| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
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107
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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108
moors
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| v.停泊，系泊（船只）( moor的第三人称单数 ) | |
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109
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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110
bucks
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| n.雄鹿( buck的名词复数 )；钱；（英国十九世纪初的）花花公子；（用于某些表达方式）责任v.（马等）猛然弓背跃起( buck的第三人称单数 )；抵制；猛然震荡；马等尥起后蹄跳跃 | |
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111
mansion
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| n.大厦，大楼；宅第 | |
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112
stump
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| n.残株，烟蒂，讲演台；v.砍断，蹒跚而走 | |
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113
inquisitive
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| adj.求知欲强的，好奇的，好寻根究底的 | |
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114
eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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115
esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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116
missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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117
hospitable
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| adj.好客的；宽容的；有利的，适宜的 | |
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118
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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119
commotion
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| n.骚动，动乱 | |
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120
resounded
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| v.（指声音等）回荡于某处( resound的过去式和过去分词 )；产生回响；（指某处）回荡着声音 | |
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121
draught
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| n.拉，牵引，拖；一网（饮，吸，阵)；顿服药量，通风；v.起草，设计 | |
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122
anguish
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| n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦，烦恼 | |
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123
exclamations
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| n.呼喊( exclamation的名词复数 )；感叹；感叹语；感叹词 | |
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124
wretch
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| n.可怜的人，不幸的人；卑鄙的人 | |
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125
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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126
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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127
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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128
ridicule
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| v.讥讽，挖苦；n.嘲弄 | |
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129
grizzly
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| adj.略为灰色的，呈灰色的；n.灰色大熊 | |
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130
chattering
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| n. （机器振动发出的）咔嗒声，(鸟等)鸣，啁啾 adj. 喋喋不休的，啾啾声的 动词chatter的现在分词形式 | |
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131
receded
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| v.逐渐远离( recede的过去式和过去分词 )；向后倾斜；自原处后退或避开别人的注视；尤指问题 | |
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132
stammered
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| v.结巴地说出( stammer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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133
dyke
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| n.堤，水坝，排水沟 | |
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134
immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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135
baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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136
memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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137
hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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138
anecdotes
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| n.掌故，趣闻，轶事( anecdote的名词复数 ) | |
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139
malice
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| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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140
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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141
narration
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| n.讲述，叙述；故事；记叙体 | |
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142
tinged
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| v.（使）发丁丁声( ting的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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143
sarcasms
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| n.讥讽，讽刺，挖苦( sarcasm的名词复数 ) | |
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144
teller
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| n.银行出纳员；(选举)计票员 | |
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145
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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146
fraught
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| adj.充满…的，伴有(危险等)的；忧虑的 | |
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147
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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148
erred
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| 犯错误，做错事( err的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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149
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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150
contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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151
contemplate
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| vt.盘算，计议；周密考虑；注视，凝视 | |
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152
thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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153
nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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154
ardor
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| n.热情，狂热 | |
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155
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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156
obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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157
fable
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| n.寓言；童话；神话 | |
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158
corpse
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| n.尸体，死尸 | |
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159
partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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160
privy
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| adj.私用的；隐密的 | |
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161
plentiful
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| adj.富裕的，丰富的 | |
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162
whetted
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| v.（在石头上）磨（刀、斧等）( whet的过去式和过去分词 )；引起，刺激（食欲、欲望、兴趣等） | |
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163
trout
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| n.鳟鱼；鲑鱼(属) | |
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164
lamentable
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| adj.令人惋惜的，悔恨的 | |
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165
plight
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| n.困境，境况，誓约，艰难；vt.宣誓，保证，约定 | |
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166
feverish
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| adj.发烧的，狂热的，兴奋的 | |
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167
peppermint
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| n.薄荷，薄荷油，薄荷糖 | |
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168
exertion
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| n.尽力，努力 | |
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169
mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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170
quotation
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| n.引文，引语，语录；报价，牌价，行情 | |
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171
dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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172
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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173
jacks
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| n.抓子游戏；千斤顶( jack的名词复数 )；（电）插孔；[电子学]插座；放弃 | |
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174
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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175
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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176
bellowing
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| v.发出吼叫声，咆哮（尤指因痛苦）( bellow的现在分词 )；（愤怒地）说出（某事），大叫 | |
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177
avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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178
paternal
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| adj.父亲的，像父亲的，父系的，父方的 | |
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179
defer
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| vt.推迟，拖延；vi.(to)遵从，听从，服从 | |
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180
unwillingly
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| adv.不情愿地 | |
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181
hues
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| 色彩( hue的名词复数 )； 色调； 信仰； 观点 | |
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182
heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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183
cavern
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| n.洞穴，大山洞 | |
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184
situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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185
invoke
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| v.求助于(神、法律)；恳求，乞求 | |
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186
blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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187
inconvenient
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| adj.不方便的，令人感到麻烦的 | |
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188
asylum
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| n.避难所，庇护所，避难 | |
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189
positively
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| adv.明确地，断然，坚决地；实在，确实 | |
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190
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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191
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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192
dexterity
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| n.(手的)灵巧，灵活 | |
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193
collapsed
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| adj.倒塌的 | |
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194
censured
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| v.指责，非难，谴责( censure的过去式 ) | |
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195
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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196
ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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197
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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198
lurking
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| 潜在 | |
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199
assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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200
anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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201
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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202
ancestry
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| n.祖先，家世 | |
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203
reiterated
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| 反复地说，重申( reiterate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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204
taunt
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| n.辱骂，嘲弄；v.嘲弄 | |
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205
appellation
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| n.名称，称呼 | |
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206
volcanic
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| adj.火山的；象火山的；由火山引起的 | |
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