Ere the year 1865 was at an end, Bismarck had become firmly convinced that Austria had lapsed5 from the Treaty of Gastein and had returned to the Central State policy, the advocate of which was the Freiherr von Beust. This policy, which could only ultimate in eternizing the old vacillating system at the Federation6 between Prussia and Austria, as this was the only way in which the existence of the Central State sovereignties could be prolonged, was skillfully guarded by the Freiherr von Beust, and always presented the seductive appearance of moderation,[383] as it neither conceded any thing to Prussia nor Austria, but kept the one constantly in check against the other. That Germany was certainly being imperilled by it, politicians entirely8 overlooked. At the moment Prussia had the preponderance, not only actually, as Bismarck in fact and truth pursued a national policy, but also formally, as it had separated Austria by the Treaty of Gastein from the Central States. According to the principles of the Central States, Prussia had now to be depressed10, and Austria elevated. Here was the point at which Bismarck awaited his diplomatic opponents. Had they been the German patriots11 for which they were so anxious to pass—and perhaps they quite honestly deemed themselves such—they would have come to the material point, and demanded more from Austria for Germany than Prussia had offered. Austria was in the position to accede12 to the German princes—perhaps to the German people—more than Prussia could do, whose whole position was much more awkward. Austria did not imperil her entire autonomy as Prussia did. Bismarck, however, knew his Pappenheimers—the Central State policy did not go upon the material, but the formal point—and only used their federation with Austria to force Prussia to the acceptance of a new Augustenburg minor13 State north of the Elbe.
So little a policy necessarily would come to destruction in face of the energy with which Bismarck clung to his national programme. This also became very ominous14 for Austria, for she saw herself obliged to give battle upon a basis which tottered15 under her. Faithful to the traditions of her old policy, Austria sought to win the Courts by promises, and she succeeded; but she knew very well that little or nothing was gained thereby16. The result has shown how little worth Austria set upon the German Confederation. Prussia, while she asked, promised nothing. Bismarck adhered to his policy, which only demanded sacrifices on the part of the princes—sacrifices for Germany, not for Prussia, who was ready to bring far greater ones than any minor State.
Thus approached the hour of decision—a decision whether in future the German people, under the leadership of Prussia, should assume its proper place in Europe, or whether it should coalesce18 into a weak federation of impuissant territories, under[384] Austrian satraps, and be blindly obedient to every signal from Vienna.
Preparations were made in every direction; but it was certain that in Vienna, in a scarcely credible19 misapprehension of Prussia, the authorities had armed for a long time only because it was believed that Prussia was to be terrified by such armaments. At Vienna, the peaceable disposition20 of the venerable King William, who, to the last moment, hoped for a peaceful termination, which was indeed possible until the firing of the first cannon21-shot, was looked upon as fear. Was it impossible for Austria, without any stain upon her honor, to concede to Prussia and Germany in May all that which she had solemnly acknowledged at Prague in August?
It would be far beyond the limits of this book to enter upon the fomented22 quarrels in the Elbe Duchies and at the Diet on the diplomatic recriminations concerning the earlier or later armaments. We conceive that we have already sufficiently23 set forth24 Bismarck’s policy; for our purpose it is quite unimportant whether Austria really desired war, or whether her object was to terrorize. King William did not wish for war; but he wished to be free from Austria, for the present and future, in the interests of Prussia and Germany. Prussia had seriously armed; for whoever desires to attain25 an end must have the means to attain it, and Bismarck had not forgotten what had caused the fall of the Radowitz policy. But Radowitz had not been wrecked26 upon the insufficiency of the Prussian military system of his day, but on the actual course of foreign policy.
[385]
VICTORY!
[386]
How had this changed since the days of Erfurt and Olmütz?
In judging of the rupture27 with the Diet, it must be here again borne in mind, what had become of it since 1851, what position it had assumed towards Prussia. Count Bismarck, on the re-establishment of the Diet in 1851, had been sent to Frankfurt as a friend of Austria. Prussia desires to co-operate openly and freely with Austria, and that this was also the endeavor of Count Bismarck, his whole political behavior had testified at the very time, in the most unequivocal manner, when Austria, weakened by internal revolution, was obliged to resort to foreign assistance. He soon perceived, however, that such co-operation was impossible. The necessary condition of it was the equalization of Prussia[387] with Austria, and this had also been promised at Olmütz. Count Bismarck could not allow Prussia to be the second German power. He used to say that as Austria was “one,” so also Prussia was “one;” nor could he interpret the treaties in any other way than as they were understood until 1848; that Prussia, no more than Austria, could subordinate herself to resolutions of the majority.
But this principal condition Austria allowed only to herself: a hegemony over Germany was the policy of Prince Schwarzenberg, and his successors adhered to this word. Count Bismarck soon convinced himself that all federal complaisance28 only called forth further demands, that gratitude29 and sympathy in the policy of the empire were as little thought of as national feelings and German interests.
Austria did not desire any nearer approach to Prussia; she would come to any understanding. She began by securing to herself an obedient majority at the Diet, and believed that she could dispense30 with extending the competency and sphere of action of the Federation, after making the Diet, by the institution of the influence of the majorities, and the suppression of the right of protest in the minority, a serviceable instrument of Viennese policy, and thus gradually do away with the right of protest and the independence of the individual States, and thus also that of Prussia. The Austrian Ministers went so far as to assert that Austria alone in the Federation had any right to a foreign policy; and this Austrian policy should be endowed with the semblance32 of legality by the resolution of the servile majority in the Diet. In such an aspiration33 Austria found from the Central States an only too willing sympathy. To the ambition and thirst for action of the Ministers of the latter, the territorial34 dimensions of their own country and the circle of activity assigned to them seemed not important or distinguished35 enough. It flattered them to be engaged in questions of European policy. This, indeed, they could enter upon without danger or a necessity for reciprocity; and they speedily found a natural consequence of the principle of federal law in the fact, that the members of the Federation need follow no foreign policy of their own, but would only have to follow such as might be dictated36 by the majority.
But the mediatization of the foreign policy of Prussia was not[388] the only object held in view. If the course of European politics admitted of it, it was proposed as a further consequence to declare as an undoubted issue of federal jurisprudence, that the constitution and laws of Prussia should be subject to the determination of the majority.
The Central States saw themselves placed on an equality with Prussia with the highest satisfaction. They were ready to make any sacrifice otherwise so obstinately38 refused, except independence, if Prussia were only subjected to the same. They could not forgive Prussia her greatness and high position, and therefore they experienced an especial delight in making Prussia feel the importance of the Federation. The securer they felt of the majority, the less concealed39 and bold were their pretensions40, and every demand of Austria on Prussia, however unjust, found ready support from the Central States, especially if the question were to combat the estimation and influence of Prussia in Germany. The majority was always to decide, even as to the question of their own right of decision, and there was no hesitation41 in doing violence to words and sound common sense to prove a united vote as to such a proceeding42. They endeavored to deceive the world and themselves by the fallacy that “Federal Diet” and “Germany” were identical ideas, and the opinions of Prussia were stigmatized43 as being non-German, while Prussia was accused of stirring up strife44 in the Federation, when she declined unconditionally45 to submit to the arbitrary decisions of the majority in the Diet, while Austria allowed herself to be praised to the skies in her paid press as the exclusive representative of Germany and German interests. But even at that time did many believe this? Had not Austria betrayed her real views and intentions in the secret dispatch of the 14th of January, 1855, in a most unequivocal manner? Openly and without any reticence46 she had declared in that document that she would have no hesitation in destroying the Federation to carry through her policy. She had invited the Federal Governments, in contravention of the articles of federation, to enter into a warlike alliance with her and place her troops at the disposition of the Emperor of Austria, and promised them advantages at the expense of those who refused such an alliance—that is, by way of territorial aggrandizement47.
The political life of Count Bismarck in Frankfurt was an uninterrupted[389] fight against such a system as above described. He was never weary in pointing out and warning them that the elements ruling at the Diet were tending towards conditions which Prussia could not accept as permanent. He had also predicted at Frankfurt that the plan took a direction towards placing Prussia, as soon as the fruit was believed to be ripe, in the position that it would have to reject a resolution of the majority, then to commit a breach49 of the Federation, which should be ascribed to Prussia.
So also was the event. Prussia remained faithful to the Federation till it was violated by others, and when they had done, they blamed Prussia with the breach of the Federation.
The spring of the great year 1866 was the most difficult in Bismarck’s life. The terrible load of responsibility pressed heavier and heavier upon him. Serious and well-intentioned, as well as perfidious51, attempts at peace, lamed50 and impeded52 his activity. Intrigues53 of all kinds hovered54 about his person. His position was now openly assailed55, now secretly undermined. More than once he felt the ground trembling beneath him—he could not get forward; and in addition to this he was corporeally56 ill; rheumatic pains increasing in an alarming way. Doubt very often, it is probable, assailed the strong mind of Bismarck, the ghastly ray of suspicion fell upon his courageous57 heart. The man who had to fight for his King and country, with all the powers, the traditions of ancient brotherhood58 in arms, the ties of princely relationship, the intrigues of diplomatists, the falling away of old friends, with the wrong-headedness, cowardice59, low-mindedness of others, down to the pacific overtures60 of his opponents, in so superhuman a manner, now gradually grew into a more and more intensified61 battle with himself. On this the Almighty62, the Lord of him and of Prussia, had mercy on him. He gave him a great sign.
On the 7th of May, 1866, at five in the afternoon, Count Bismarck was walking abroad for the first time after his severe illness, returning from an interview with the King, and proceeding up the centre allée of the Unter den31 Linden. Almost opposite the Hotel of the Imperial Russian Embassy, he heard two rapidly following reports behind him. As it was afterwards found, one bullet had just grazed his side. Count Bismarck turned[390] swiftly round, and saw a young man before him, who was raising his revolver to fire a third time. Bismarck met the man quickly, and seized him by the arm and by the throat; but before he reached him the man fired the third shot. It was a glance shot on the right shoulder, which Bismarck felt for a long time afterwards. Then the wretch64 passed the revolver, as quick as lightning, from the right to the left hand, and close to him fired two other shots at the Minister-President. One shot missed him in consequence of a quick turn, only burning his coat; but the other struck him, and at this moment Count Bismarck believed himself mortally wounded, for he felt that one of the bullets had struck him right on the rib48. The rib probably feathered, as they say in deer-shooting—i.e., it bent65 elastically66. Count Bismarck at once mastered the sensation of weakness which had come over him by the concussion67 of the vertebr? through the rib for an instant. He handed over the criminal—whom he had held with an iron grasp—to the officers and men of the first battalion68 of the Second Foot Guard Regiment69, who were just marching down the street, and walked on in the direction of his house in the Wilhelms-Strasse, where he safely arrived before the news of the attempt was known.
[391]
During the whole period preceding the war there was nothing extraordinary in the Minister-President’s being with the King longer than usual, so that the dinner usually fixed70 for five was often half an hour late, or even longer. Nobody, therefore, was surprised at the Count’s late appearance on this occasion. No one in the house had even an idea of the terrible attempt at murder on the Unter den Linden—of the wonderful preservation71 of the master of the house. There was some company assembled in the salon72 of the Countess, awaiting the Minister-President; at last he entered. Nobody noticed any disquietude or excitement in his manner; it only seemed to some as if his greeting were heartier73 than usual. Saying, “Ah! what a pleasant party!” he went to his study, where it was his habit to remain for a few moments before sitting down to table. He this day made a short report of the event to His Majesty the King. Then he returned to the dinner-party, and said, as he very often did when he came late, in a merry scolding tone to his wife, “Why don’t we eat our dinners to-day?” He approached a lady to lead her to the dining-table, and then, as they went out of the salon, he went up to his wife, kissed her on the forehead, and said, “My child, they have shot at me, but there is no harm done!”
Tenderly and prudently74 as this was said, terror naturally displayed itself on all countenances76. Everyone crowded round the honored gentleman in trembling joy at his wonderful escape. He, however, would not delay, entered the dining-room, and, after a short grace, sat down to his soup, which no doubt tasted all the better to him the less that he, in all human probability, seemed likely to have any right to it again half an hour before. The surgeon who was called in said afterwards, when all sorts of theories were attempted to account for the non-success of the attempt, with great justice:—“Gentlemen! there is but one explanation. God’s hand was between them!”
In fact, the dinner on that day was frequently interrupted; nobody ate any dinner at all except Bismarck himself. Before six o’clock, only half an hour after the crime, the King himself arrived, having risen from his own dinner to congratulate his Minister. Bismarck received his royal master on the stairs, and remained alone with him for a short time. No doubt it was a touching77 meeting for both of them; for the dear Lord who still[392] could press his tried servant by the still warm hand, as for the Minister, ready at any moment to die for his King, be it on the battle-field or in the street! There was very little ceremony at the Ministry78 of Foreign Affairs that day. Scarcely had the King departed ere, one after the other, the Princes of the Royal House who happened to be in Berlin appeared, and sat down at the family table, drinking a glass of wine to Bismarck’s safety. The company increased as the news of the criminal deed grew known farther off; the venerable Field-Marshal Count Wrangel was one of the first who hastened to express sympathy. Generals, ministers, ambassadors, friends, and all who respected him, even political opponents, thronged79 round the precious personage so wonderfully preserved to his native land. At the threshold of the door crowds of persons of all conditions were assembled, who inscribed80 their names in lists prepared for the purpose, in token of their sympathy. Supplements of the Gazettes then appeared, telling in brief periods what had taken place; and rejoicing multitudes thronged the Wilhelms-Platz and Wilhelms-Strasse till far into the evening. Conservative clubs serenaded him, and, for the first time in his life, Bismarck addressed from the window the people of Berlin.
From that day all vacillation81 in Bismarck was at an end. The Lord God, in his wonderful salvation82, had vouchsafed83 him a sign, and he again felt the full and strong conscience of his historical mission; he knew that he was the sentinel whom God had placed at a post, from which alone He could relieve him. Nor was this a Divine signal to Bismarck alone.
It is known that the political enthusiast84 who attempted the murder, the step-son of a democratic fugitive85 named Blind, whose name he had assumed, ended his career by suicide before any examination could take place. There were traces of a conspiracy86 certainly discovered, but they were not pursued; the attempt at assassination87 therefore can not be regarded as the crime of an individual. It was sad enough to see that the fanatical hatred88 of Bismarck went so far in Austria and South Germany; that voices were raised, trying to elevate the murderer into a martyr89. The Austrian press dishonored itself by the publication of an advertisement in which an obscure advocate set a price on Bismarck’s head. It was very silly that the Ritter von Geist in Vienna[393] endeavored to account for Bismarck’s wonderful escape by changing his shirt into a suit of chain mail, and then with wonderful wit declared that the Prussian Minister-President bought his linen90 from the ironmonger!
The times were growing more serious; minds began to feel that stillness which precedes the storm.
“Mit Gott für K?nig und Vaterland!”—“With God for King and Fatherland!”—the ancient royal battle-cry of olden time, first crept softly and then louder and louder from heart to heart, from mouth to mouth, until at last it thundered in the roaring of a thousand cannon throughout the trembling world. It seems sad that in those very days a valiant91 archduke in Italy, most infelicitously92 altering our old dear Prussian cry, closed an order of the day with the words: “For God with Emperor and Fatherland!”
It was just during these days of omen9 that Bismarck, although very serious, was more gentle and kind than ever to his relatives and friends. There was expectation, often expectation to the greatest tension, but no vacillation, no doubt in him; he was a brave man from head to foot. In the later hours of evening he was often in the beautiful garden of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, of which garden he was very fond; under its old trees he used to take counsel with Moltke, with Roon, and others; there he often walked up and down restlessly for hours, in deep thought, waiting for a royal message. There, too, the eventful thought flashed upon him, in the night of Thursday to Friday, from the 14th to the 15th of June, to set the Prussian columns in motion twenty-four hours sooner than had been intended. Immediately General von Moltke was sent for, and the telegraph was at work.
In the enthusiasm at the first results, and in the restless activity of those days, Bismarck seemed to have lost every trace of illness. An old partisan93 of his, who was invited to dinner by him in those days, found him fresher and more vigorous than ever. During the most animated94 conversation, the news came in that telegraphic communication with Italy was broken off. Bismarck turned to Legations Councillor von Keudell and said, “Dear Keudell, please give directions that telegrams be sent via London,” and continued his conversation. Immediately after dinner General von Moltke was announced. Bismarck went out, but returned[394] in ten minutes, quite at ease, and invited his guest to accompany him into the garden, although no doubt those ten minutes had been spent in a conference of the most important eventful character. General von Werder was announced. Another conference, and then Bismarck related, in strolling about the garden, how on that forenoon, worn out by continued exertion95 to the greatest extent, and waiting in the antechamber of the King, he had fallen asleep on a sofa. He delighted in his garden, and got on the ice-house, from which he could overlook the whole of the green thickets97 of the fine large garden behind the palace in the Wilhelms-Strasse.
A few days later, on Friday, the 29th of June, the first news of victory arrived. No one, no one will ever forget that day! As if by enchantment98, the whole of Berlin was dressed in black-and-white flags; in every street resounded99, in joy, “Ich bin100 ein Preusse, kennt ihr meine Farben?”—“I am a Prussian; do you know my colors?”[51] In thousands the multitude pressed to the[395] palace of the King, who greeted his faithful people from the window, while the General-Intendant von Hülsen read the victorious101 news from the balcony. There was no end to the rejoicings bursting joyfully102 from full hearts. It was indeed a Prussian day!
When Count Bismarck, at about 2 p.m., left the royal palace, he was besieged103 on all sides. Every one wanted to shake hands; on that day, in that hour, every one felt and knew what Count Bismarck was to Prussia; some have already forgotten it, and there are others who would fain have it forgotten.
Bismarck was visibly in deep emotion, but he maintained his serious carriage. The first victories did not intoxicate104 him; his prudence37, indeed, had apparently105 increased in power. In this hour he thought of the sacrifice, and was humble106 in his heart.
In the evening, the multitude returned to the palace of the King, and sang Luther’s hymn—“Ein feste Burg ist unser Gott”—“A fortress107 firm is our God.” The King returned thanks. Only the few persons, close to him could hear the words—the roaring ocean of human voices drowned them—and yet every man knew what the King had said. Prussia’s King could only express what every Prussian felt and thought at this moment. Thence the multitude rushed to the Crown Prince’s palace, and greeted with hoch and hurrah108 the victorious leader of the second army, which had stood so well against the enemy; thence to the palace of Prince Charles, the eldest109 Prince of the royal house, whose son, Prince Frederick Charles, had penetrated110 so gloriously into Bohemia with the first army, and had won “first blood” for Prussia in this war. Next the mass stood head to head in the Wilhelms-Strasse, before Bismarck’s hotel; the never-ending cry of triumph forced the Minister-President to the window. He raised his hand in token that he would speak; all were silent beneath; from the distance on both sides the muffled111 roaring of the shores of this popular mass toned along. For the second time Count Bismarck addressed the people of Berlin, in powerful but proudly moderate words; he ended with a salute112 to the King and his army. At the moment a tremendous peal113 of thunder reverberated114 over the royal city, a flash of forked lightning illuminated115 the scene, and, with a strongly ringing voice, Bismarck shouted above the multitude, “The heavens fire a salute!”
[396]
No one will ever forget it who heard that peal of thunder. The reply was returned as with one voice; then the rejoicing mass got again into motion to greet “old Roon,” the faithful warrior116, at the Ministry of War.
On the 30th of June Bismarck left Berlin in the suite117 of the King, with Generals von Roon and von Moltke. The King was also accompanied by the General Feld Zeugmeister, Prince Charles of Prussia, Herrenmeister of Balley Brandenburg, for the seat of war. The carriages rolled by the statues of the Great Frederick, the heroes of the War of Freedom, and the great Elector on the Long Bridge. Bismarck was serious and firm, looking like an iron statue, and more taciturn than ever. The first night’s quarters the King passed at the Castle of Reichenberg—a few days before the head-quarters of his victorious nephew, Prince Frederick Charles, who had already penetrated far into Bohemia, and was encamped in the fields, where Prussian hearts were throbbing118 to the Almighty, and their arms smiting119 the foe120, according to the brave phrase of the Maccabees, which the Prince had used in General Orders, but which contradictory121 ignorance could not find, and still prates122 enough about it to this day, as a Prussian[397] “Bible forgery123.”[52] Count Bismarck, at the first night’s lodging124 at Reichenberg—and, it is said, not without reason—evinced great anxiety as to the safety of his royal master. Of himself he thought much less; perhaps he does not know, to this moment, that it was only towards the morning it was found possible to disembark his horses and bring them up. We have heard that a surprise of the royal head-quarters by a strong body of cavalry125 advance was not beyond the bounds of possibility. Sufficient reason for Bismarck’s anxiety! From Sichrow and Jitschen, Bismarck wrote the following letters to his wife:—
Sichrow, 1st July, 1866.
To-day we have started from Reichenberg, and have just reached this place. It is uncertain whether we shall remain here or proceed to Turnau. The whole journey was dangerous. The Austrians, yesterday, had they sent cavalry from Leitmeritz, might have caught the King and all the rest of us. Charles, the coachman, has had a severe fall with the mare126, which ran away with him. At first he was thought dead; he is lying in the hospital here, near Sichrow, in the next village. Kurt had better come for him.
Everywhere we meet prisoners; according to the returns there are already above fifteen thousand. Jitschin was yesterday taken by us at the point of the bayonet by the Frankfurt Division; General Tümpling was severely127 wounded in the hip17, but not mortally. The heat is terrible. The carriage of provisions is difficult. Our troops suffer from weariness and hunger. There are not many traces of war here, except the down-trodden cornfields. The people are not afraid of the soldiers; they stand in their Sunday clothes at their doors, with wife and children, in astonishment128. At Trautenau the inhabitants murdered twenty defenseless oboists of ours, who had remained behind the front after the passage of their regiments129. The criminals are at Glogau, before court-martial. At Münchengr?tz a brewer130 enticed131 twenty-six of our soldiers into the spirit vault132, made them drunk, and set it on fire. The distillery belongs to a convent. Except such things, we learn little more here than you do in Berlin. This castle, which is very splendid, belongs to Prince Rohan, whom I saw every year at Gastein.
[398]
Jitschen, not Gitschin, 2d July, 1866.
We have just arrived from Sichrow; the battle-field here was still full of corpses133, horses, and arms. Our victories are much greater than we thought; it seems we have already more than fifteen thousand prisoners, and with dead and wounded the Austrian loss is stated at a higher figure—about twenty thousand men. Two of their corps134 are completely dispersed135, some regiments destroyed to the last man. Till now I have seen more Austrian prisoners than Prussian soldiers. Send me cigars by the courier every time—a thousand at a time, if they can be had, price twenty dollars, for the hospitals. All the wounded beg them of me. Then by clubs, or our own resources, subscribe136 for some dozens of Kreuzzeitungs for the hospitals—for instance, the one at Reichenberg; the other places can be learnt at the Ministry of War. What is Clermont-Tonnere about? is he not coming? I have no news by the post. Send me a revolver of wide calibre, a saddle-pistol. Charles, the coachman, is better; he will not suffer permanently137, but for some time will not be fit for service. Charles B. is much to be praised; he is the active principle[399] of our travelling household. I greet you heartily138. Send me a French novel to read, but only one at a time. God keep you.
Your letter with the Homburg inclosure has just arrived; a thousand thanks. I can understand how you feel the quiet of our departure. In our hurry here one feels nothing of the position—perhaps a little in bed at night.
On the road to Jitschen, on the battle-field, Prince Frederick Charles came to meet his royal uncle. What a meeting! The Prince drove into Jitschen with the King about 2 p.m., where the King alighted at the Golden Lion. The guard of honor here consisted of Pomeranian Grenadiers of the regiment of the late King.
We are not here writing a history of the famous campaign; we will only observe that on the 2d July no battle was expected at the royal head-quarters for the next day; the King visited the wounded, and Bismarck accompanied him.
About 11 o’clock p.m. the chief of the staff of Prince Frederick Charles, General von Voigts-Rheetz, arrived in Jitschen from[400] Kamenitz, the head-quarters of the Prince, bringing with him the plans and positions of battle, settled by the Prince in consequence of the daring reconnoissance of an officer on his staff, Major von Unger, which plans were submitted to the King. Immediately upon the arrival of General von Voigts-Rheetz the Council of War was summoned to the King, the battle dispositions139 of the Prince were entirely accepted, all arrangements made, and Count Finck von Finckenstein rode off on his historical ride to the army of the Crown Prince, to summon it up. The plan was exceedingly simple. Prince Frederick Charles was to throw himself on the front of the enemy, seize it, and if possible overcome it, until the Crown Prince arrived with the second army, to give the coup140 de grace.
On the 3d July, amidst fog and rain, Prince Frederick Charles set out to battle against the overwhelming force of the enemy: in the first dawn of the day his troops were in their assigned position. At eight the Prince began the battle. “Too early!” critical voices have said; but military authorities have said, “at the right moment!” for any longer delay would have allowed General Benedek to take up a much stronger position. The Prince bravely took the enormous responsibility on himself, and commenced the battle. At nine a ringing shout of joy announced the arrival of the King on the battle-field, and with him came Count Bismarck, the great Major of Landwehr.
Certainly it created a fine impression, to see the faithful First Councillor on the mare Veranda—since that time known as “Sadowa”—on the field of honor, “where the bullet whistles, and the lance is couched, and death is rushing round in every shape”—behind the venerable King. Whoever had seen Bismarck only under the cross-fire of the disdainful speech of a political opposition142 in the debates of the Chamber96, firm, half-contemptuous, and mighty63, had never seen him as a whole; he was seen to best advantage amidst the bullets of Sadowa. There he sat, his high form upright in the saddle, upon a very tall roan, with a plain paletot over his uniform, while his piercing eyes scanned each movement from beneath his helmet. And thus he sat and rode for hours, for momentous143 hours, behind his royal master, in thunder and in smoke. Behind him again the musical and gallant[401] Legations Rath von Keudell, also an officer in the Landwehr cavalry. Noon arrived, but no decisive news from the Crown Prince. The battle went burning on, and many a brave heart feared at that time for beloved Prussia. Dark were the looks in the neighborhood of the King; old Roon, and Moltke of the bright face, sat there like two statues of bronze. It was whispered that the Prince would have to loose his Brandenburgers—his own beloved third corps, whom he had till now held in reserve; his stormers of Düppel—against the foe, which meant that he would have to set his last hazard on the die to gain the victory. Suddenly Bismarck lowered the glass through which he had been observing the country in the direction from which the Crown Prince was approaching, and drew the attention of his neighbors to certain lines in the far distance. All telescopes were pointed144 thitherward, but the lines were pronounced to be ploughed fields. There was a deep silence, and then the Minister-President lowered his glass again and said, decidedly, “Those are not plough furrows145; the spaces are not equal; they are marching lines!” Bismarck had been the first to discover the advance of the second army. In a little while the adjutants and intelligence flew about in every direction—the Crown Prince and victory were at hand!
[402]
Prince Frederick Charles sent forward his major, Von Unger-Manstein, and the Brandenburg brigade of Düppel marched forward, playing, “Heil dir im Siegerkranz!”[53]
[403]
The rest need not be told here. Bismarck followed his King in the battle. The warlike monarch146 dashed into the grenade fire of the enemy, on which Bismarck made him pause, and said, “As a major I have no right to counsel your Majesty on the battle-field, but as Minister-President it is my duty to beg your Majesty not to seek evident danger!” With a friendly smile, the royal hero replied, “How can I ride off when my army is under fire?”
In the evening Bismarck reached Horitz; there he thought to pass the night on the open road; and had already laid himself down under an open colonnade147, when the Grand Duke of Mecklenburg, who heard of the circumstance, sent for him to his quarters. Who could tell, even remotely, what were the feelings and thoughts of Bismarck that took their course through his heart and head on that eventful night? And on the following day he rode behind his victorious monarch, deeper and ever deeper into the land of the vanquished148 enemy, from Bohemia into Moravia. Certainly Bismarck was grateful for the great victory; but a deep seriousness sat upon his countenance75, for he knew that he was riding towards the silent battle-field where he was commander-in-chief, and where he had to be the victor.
On his road he wrote the following letters to his wife:—
Hohenmauth, Monday, 9th July, 1866.
Do you remember, my heart, how, nineteen years ago, we passed through here on the road from Prague to Vienna? No mirror showed the future—not even when I passed over this railway, in 1852, with the kind Lynar. We are all well. If we do[404] not become extravagant149 in our demands, and do not imagine that we have conquered the world, we shall obtain a peace worth the having. But we are as easily intoxicated150 as cast down, and I have the unthankful office of pouring water into this foaming151 wine, and to cause it to be understood that we do not inhabit Europe alone, but with three neighbors. The Austrians are encamped in Moravia, and we are already so daring as to affirm that our head-quarters will to-morrow be where theirs are to-day. Prisoners are still arriving, and cannon since the 3d to the number of one hundred and eighty. If they bring up their southern army, with God’s gracious assistance, we will beat that also. Confidence is general. Our people are worthy153 to be kissed; every man is brave to the death, quiet, obedient, moralized, with empty stomachs, wet clothes, little sleep, boot-soles falling off—friendly towards every one, no plundering154 and burning, paying what they are able, and eating mouldy bread. There must exist a depth of piety155 in our common soldier, or all this could not be. It is difficult to obtain any news of friends. We lie miles away from each other; no one knows where the other may be, and there is no one to send—that is to say, plenty of men, but no horses. For four days I have been seeking for Philip,[54] who has been slightly wounded in the head by a lance-thrust, as G. wrote me word, but I can not discover where he lies, and now we have proceeded eight miles farther. The King exposed himself very greatly on the 3d, and it was well that I was with him, for all the warnings of others were in vain, and no one else would have dared to have spoken as I did on the last occasion, when I succeeded, after a knot of ten cuirassiers and fifteen horses of the 6th Cuirassier Regiment were rolling around in their blood, and bombs were flying about in very unpleasant proximity156 to our Sovereign. The worst of them, fortunately, did not explode. Yet I would rather have it so than that he should be over-prudent. He was full of enthusiasm at his troops, and justly; so that he never remarked the noise and fighting around him, and sat quiet and comfortably, as if at Kreuzberg, continually coming across battalions157 whom he had to thank and say “Good-night” to, until we had got under fire again. He had to listen to so much on the subject, however, that he will let it alone for the[405] future, and you may rest quite tranquil158. I hardly believe in another real battle.
If you receive no news from any one, you may be assured that he is alive and well, for any wounds to friends we hear of in less than twenty-four hours. We have not as yet come into contact with Herwarth and Steinmetz; therefore I have also not seen Sch., but I know that both are well. G. leads his squadron quietly forward with his arm in a sling159. Farewell. I must go to duty. Your most faithful
V. B.
Zwittau in Moravia, 11th July, 1866.
I am in want of an inkstand, all being in use; otherwise I am well, after sleeping well on a field-bed and air-mattress, and awakening160 at eight to find a letter from you. I had gone to bed at eleven. At K?nigsgr?tz I rode the tall roan; was thirteen hours in the saddle without fodder161. He behaved very well, was frightened neither at the firing nor the corpses, ate corn-tops and plum-leaves with satisfaction at the most difficult moments, and went thoroughly162 well to the end, when I seemed more tired than the horse. My first bed for the night was on the roadway of Horic, without straw, with the aid of a carriage cushion. Every place was full of the wounded; the Grand Duke of Mecklenburg found me, and then shared his chamber with me, R., and two adjutants—which, on account of the rain, was very welcome to me. As to the King and the bombs, I have already informed you. The generals all were full of the superstition163 that, as soldiers, they dared not speak to the King of danger, and always sent me to him, although I am a major. The rising trigger of the revolver covers the sight point, and the notch164 in the top of the cock does not show in the line of sight. Tell T. of this. Good-bye, my dearest; I must go to S. Your faithful
V. B.
Nicolsburg! It was there that Bismarck fought his quiet battle, there he accomplished165 his Sadowa, and chivalrously166 strove for victory and peace, not alone against the diplomacy167 of his antagonists168, but against the proud daring of triumph in his own camp, which encircled him in so heart-warming and so seductive a manner. Perhaps Bismarck never showed himself a greater statesman than in those days; the billows of victory could not[406] overthrow169 him, mightily170 as they dashed over him; he stood like a tower in the torrent171 of rancor172, anger, even of most malicious173 suspicion, which rose up against him. But he perceived the hollow-eyed ghost of pest silently creeping through the armies, and pitilessly strangling out the life of the victors; he knew what the climate of Hungary was in August, and he looked boldly at the cloud which was rising, pregnant with calamity174, in the far west. Hail to the faithful and brave hearts who in so terrible an hour clung firmly to Bismarck!
It was a strange coincidence that the magnificent castle of Nicolsburg had passed through the female line from the inheritance of the great house of the Princes of Dietrichstein to General Count von Mensdorff-Ponilly, of Lothringian descent, like the Austrian Imperial House itself, so that peace was actually negotiated in the very mansion175 of the Imperial Minister for Foreign Affairs himself. Has not the Count Mensdorff-Ponilly, as the heir of the Dietrichsteins through his wife, been recently raised to princely rank under the title of Nicolsburg?
As Napoleon the First resided here after the battle of Austerlitz, so did William I. reside here after the battle of Sadowa; the castle has historical recollections enough. Count Bismarck contemplated176 the magnificent pile on his arrival intently, and then said with grave mirth to his companions: “My old mansion of Sch?nhausen is certainly very insignificant177 in comparison with this splendid building, therefore I am better pleased that we should be here at Count Mensdorff’s, than that he should now be at my house!”
In these final days of July the preliminaries of Nicolsburg were completed, which resulted in the peace of Prague.
[407]
The battle was over, victory had been attained178; then weakness and illness assailed Bismarck, worse than ever. The old pains of nervous rheumatism179 came more terribly than before; but he kept himself up by the power of the will, for his King was still in want of him.
On the 3d of August Bismarck wrote to his wife, on his return from Prague—“that fated city, where heroes sicken”—as follows:—
Prague, 3d August, 1866.
I have stolen away from the railway station, and am waiting here alone, and without luggage, until the King arrives, and after him my packages. This moment of compulsory180 inactivity I employ in greeting you from hence, and telling you that I am well, and hope to be in Berlin to-morrow night. The King is in excellent health. The multitudes between here and the station are so packed that I fear there will be accidents.
Evening.—The King came quicker than I expected, and since then we have had business of all kinds, and then dinner. I have just returned from a drive with His Majesty through Hradschin, the Belvedere, etc., and have seen all the beauties of the Prague neighborhood. In a few days it will be just nineteen years since we saw all these things together. How many wonders had to take place ere I should find myself to-day in the same place, without B. Hei cerstwa! I had remembered to my coachman’s great satisfaction. To-morrow we hope to be in Berlin. There is great controversy181 as to the speech from the throne. The little people have all of them not enough to do; they see no farther than their own noses, and exercise their powers of natation on the stormy waves of eloquence182. One can manage to settle with one’s enemies—but alas for one’s friends! They have all got blinkers on, and only see a spot of the earth.
This reference to the speech from the throne in the letter probably touches especially on the question of indemnity183.
There was something peculiar184 about this indemnity which Bismarck demanded and obtained from the Diet which was immediately summoned after the war. The word sounded very harsh to the ears of the victors; and there are many honorable[408] men at the present day who still painfully feel that Bismarck considered it necessary then to obtain this indemnity. Certainly the wearied statesman did not fight this new fight for the indemnity from any affection for the doctrine185 of Constitutionalism.
On the 4th of August Bismarck returned, in the suite of the King, to Berlin, amidst the nameless rejoicings of the nation. On the next day came the solemn opening of the Diet, and a torrent of work overwhelmed the Minister-President. Then ensued the peace-treaties with individual States, the consolidation of the conquered provinces, the formation of the North German Confederation, cares as to envious186 malice187; and through all this the suffering man held himself up, pale, but firm, sustained by his high sense of duty, by the consciousness of his supreme188 mission. For days and hours the powers of Bismarck, stretched to their utmost tension, gave way, but he always recovered himself, presenting an undaunted front in every direction.
This, indeed, was necessary; for the victorious war had brought him no rest. The relations towards the West were growing more and more menacing; the cloud he had perceived from Nicolsburg was assuming form. It could no longer be compared at will to a weasel or a camel. Had the cloud obtained a name, a new war on the Rhine was almost unavoidable, a war in which Prussia would unquestionably have to shed her blood only for the laurels189, without winning the fruits, of victory. Such a war, however, Bismarck desired—was indeed forced—to avoid from a sense of duty. Let us allow a Frenchman to relate in what manner he accomplished this task.
A long essay was published in the Revue Moderne of Paris, by J. Vilbort, under the title of “Germany since Sadowa.” Contained in this is the speech on territorial compensations, demanded by France in August, 1866, at the very time when the rejoicings in Prussia were at their height.
“On the 7th of August,” says M. Vilbort, “we took our leave of M. de Bismarck, from whom we had received, before, during, and after the war, a consistently kind reception, for which we are bound to express our liveliest acknowledgments. About 10 p.m. we were in the study of the Premier190, when M. Benedette, the French ambassador, was announced. ‘Will you take a cup[409] of tea in the salon?’ M. de Bismarck said to me. ‘I will be yours in a moment.’ Two hours passed away; midnight struck; one o’clock. Some twenty persons, his family and intimate friends, awaited their host. At last he appeared, with a cheerful face and a smile upon his lips. Tea was taken; there was smoking and beer, in German fashion. Conversation turned, pleasantly or seriously, on Germany, Italy, and France. Rumors191 of a war with France were then current for the tenth time in Berlin. At the moment of my departure, I said:—‘M. le Ministre, will you pardon me a very indiscreet question? Do I take war or peace with me back to Paris?’ M. de Bismarck replied, with animation192, ‘Friendship, a lasting193 friendship with France! I entertain the firmest hope that France and Prussia, in the future, will represent the dualism of intelligence and progress.’ Nevertheless, it seemed to us that at these words we surprised a singular smile on the lips of a man who is destined194 to play a distinguished part in Prussian politics, the Privy195 Councillor Baron196 von ——. We visited him the next morning, and admitted to him how much reflection this smile had caused us. ‘You leave for France to-night,’ he replied; ‘well, give me your word of honor to preserve the secret I am about to confide152 to you until you reach Paris. Ere a fortnight is past we shall have war on the Rhine, if France insists upon her territorial demands. She asks of us what we neither will nor can give. Prussia will not cede7 an inch of German soil; we can not do so without raising the whole of Germany against us, and, if it be necessary, let it rise against France rather than ourselves.’ This step of the Cabinet of the Tuileries, especially impolitic and unskillful at such a moment, served M. de Bismarck, on the other hand, in all his German undertakings197. He found in it an irresistible198 argument to prove the necessity of great armaments against France, while, at the same time, his refusal to give up the smallest portion of German territory elevated the dignity of Prussia in the eyes of all patriots; nor did it benefit the Minister less, who thus upheld the national standard high and firmly in the sight of the foreigner. Thus it happened that, after half a century, the Napoleonistic policy for the second time divided two great nations, who, by their intellectual, moral, and material development, by all their interests and aspirations199, are destined to form a fraternal[410] alliance, and thus insure the freedom and peace of Europe on an infrangible basis.”
On the 20th of September, 1866, Bismarck, after a short rest, was able to assume the place of honor which was his due in the memorable200 triumphant entry of the troops to Berlin, as Major-General and Chief of the Seventh Heavy Landwehr Regiment of Horse, to which his grateful Sovereign had appointed him. Immediately before the King there rode, in one rank, Count Bismarck, the War Minister General von Roon, General von Moltke, the Chief of the General Staff, General von Voigts-Rheetz as Chief of the General Staff of the First Army, and General von Blumenthal as Chief of the General Staff of the Second; while the King was immediately followed by the Royal Princes and other commanders. There was a great and intelligent recognition in this Royal order of arrangement.
[411]
As may be understood, the loud rejoicings on the occasion of this magnificent festival of victory were in honor of the Army and its Royal Commander-in-Chief; but many an eye followed, with grateful admiration201 and emotion, the powerful form of the Minister-President, in the white uniform, with the yellow collar and accoutrements of his regiment, wearing the orange sash of the Exalted202 Order of the Black Eagle on his broad chest, his flashing helmet being deeply pressed over his forehead, astride of his tall horse, riding along in so stately a manner, and occasionally saluting203 a friend, here and there, in a courteous204 way. Scarcely one of the multitude whose acclamations met his ear even suspected that the mighty man, in intolerable pain, could scarcely keep himself upright in the saddle.
Nor could Bismarck altogether withdraw himself from the patriotic[412] festivals which accompanied and followed the triumphant entry of the army. Too much was wanting where he was absent. We then saw him at the monster dinner which was given in honor of him, and to Generals Von Roon and Von Moltke, by an enthusiastic assembly, formed of men of all parties. Zealous205 democrats206 then applauded the great statesman, and whoever was present on that occasion would have believed that Bismarck was also popular, in the ordinary sense of the word. When the Minister-President, in the pithy207 speech in which he acknowledged the toast pledged in his honor, said that the Berlin people, as this war had shown, had their hearts, words, and hands in the right place, the enthusiasm knew no bounds, and the guests rushed from all quarters to pledge him again. When the storm had become somewhat allayed208, the Director, Dr. Bonnell, of the Friedrich’s Werder Gymnasium, was seen to step forward.
Bismarck seized his early teacher by both hands, and thanked him heartily for a poetic209 greeting with which he had presented him on his return, merrily regretting that he had not been able to reply in Alcaic verse. The Chief Burgomaster, sitting opposite[413] him, asked whether the Minister-President sent his sons to the same institution. “Certainly,” answered Bismarck; “and I myself was also a scholar of Bonnell!” And so introduced his old teacher in the heartiest210 manner.
After this festival, Bismarck’s last strength failed him. He went into the country to Patbus, when he fell very ill, and only gradually recovered after a long time, and then not wholly, but just enough to admit of his return to business at Berlin in December.
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1
imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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consolidation
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| n.合并,巩固 | |
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triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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lapsed
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| adj.流失的，堕落的v.退步( lapse的过去式和过去分词 )；陷入；倒退；丧失 | |
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federation
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| n.同盟，联邦，联合，联盟，联合会 | |
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cede
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| v.割让，放弃 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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omen
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| n.征兆，预兆；vt.预示 | |
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depressed
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| adj.沮丧的，抑郁的，不景气的，萧条的 | |
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patriots
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| 爱国者，爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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accede
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| v.应允，同意 | |
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minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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ominous
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| adj.不祥的，不吉的，预兆的，预示的 | |
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tottered
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| v.走得或动得不稳( totter的过去式和过去分词 )；踉跄；蹒跚；摇摇欲坠 | |
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thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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hip
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| n.臀部，髋；屋脊 | |
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coalesce
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| v.联合，结合，合并 | |
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credible
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| adj.可信任的，可靠的 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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fomented
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| v.激起，煽动（麻烦等）( foment的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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wrecked
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| adj.失事的，遇难的 | |
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rupture
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| n.破裂；(关系的)决裂；v.(使)破裂 | |
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complaisance
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| n.彬彬有礼，殷勤，柔顺 | |
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gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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dispense
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| vt.分配，分发；配(药)，发(药)；实施 | |
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den
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| n.兽穴；秘密地方；安静的小房间，私室 | |
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semblance
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| n.外貌，外表 | |
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aspiration
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| n.志向，志趣抱负；渴望；(语)送气音；吸出 | |
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territorial
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| adj.领土的，领地的 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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obstinately
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| ad.固执地，顽固地 | |
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concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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stigmatized
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| v.使受耻辱，指责，污辱( stigmatize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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unconditionally
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| adv.无条件地 | |
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reticence
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| n.沉默，含蓄 | |
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aggrandizement
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| n.增大，强化，扩大 | |
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rib
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| n.肋骨，肋状物 | |
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breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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50
lamed
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| 希伯莱语第十二个字母 | |
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51
perfidious
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| adj.不忠的，背信弃义的 | |
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52
impeded
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| 阻碍，妨碍，阻止( impede的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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53
intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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54
hovered
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| 鸟( hover的过去式和过去分词 )； 靠近（某事物）； （人）徘徊； 犹豫 | |
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55
assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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corporeally
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| adv.肉体上，物质上 | |
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courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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58
brotherhood
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| n.兄弟般的关系，手中情谊 | |
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cowardice
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| n.胆小，怯懦 | |
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60
overtures
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| n.主动的表示，提议；（向某人做出的）友好表示、姿态或提议( overture的名词复数 )；（歌剧、芭蕾舞、音乐剧等的）序曲，前奏曲 | |
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61
intensified
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| v.（使）增强， （使）加剧( intensify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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62
almighty
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| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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64
wretch
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| n.可怜的人，不幸的人；卑鄙的人 | |
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65
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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66
elastically
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| adv.有弹性地，伸缩自如地 | |
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67
concussion
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| n.脑震荡；震动 | |
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68
battalion
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| n.营；部队；大队(的人) | |
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69
regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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70
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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71
preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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72
salon
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| n.[法]沙龙；客厅；营业性的高级服务室 | |
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73
heartier
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| 亲切的( hearty的比较级 )； 热诚的； 健壮的； 精神饱满的 | |
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74
prudently
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| adv. 谨慎地，慎重地 | |
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75
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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76
countenances
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| n.面容( countenance的名词复数 )；表情；镇静；道义支持 | |
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77
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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78
ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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79
thronged
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| v.成群，挤满( throng的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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80
inscribed
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| v.写，刻( inscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；内接 | |
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81
vacillation
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| n.动摇；忧柔寡断 | |
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82
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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83
vouchsafed
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| v.给予，赐予( vouchsafe的过去式和过去分词 )；允诺 | |
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84
enthusiast
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| n.热心人，热衷者 | |
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85
fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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86
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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87
assassination
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| n.暗杀；暗杀事件 | |
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88
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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89
martyr
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| n.烈士，殉难者；vt.杀害，折磨，牺牲 | |
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90
linen
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| n.亚麻布，亚麻线，亚麻制品；adj.亚麻布制的，亚麻的 | |
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91
valiant
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| adj.勇敢的，英勇的；n.勇士，勇敢的人 | |
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92
infelicitously
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93
partisan
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| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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94
animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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95
exertion
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| n.尽力，努力 | |
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96
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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97
thickets
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| n.灌木丛( thicket的名词复数 )；丛状物 | |
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98
enchantment
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| n.迷惑，妖术，魅力 | |
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99
resounded
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| v.（指声音等）回荡于某处( resound的过去式和过去分词 )；产生回响；（指某处）回荡着声音 | |
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100
bin
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| n.箱柜；vt.放入箱内；[计算机] DOS文件名:二进制目标文件 | |
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101
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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102
joyfully
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| adv. 喜悦地, 高兴地 | |
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103
besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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104
intoxicate
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| vt.使喝醉，使陶醉，使欣喜若狂 | |
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105
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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106
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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107
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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108
hurrah
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| int.好哇，万岁，乌拉 | |
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109
eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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110
penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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111
muffled
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| adj.（声音）被隔的；听不太清的；（衣服）裹严的；蒙住的v.压抑，捂住( muffle的过去式和过去分词 )；用厚厚的衣帽包着（自己） | |
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112
salute
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| vi.行礼，致意，问候，放礼炮；vt.向…致意，迎接，赞扬；n.招呼，敬礼，礼炮 | |
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113
peal
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| n.钟声；v.鸣响 | |
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114
reverberated
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| 回响，回荡( reverberate的过去式和过去分词 )； 使反响，使回荡，使反射 | |
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115
illuminated
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| adj.被照明的；受启迪的 | |
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116
warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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117
suite
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| n.一套(家具)；套房；随从人员 | |
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118
throbbing
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| a. 跳动的,悸动的 | |
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119
smiting
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| v.猛打，重击，打击( smite的现在分词 ) | |
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120
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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121
contradictory
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| adj.反驳的，反对的，抗辩的；n.正反对，矛盾对立 | |
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122
prates
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| v.（古时用语）唠叨，啰唆( prate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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123
forgery
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| n.伪造的文件等，赝品，伪造（行为） | |
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124
lodging
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| n.寄宿，住所；(大学生的)校外宿舍 | |
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125
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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126
mare
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| n.母马，母驴 | |
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127
severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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128
astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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129
regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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130
brewer
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| n. 啤酒制造者 | |
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131
enticed
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| 诱惑，怂恿( entice的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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132
vault
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| n.拱形圆顶，地窖，地下室 | |
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133
corpses
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| n.死尸，尸体( corpse的名词复数 ) | |
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134
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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135
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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136
subscribe
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| vi.(to)订阅，订购；同意；vt.捐助，赞助 | |
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137
permanently
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| adv.永恒地，永久地，固定不变地 | |
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138
heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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139
dispositions
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| 安排( disposition的名词复数 )； 倾向； （财产、金钱的）处置； 气质 | |
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140
coup
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| n.政变；突然而成功的行动 | |
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141
alas
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| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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142
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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143
momentous
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| adj.重要的，重大的 | |
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144
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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145
furrows
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| n.犁沟( furrow的名词复数 )；（脸上的）皱纹v.犁田，开沟( furrow的第三人称单数 ) | |
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146
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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147
colonnade
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| n.柱廊 | |
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148
vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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149
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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150
intoxicated
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| 喝醉的，极其兴奋的 | |
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151
foaming
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| adj.布满泡沫的；发泡 | |
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152
confide
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| v.向某人吐露秘密 | |
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153
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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154
plundering
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的现在分词 ) | |
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155
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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156
proximity
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| n.接近，邻近 | |
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157
battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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158
tranquil
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| adj. 安静的, 宁静的, 稳定的, 不变的 | |
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159
sling
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| vt.扔；悬挂；n.挂带；吊索，吊兜；弹弓 | |
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160
awakening
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| n.觉醒，醒悟 adj.觉醒中的；唤醒的 | |
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161
fodder
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| n.草料；炮灰 | |
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162
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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163
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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164
notch
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| n.(V字形)槽口，缺口，等级 | |
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165
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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166
chivalrously
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| adv.象骑士一样地 | |
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167
diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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168
antagonists
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| 对立[对抗] 者，对手，敌手( antagonist的名词复数 )； 对抗肌； 对抗药 | |
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169
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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170
mightily
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| ad.强烈地；非常地 | |
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171
torrent
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| n.激流，洪流；爆发，(话语等的)连发 | |
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172
rancor
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| n.深仇，积怨 | |
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173
malicious
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| adj.有恶意的，心怀恶意的 | |
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174
calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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175
mansion
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| n.大厦，大楼；宅第 | |
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176
contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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177
insignificant
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| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
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178
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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179
rheumatism
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| n.风湿病 | |
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180
compulsory
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| n.强制的，必修的；规定的，义务的 | |
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181
controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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182
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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183
indemnity
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| n.赔偿，赔款，补偿金 | |
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184
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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185
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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186
envious
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| adj.嫉妒的，羡慕的 | |
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187
malice
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| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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188
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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189
laurels
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| n.桂冠，荣誉 | |
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190
premier
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| adj.首要的；n.总理，首相 | |
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191
rumors
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| n.传闻( rumor的名词复数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷v.传闻( rumor的第三人称单数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷 | |
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192
animation
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| n.活泼，兴奋，卡通片／动画片的制作 | |
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193
lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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194
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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195
privy
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| adj.私用的；隐密的 | |
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196
baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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197
undertakings
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| 企业( undertaking的名词复数 )； 保证； 殡仪业； 任务 | |
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198
irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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199
aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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200
memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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201
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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202
exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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203
saluting
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| v.欢迎，致敬( salute的现在分词 )；赞扬，赞颂 | |
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204
courteous
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| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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205
zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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206
democrats
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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207
pithy
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| adj.(讲话或文章)简练的 | |
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208
allayed
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| v.减轻，缓和( allay的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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209
poetic
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| adj.富有诗意的，有诗人气质的，善于抒情的 | |
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210
heartiest
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| 亲切的( hearty的最高级 )； 热诚的； 健壮的； 精神饱满的 | |
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