He had never seen service, and knew nothing of war. By birth he was Irish, of good family, being nephew of Admiral Sir Peter Warren, who, owning extensive wild lands on the Mohawk, had placed the young man in charge of them nearly twenty years before. Johnson was born to prosper9. He had ambition, energy, an active mind, a tall, strong person, a rough, jovial10 temper, and a quick adaptation to his surroundings. He could drink flip11 with Dutch boors12, or Madeira with royal governors. He liked the society of the great, would intrigue13 and flatter when he had an end to gain, and foil a rival without looking too closely at the means; but compared with the Indian traders who infested14 the border, he was a model of uprightness. He lived by the Mohawk in a fortified15 house which was a stronghold against foes16 and a scene of hospitality to friends, both white and red. Here—for his tastes were not fastidious—presided for many years a Dutch or German wench whom he finally married; and after her death a young Mohawk squaw took her place. Over his neighbors, the Indians of the Five Nations, and all others of their race with whom he had to deal, he acquired a remarkable17 influence. He liked them, adopted their ways, and treated them kindly18 or sternly as the case required, but always with a justice and honesty in strong contrast with the rascalities of the commission of Albany traders who had lately managed their affairs, and whom they so detested20 that one of their chiefs called them "not men, but devils." Hence, when Johnson was made Indian superintendent21 there was joy through all the Iroquois confederacy. When, in addition, he was made a general, he assembled the warriors23 in council to engage them to aid the expedition.
This meeting took place at his own house, known as Fort Johnson; and as more than eleven hundred Indians appeared at his call, his larder24 was sorely taxed to entertain them. The speeches were interminable. Johnson, a master of Indian rhetoric25, knew his audience too well not to contest with them the palm of insufferable prolixity26. The climax27 was reached on the fourth day, and he threw down the war-belt. An Oneida chief took it up; Stevens, the interpreter, began the war-dance, and the assembled warriors howled in chorus. Then a tub of punch was brought in, and they all drank the King's health. They showed less alacrity28, however, to fight his battles, and scarcely three hundred of them would take the war-path. Too many of their friends and relatives were enlisted for the French.
While the British colonists29 were preparing to attack Crown Point, the French of Canada were preparing to defend it. Duquesne, recalled from his post, had resigned the government to the Marquis de Vaudreuil, who had at his disposal the battalions30 of regulars that had sailed in the spring from Brest under Baron31 Dieskau. His first thought was to use them for the capture of Oswego; but letters of Braddock, found on the battle-field of the Monongahela, warned him of the design against Crown Point; while a reconnoitring party which had gone as far as the Hudson brought back news that Johnson's forces were already in the field. Therefore the plan was changed, and Dieskau was ordered to lead the main body of his troops, not to Lake Ontario, but to Lake Champlain. He passed up the Richelieu, and embarked32 in boats and canoes for Crown Point. The veteran knew that the foes with whom he had to deal were but a mob of countrymen. He doubted not of putting them to rout33, and meant never to hold his hand till he had chased them back to Albany. "Make all haste," Vaudreuil wrote to him; "for when you return we shall send you to Oswego to execute our first design."
Johnson on his part was preparing to advance. In July about three thousand provincials35 were encamped near Albany, some on the "Flats" above the town, and some on the meadows below. Hither, too, came a swarm36 of Johnson's Mohawks,—warriors, squaws, and children. They adorned37 the General's face with war-paint, and he danced the war-dance; then with his sword he cut the first slice from the ox that had been roasted whole for their entertainment. "I shall be glad," wrote the surgeon of a New England regiment38, "if they fight as eagerly as they ate their ox and drank their wine."
Above all things the expedition needed promptness; yet everything moved slowly. Five popular legislatures controlled the troops and the supplies. Connecticut had refused to send her men till Shirley promised that her commanding officer should rank next to Johnson. The whole movement was for some time at a deadlock39 because the five governments could not agree about their contributions of artillery40 and stores. The New Hampshire regiment had taken a short cut for Crown Point across the wilderness41 of Vermont; but had been recalled in time to save them from probable destruction. They were now with the rest in the camp at Albany, in such distress42 for provisions that a private subscription43 was proposed for their relief.
Johnson's army, crude as it was, had in it good material. Here was Phineas Lyman, of Connecticut, second in command, once a tutor at Yale College, and more recently a lawyer,—a raw soldier, but a vigorous and brave one; Colonel Moses Titcomb, of Massachusetts, who had fought with credit at Louisbourg; and Ephraim Williams, also colonel of a Massachusetts regiment, a tall and portly man, who had been a captain in the last war, member of the General Court, and deputy-sheriff. He made his will in the camp at Albany, and left a legacy44 to found the school which has since become Williams College. His relative, Stephen Williams, was chaplain of his regiment, and his brother Thomas was its surgeon. Seth Pomeroy, gunsmith at Northampton, who, like Titcomb, had seen service at Louisbourg, was its lieutenant45-colonel. He had left a wife at home, an excellent matron, to whom he was continually writing affectionate letters, mingling46 household cares with news of the camp, and charging her to see that their eldest47 boy, Seth, then in college at New Haven48, did not run off to the army. Pomeroy had with him his brother Daniel; and this he thought was enough. Here, too, was a man whose name is still a household word in New England,—the sturdy Israel Putnam, private in a Connecticut regiment; and another as bold as he, John Stark49, lieutenant in the New Hampshire levies, and the future victor of Bennington.
The soldiers were no soldiers, but farmers and farmers' sons who had volunteered for the summer campaign. One of the corps50 had a blue uniform faced with red. The rest wore their daily clothing. Blankets had been served out to them by the several provinces, but the greater part brought their own guns; some under the penalty of a fine if they came without them, and some under the inducement of a reward. They had no bayonets, but carried hatchets51 in their belts as a sort of substitute. At their sides were slung52 powder-horns, on which, in the leisure of the camp, they carved quaint53 devices with the points of their jack-knives. They came chiefly from plain New England homesteads,—rustic abodes55, unpainted and dingy56, with long well-sweeps, capacious barns, rough fields of pumpkins57 and corn, and vast kitchen chimneys, above which in winter hung squashes to keep them from frost, and guns to keep them from rust54.
As to the manners and morals of the army there is conflict of evidence. In some respects nothing could be more exemplary. "Not a chicken has been stolen," says William Smith, of New York; while, on the other hand, Colonel Ephraim Williams writes to Colonel Israel Williams, then commanding on the Massachusetts frontier: "We are a wicked, profane58 army, especially the New York and Rhode Island troops. Nothing to be heard among a great part of them but the language of Hell. If Crown Point is taken, it will not be for our sakes, but for those good people left behind." There was edifying59 regularity60 in respect to form. Sermons twice a week, daily prayers, and frequent psalm-singing alternated with the much-needed military drill. "Prayers among us night and morning," writes Private Jonathan Caswell, of Massachusetts, to his father. "Here we lie, knowing not when we shall march for Crown Point; but I hope not long to tarry. Desiring your prayers to God for me as I am agoing to war, I am Your Ever Dutiful Son."
To Pomeroy and some of his brothers in arms it seemed that they were engaged in a kind of crusade against the myrmidons of Rome. "As you have at heart the Protestant cause," he wrote to his friend Israel Williams, "so I ask an interest in your prayers that the Lord of Hosts would go forth61 with us and give us victory over our unreasonable62, encroaching, barbarous, murdering enemies."
Both Williams the surgeon and Williams the colonel chafed63 at the incessant64 delays. "The expedition goes on very much as a snail65 runs," writes the former to his wife; "it seems we may possibly see Crown Point this time twelve months." The Colonel was vexed66 because everything was out of joint67 in the department of transportation: wagoners mutinous68 for want of pay; ordnance69 stores, camp-kettles, and provisions left behind. "As to rum," he complains, "it won't hold out nine weeks. Things appear most melancholy70 to me." Even as he was writing, a report came of the defeat of Braddock; and, shocked at the blow, his pen traced the words: "The Lord have mercy on poor New England!"
Johnson had sent four Mohawk scouts72 to Canada. They returned on the twenty-first of August with the report that the French were all astir with preparation, and that eight thousand men were coming to defend Crown Point. On this a council of war was called; and it was resolved to send to the several colonies for reinforcements. Meanwhile the main body had moved up the river to the spot called the Great Carrying Place, where Lyman had begun a fortified storehouse, which his men called Fort Lyman, but which was afterwards named Fort Edward. Two Indian trails led from this point to the waters of Lake Champlain, one by way of Lake George, and the other by way of Wood Creek73. There was doubt which course the army should take. A road was begun to Wood Creek; then it was countermanded74, and a party was sent to explore the path to Lake George. "With submission75 to the general officers," Surgeon Williams again writes, "I think it a very grand mistake that the business of reconnoitring was not done months agone." It was resolved at last to march for Lake George; gangs of axemen were sent to hew8 out the way; and on the twenty-sixth two thousand men were ordered to the lake, while Colonel Blanchard, of New Hampshire, remained with five hundred to finish and defend Fort Lyman.
The train of Dutch wagons76, guarded by the homely77 soldiery, jolted78 slowly over the stumps79 and roots of the newly made road, and the regiments80 followed at their leisure. The hardships of the way were not without their consolations82. The jovial Irishman who held the chief command made himself very agreeable to the New England officers. "We went on about four or five miles," says Pomeroy in his Journal, "then stopped, ate pieces of broken bread and cheese, and drank some fresh lemon-punch and the best of wine with General Johnson and some of the field-officers." It was the same on the next day. "Stopped about noon and dined with General Johnson by a small brook83 under a tree; ate a good dinner of cold boiled and roast venison; drank good fresh lemon-punch and wine."
That afternoon they reached their destination, fourteen miles from Fort Lyman. The most beautiful lake in America lay before them; then more beautiful than now, in the wild charm of untrodden mountains and virgin84 forests. "I have given it the name of Lake George," wrote Johnson to the Lords of Trade, "not only in honor of His Majesty85, but to ascertain86 his undoubted dominion87 here." His men made their camp on a piece of rough ground by the edge of the water, pitching their tents among the stumps of the newly felled trees. In their front was a forest of pitch-pine; on their right, a marsh88, choked with alders89 and swamp-maples; on their left, the low hill where Fort George was afterwards built; and at their rear, the lake. Little was done to clear the forest in front, though it would give excellent cover to an enemy. Nor did Johnson take much pains to learn the movements of the French in the direction of Crown Point, though he sent scouts towards South Bay and Wood Creek. Every day stores and bateaux, or flat boats, came on wagons from Fort Lyman; and preparation moved on with the leisure that had marked it from the first. About three hundred Mohawks came to the camp, and were regarded by the New England men as nuisances. On Sunday the gray-haired Stephen Williams preached to these savage90 allies a long Calvinistic sermon, which must have sorely perplexed91 the interpreter whose business it was to turn it into Mohawk; and in the afternoon young Chaplain Newell, of Rhode Island, expounded92 to the New England men the somewhat untimely text, "Love your enemies." On the next Sunday, September seventh, Williams preached again, this time to the whites from a text in Isaiah. It was a peaceful day, fair and warm, with a few light showers; yet not wholly a day of rest, for two hundred wagons came up from Fort Lyman, loaded with bateaux. After the sermon there was an alarm. An Indian scout71 came in about sunset, and reported that he had found the trail of a body of men moving from South Bay towards Fort Lyman. Johnson called for a volunteer to carry a letter of warning to Colonel Blanchard, the commander. A wagoner named Adams offered himself for the perilous93 service, mounted, and galloped94 along the road with the letter. Sentries95 were posted, and the camp fell asleep.
While Johnson lay at Lake George, Dieskau prepared a surprise for him. The German Baron had reached Crown Point at the head of three thousand five hundred and seventy-three men, regulars, Canadians, and Indians. He had no thought of waiting there to be attacked. The troops were told to hold themselves ready to move at a moment's notice. Officers—so ran the order—will take nothing with them but one spare shirt, one spare pair of shoes, a blanket, a bearskin, and provisions for twelve days; Indians are not to amuse themselves by taking scalps till the enemy is entirely96 defeated, since they can kill ten men in the time required to scalp one. Then Dieskau moved on, with nearly all his force, to Carillon, or Ticonderoga, a promontory97 commanding both the routes by which alone Johnson could advance, that of Wood Creek and that of Lake George.
The Indian allies were commanded by Legardeur de Saint-Pierre. These unmanageable warriors were a constant annoyance98 to Dieskau, being a species of humanity quite new to him. "They drive us crazy," he says, "from morning till night. There is no end to their demands. They have already eaten five oxen and as many hogs99, without counting the kegs of brandy they have drunk. In short, one needs the patience of an angel to get on with these devils; and yet one must always force himself to seem pleased with them."
They would scarcely even go out as scouts. At last, however, on the fourth of September, a reconnoitring party came in with a scalp and an English prisoner caught near Fort Lyman. He was questioned under the threat of being given to the Indians for torture if he did not tell the truth; but, nothing daunted101, he invented a patriotic102 falsehood; and thinking to lure103 his captors into a trap, told them that the English army had fallen back to Albany, leaving five hundred men at Fort Lyman, which he represented as indefensible. Dieskau resolved on a rapid movement to seize the place. At noon of the same day, leaving a part of his force at Ticonderoga, he embarked the rest in canoes and advanced along the narrow prolongation of Lake Champlain that stretched southward through the wilderness to where the town of Whitehall now stands. He soon came to a point where the lake dwindled104 to a mere105 canal, while two mighty106 rocks, capped with stunted107 forests, faced each other from the opposing banks. Here he left an officer named Roquemaure with a detachment of troops, and again advanced along a belt of quiet water traced through the midst of a deep marsh, green at that season with sedge and water-weeds, and known to the English as the Drowned Lands. Beyond, on either hand, crags feathered with birch and fir, or hills mantled108 with woods, looked down on the long procession of canoes. As they neared the site of Whitehall, a passage opened on the right, the entrance to a sheet of lonely water slumbering109 in the shadow of woody mountains, and forming the lake then, as now, called South Bay. They advanced to its head, landed where a small stream enters it, left the canoes under a guard, and began their march through the forest. They counted in all two hundred and sixteen regulars of the battalions of Languedoc and La Reine, six hundred and eighty-four Canadians, and about six hundred Indians. Every officer and man carried provisions for eight days in his knapsack. They encamped at night by a brook, and in the morning, after hearing Mass, marched again. The evening of the next day brought them near the road that led to Lake George. Fort Lyman was but three miles distant. A man on horseback galloped by; it was Adams, Johnson's unfortunate messenger. The Indians shot him, and found the letter in his pocket. Soon after, ten or twelve wagons appeared in charge of mutinous drivers, who had left the English camp without orders. Several of them were shot, two were taken, and the rest ran off. The two captives declared that, contrary to the assertion of the prisoner at Ticonderoga, a large force lay encamped at the lake. The Indians now held a council, and presently gave out that they would not attack the fort, which they thought well supplied with cannon110, but that they were willing to attack the camp at Lake George. Remonstrance111 was lost upon them. Dieskau was not young, but he was daring to rashness, and inflamed112 to emulation113 by the victory over Braddock. The enemy were reported greatly to outnumber him; but his Canadian advisers114 had assured him that the English colony militia115 were the worst troops on the face of the earth. "The more there are," he said to the Canadians and Indians, "the more we shall kill;" and in the morning the order was given to march for the lake.
They moved rapidly on through the waste of pines, and soon entered the rugged116 valley that led to Johnson's camp. On their right was a gorge117 where, shadowed in bushes, gurgled a gloomy brook; and beyond rose the cliffs that buttressed118 the rocky heights of French Mountain, seen by glimpses between the boughs119. On their left rose gradually the lower slopes of West Mountain. All was rock, thicket120, and forest; there was no open space but the road along which the regulars marched, while the Canadians and Indians pushed their way through the woods in such order as the broken ground would permit.
They were three miles from the lake, when their scouts brought in a prisoner who told them that a column of English troops was approaching. Dieskau's preparations were quickly made. While the regulars halted on the road, the Canadians and Indians moved to the front, where most of them hid in the forest along the slopes of West Mountain, and the rest lay close among the thickets121 on the other side. Thus, when the English advanced to attack the regulars in front, they would find themselves caught in a double ambush122. No sight or sound betrayed the snare123; but behind every bush crouched124 a Canadian or a savage, with gun cocked and ears intent, listening for the tramp of the approaching column.
The wagoners who escaped the evening before had reached the camp about midnight, and reported that there was a war-party on the road near Fort Lyman. Johnson had at this time twenty-two hundred effective men, besides his three hundred Indians. He called a council of war in the morning, and a resolution was taken which can only be explained by a complete misconception as to the force of the French. It was determined125 to send out two detachments of five hundred men each, one towards Fort Lyman, and the other towards South Bay, the object being, according to Johnson, "to catch the enemy in their retreat." Hendrick, chief of the Mohawks, a brave and sagacious warrior22, expressed his dissent126 after a fashion of his own. He picked up a stick and broke it; then he picked up several sticks, and showed that together they could not be broken. The hint was taken, and the two detachments were joined in one. Still the old savage shook his head. "If they are to be killed," he said, "they are too many; if they are to fight, they are too few." Nevertheless, he resolved to share their fortunes; and mounting on a gun-carriage, he harangued127 his warriors with a voice so animated128, and gestures so expressive129, that the New England officers listened in admiration130, though they understood not a word. One difficulty remained. He was too old and fat to go afoot; but Johnson lent him a horse, which he bestrode, and trotted131 to the head of the column, followed by two hundred of his warriors as fast as they could grease, paint, and befeather themselves.
Captain Elisha Hawley was in his tent, finishing a letter which he had just written to his brother Joseph; and these were the last words: "I am this minute agoing out in company with five hundred men to see if we can intercept132 'em in their retreat, or find their canoes in the Drowned Lands; and therefore must conclude this letter." He closed and directed it; and in an hour received his death-wound.
It was soon after eight o'clock when Ephraim Williams left the camp with his regiment, marched a little distance, and then waited for the rest of the detachment under Lieutenant-Colonel Whiting. Thus Dieskau had full time to lay his ambush. When Whiting came up, the whole moved on together, so little conscious of danger that no scouts were thrown out in front or flank; and, in full security, they entered the fatal snare. Before they were completely involved in it, the sharp eye of old Hendrick detected some sign of an enemy. At that instant, whether by accident or design, a gun was fired from the bushes. It is said that Dieskau's Iroquois, seeing Mohawks, their relatives, in the van, wished to warn them of danger. If so, the warning came too late. The thickets on the left blazed out a deadly fire, and the men fell by scores. In the words of Dieskau, the head of the column "was doubled up like a pack of cards." Hendrick's horse was shot down, and the chief was killed with a bayonet as he tried to rise. Williams, seeing a rising ground on his right, made for it, calling on his men to follow; but as he climbed the slope, guns flashed from the bushes, and a shot through the brain laid him dead. The men in the rear pressed forward to support their comrades, when a hot fire was suddenly opened on them from the forest along their right flank. Then there was a panic: some fled outright133, and the whole column recoiled134. The van now became the rear, and all the force of the enemy rushed upon it, shouting and screeching135. There was a moment of total confusion; but a part of Williams's regiment rallied under command of Whiting, and covered the retreat, fighting behind trees like Indians, and firing and falling back by turns, bravely aided by some of the Mohawks and by a detachment which Johnson sent to their aid. "And a very handsome retreat they made," writes Pomeroy; "and so continued till they came within about three quarters of a mile of our camp. This was the last fire our men gave our enemies, which killed great numbers of them; they were seen to drop as pigeons." So ended the fray136 long known in New England fireside story as the "bloody137 morning scout." Dieskau now ordered a halt, and sounded his trumpets138 to collect his scattered139 men. His Indians, however, were sullen140 and unmanageable, and the Canadians also showed signs of wavering. The veteran who commanded them all, Legardeur de Saint-Pierre, had been killed. At length they were persuaded to move again, the regulars leading the way.
About an hour after Williams and his men had begun their march, a distant rattle141 of musketry was heard at the camp; and as it grew nearer and louder, the listeners knew that their comrades were on the retreat. Then, at the eleventh hour, preparations were begun for defence. A sort of barricade142 was made along the front of the camp, partly of wagons, and partly of inverted143 bateaux, but chiefly of the trunks of trees hastily hewn down in the neighboring forest and laid end to end in a single row. The line extended from the southern slopes of the hill on the left across a tract144 of rough ground to the marshes145 on the right. The forest, choked with bushes and clumps146 of rank ferns, was within a few yards of the barricade, and there was scarcely time to hack147 away the intervening thickets. Three cannon were planted to sweep the road that descended148 through the pines, and another was dragged up to the ridge149 of the hill. The defeated party began to come in; first, scared fugitives150 both white and red; then, gangs of men bringing the wounded; and at last, an hour and a half after the first fire was heard, the main detachment was seen marching in compact bodies down the road.
Five hundred men were detailed151 to guard the flanks of the camp. The rest stood behind the wagons or lay flat behind the logs and inverted bateaux, the Massachusetts men on the right, and the Connecticut men on the left. Besides Indians, this actual fighting force was between sixteen and seventeen hundred rustics152, very few of whom had been under fire before that morning. They were hardly at their posts when they saw ranks of white-coated soldiers moving down the road, and bayonets that to them seemed innumerable glittering between the boughs. At the same time a terrific burst of war-whoops rose along the front; and, in the words of Pomeroy, "the Canadians and Indians, helter-skelter, the woods full of them, came running with undaunted courage right down the hill upon us, expecting to make us flee." Some of the men grew uneasy; while the chief officers, sword in hand, threatened instant death to any who should stir from their posts. If Dieskau had made an assault at that instant, there could be little doubt of the result.
This he well knew; but he was powerless. He had his small force of regulars well in hand; but the rest, red and white, were beyond control, scattering153 through the woods and swamps, shouting, yelling, and firing from behind trees. The regulars advanced with intrepidity154 towards the camp where the trees were thin, deployed155, and fired by platoons, till Captain Eyre, who commanded the artillery, opened on them with grape, broke their ranks, and compelled them to take to cover. The fusillade was now general on both sides, and soon grew furious. "Perhaps," Seth Pomeroy wrote to his wife, two days after, "the hailstones from heaven were never much thicker than their bullets came; but, blessed be God! that did not in the least daunt100 or disturb us." Johnson received a flesh-wound in the thigh156, and spent the rest of the day in his tent. Lyman took command; and it is a marvel157 that he escaped alive, for he was four hours in the heat of the fire, directing and animating158 the men. "It was the most awful day my eyes ever beheld," wrote Surgeon Williams to his wife; "there seemed to be nothing but thunder and lightning and perpetual pillars of smoke." To him, his colleague Doctor Pynchon, one assistant, and a young student called "Billy," fell the charge of the wounded of his regiment. "The bullets flew about our ears all the time of dressing159 them; so we thought best to leave our tent and retire a few rods behind the shelter of a log-house." On the adjacent hill stood one Blodget, who seems to have been a sutler, watching, as well as bushes, trees, and smoke would let him, the progress of the fight, of which he soon after made and published a curious bird's-eye view. As the wounded men were carried to the rear, the wagoners about the camp took their guns and powder-horns, and joined in the fray. A Mohawk, seeing one of these men still unarmed, leaped over the barricade, tomahawked the nearest Canadian, snatched his gun, and darted160 back unhurt. The brave savage found no imitators among his tribesmen, most of whom did nothing but utter a few war-whoops, saying that they had come to see their English brothers fight. Some of the French Indians opened a distant flank fire from the high ground beyond the swamp on the right, but were driven off by a few shells dropped among them.
Dieskau had directed his first attack against the left and centre of Johnson's position. Making no impression here, he tried to force the right, where lay the regiments of Titcomb, Ruggles, and Williams. The fire was hot for about an hour. Titcomb was shot dead, a rod in front of the barricade, firing from behind a tree like a common soldier. At length Dieskau, exposing himself within short range of the English line, was hit in the leg. His adjutant, Montreuil, himself wounded, came to his aid, and was washing the injured limb with brandy, when the unfortunate commander was again hit in the knee and thigh. He seated himself behind a tree, while the Adjutant called two Canadians to carry him to the rear. One of them was instantly shot down. Montreuil took his place; but Dieskau refused to be moved, bitterly denounced the Canadians and Indians, and ordered the Adjutant to leave him and lead the regulars in a last effort against the camp.
It was too late. Johnson's men, singly or in small squads161, were already crossing their row of logs; and in a few moments the whole dashed forward with a shout, falling upon the enemy with hatchets and the butts162 of their guns. The French and their allies fled. The wounded General still sat helpless by the tree, when he saw a soldier aiming at him. He signed to the man not to fire; but he pulled trigger, shot him across the hips81, leaped upon him, and ordered him in French to surrender. "I said," writes Dieskau, "'You rascal19, why did you fire? You see a man lying in his blood on the ground, and you shoot him!' He answered: 'How did I know that you had not got a pistol? I had rather kill the devil than have the devil kill me.' 'You are a Frenchman?' I asked. 'Yes,' he replied; 'it is more than ten years since I left Canada;' whereupon several others fell on me and stripped me. I told them to carry me to their general, which they did. On learning who I was, he sent for surgeons, and, though wounded himself, refused all assistance till my wounds were dressed."
It was near five o'clock when the final rout took place. Some time before, several hundred of the Canadians and Indians had left the field and returned to the scene of the morning fight, to plunder163 and scalp the dead. They were resting themselves near a pool in the forest, close beside the road, when their repose164 was interrupted by a volley of bullets. It was fired by a scouting165 party from Fort Lyman, chiefly backwoodsmen, under Captains Folsom and McGinnis. The assailants were greatly outnumbered; but after a hard fight the Canadians and Indians broke and fled. McGinnis was mortally wounded. He continued to give orders till the firing was over; then fainted, and was carried, dying, to the camp. The bodies of the slain166, according to tradition, were thrown into the pool, which bears to this day the name of Bloody Pond.
The various bands of fugitives rejoined each other towards night, and encamped in the forest; then made their way round the southern shoulder of French Mountain, till, in the next evening, they reached their canoes. Their plight167 was deplorable; for they had left their knapsacks behind, and were spent with fatigue168 and famine.
Meanwhile their captive general was not yet out of danger. The Mohawks were furious at their losses in the ambush of the morning, and above all at the death of Hendrick. Scarcely were Dieskau's wounds dressed, when several of them came into the tent. There was a long and angry dispute in their own language between them and Johnson, after which they went out very sullenly169. Dieskau asked what they wanted. "What do they want?" returned Johnson. "To burn you, by God, eat you, and smoke you in their pipes, in revenge for three or four of their chiefs that were killed. But never fear; you shall be safe with me, or else they shall kill us both." The Mohawks soon came back, and another talk ensued, excited at first, and then more calm; till at length the visitors, seemingly appeased170, smiled, gave Dieskau their hands in sign of friendship, and quietly went out again. Johnson warned him that he was not yet safe; and when the prisoner, fearing that his presence might incommode his host, asked to be removed to another tent, a captain and fifty men were ordered to guard him. In the morning an Indian, alone and apparently171 unarmed, loitered about the entrance, and the stupid sentinel let him pass in. He immediately drew a sword from under a sort of cloak which he wore, and tried to stab Dieskau; but was prevented by the colonel to whom the tent belonged, who seized upon him, took away his sword, and pushed him out. As soon as his wounds would permit, Dieskau was carried on a litter, strongly escorted, to Fort Lyman, whence he was sent to Albany, and afterwards to New York. He is profuse172 in expressions of gratitude173 for the kindness shown him by the colonial officers, and especially by Johnson. Of the provincial34 soldiers he remarked soon after the battle that in the morning they fought like good boys, about noon like men, and in the afternoon like devils. In the spring of 1757 he sailed for England, and was for a time at Falmouth; whence Colonel Matthew Sewell, fearing that he might see and learn too much, wrote to the Earl of Holdernesse: "The Baron has great penetration174 and quickness of apprehension175. His long service under Marshal Saxe renders him a man of real consequence, to be cautiously observed. His circumstances deserve compassion176, for indeed they are very melancholy, and I much doubt of his being ever perfectly177 cured." He was afterwards a long time at Bath, for the benefit of the waters. In 1760 the famous Diderot met him at Paris, cheerful and full of anecdote178, though wretchedly shattered by his wounds. He died a few years later.
On the night after the battle the yeomen warriors felt the truth of the saying that, next to defeat, the saddest thing is victory. Comrades and friends by scores lay scattered through the forest. As soon as he could snatch a moment's leisure, the overworked surgeon sent the dismal179 tidings to his wife: "My dear brother Ephraim was killed by a ball through his head; poor brother Josiah's wound I fear will prove mortal; poor Captain Hawley is yet alive, though I did not think he would live two hours after bringing him in." Daniel Pomeroy was shot dead; and his brother Seth wrote the news to his wife Rachel, who was just delivered of a child: "Dear Sister, this brings heavy tidings; but let not your heart sink at the news, though it be your loss of a dear husband. Monday the eighth instant was a memorable180 day; and truly you may say, had not the Lord been on our side, we must all have been swallowed up. My brother, being one that went out in the first engagement, received a fatal shot through the middle of the head." Seth Pomeroy found a moment to write also to his own wife, whom he tells that another attack is expected; adding, in quaintly181 pious182 phrase: "But as God hath begun to show mercy, I hope he will go on to be gracious." Pomeroy was employed during the next few days with four hundred men in what he calls "the melancholy piece of business" of burying the dead. A letter-writer of the time does not approve what was done on this occasion. "Our people," he says, "not only buried the French dead, but buried as many of them as might be without the knowledge of our Indians, to prevent their being scalped. This I call an excess of civility;" his reason being that Braddock's dead soldiers had been left to the wolves.
The English loss in killed, wounded, and missing was two hundred and sixty-two; and that of the French, by their own account, two hundred and twenty-eight,—a somewhat modest result of five hours' fighting. The English loss was chiefly in the ambush of the morning, where the killed greatly outnumbered the wounded, because those who fell and could not be carried away were tomahawked by Dieskau's Indians. In the fight at the camp, both Indians and Canadians kept themselves so well under cover that it was very difficult for the New England men to pick them off, while they on their part lay close behind their row of logs. On the French side, the regular officers and troops bore the brunt of the battle and suffered the chief loss, nearly all of the former and nearly half of the latter being killed or wounded.
Johnson did not follow up his success. He says that his men were tired. Yet five hundred of them had stood still all day, and boats enough for their transportation were lying on the beach. Ten miles down the lake, a path led over a gorge of the mountains to South Bay, where Dieskau had left his canoes and provisions. It needed but a few hours to reach and destroy them; but no such attempt was made. Nor, till a week after, did Johnson send out scouts to learn the strength of the enemy at Ticonderoga. Lyman strongly urged him to make an effort to seize that important pass; but Johnson thought only of holding his own position. "I think," he wrote, "we may expect very shortly a more formidable attack." He made a solid breastwork to defend his camp; and as reinforcements arrived, set them at building a fort, which he named Fort William Henry, on a rising ground by the lake. It is true that just after the battle he was deficient183 in stores, and had not bateaux enough to move his whole force. It is true, also, that he was wounded, and that he was too jealous of Lyman to delegate the command to him; and so the days passed till, within a fortnight, his nimble enemy were intrenched at Ticonderoga in force enough to defy him.
The Crown Point expedition was a failure disguised under an incidental success.
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1
ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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2
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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3
enlisted
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| adj.应募入伍的v.（使）入伍， （使）参军( enlist的过去式和过去分词 )；获得（帮助或支持） | |
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jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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5
levies
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| （部队）征兵( levy的名词复数 )； 募捐； 被征募的军队 | |
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contingents
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| （志趣相投、尤指来自同一地方的）一组与会者( contingent的名词复数 )； 代表团； （军队的）分遣队； 小分队 | |
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heterogeneous
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| adj.庞杂的；异类的 | |
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8
hew
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| v.砍；伐；削 | |
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prosper
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| v.成功，兴隆，昌盛；使成功，使昌隆，繁荣 | |
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jovial
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| adj.快乐的，好交际的 | |
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flip
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| vt.快速翻动；轻抛；轻拍；n.轻抛；adj.轻浮的 | |
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12
boors
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| n.农民( boor的名词复数 )；乡下佬；没礼貌的人；粗野的人 | |
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13
intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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14
infested
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| adj.为患的，大批滋生的（常与with搭配）v.害虫、野兽大批出没于( infest的过去式和过去分词 )；遍布于 | |
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15
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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16
foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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17
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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18
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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19
rascal
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| n.流氓；不诚实的人 | |
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20
detested
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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21
superintendent
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| n.监督人，主管，总监；(英国)警务长 | |
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22
warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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24
larder
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| n.食物贮藏室，食品橱 | |
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25
rhetoric
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| n.修辞学，浮夸之言语 | |
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26
prolixity
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| n.冗长，罗嗦 | |
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27
climax
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| n.顶点；高潮；v.(使)达到顶点 | |
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28
alacrity
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| n.敏捷，轻快，乐意 | |
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29
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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30
battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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31
baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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32
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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33
rout
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| n.溃退，溃败；v.击溃，打垮 | |
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34
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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35
provincials
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| n.首都以外的人，地区居民( provincial的名词复数 ) | |
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36
swarm
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| n.(昆虫)等一大群；vi.成群飞舞；蜂拥而入 | |
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37
adorned
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| [计]被修饰的 | |
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38
regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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39
deadlock
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| n.僵局，僵持 | |
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40
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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41
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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42
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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43
subscription
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| n.预订，预订费，亲笔签名，调配法，下标（处方） | |
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44
legacy
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| n.遗产，遗赠；先人(或过去)留下的东西 | |
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45
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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46
mingling
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| adj.混合的 | |
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47
eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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48
haven
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| n.安全的地方，避难所，庇护所 | |
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49
stark
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| adj.荒凉的；严酷的；完全的；adv.完全地 | |
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50
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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51
hatchets
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| n.短柄小斧( hatchet的名词复数 )；恶毒攻击；诽谤；休战 | |
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52
slung
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| 抛( sling的过去式和过去分词 )； 吊挂； 遣送； 押往 | |
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53
quaint
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| adj.古雅的，离奇有趣的，奇怪的 | |
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54
rust
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| n.锈；v.生锈；(脑子)衰退 | |
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55
abodes
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| 住所( abode的名词复数 )； 公寓； （在某地的）暂住； 逗留 | |
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56
dingy
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| adj.昏暗的，肮脏的 | |
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57
pumpkins
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| n.南瓜( pumpkin的名词复数 )；南瓜的果肉，南瓜囊 | |
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58
profane
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| adj.亵神的，亵渎的；vt.亵渎，玷污 | |
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59
edifying
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| adj.有教训意味的，教训性的，有益的v.开导，启发( edify的现在分词 ) | |
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60
regularity
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| n.规律性，规则性；匀称，整齐 | |
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61
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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62
unreasonable
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| adj.不讲道理的，不合情理的，过度的 | |
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63
chafed
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| v.擦热（尤指皮肤）( chafe的过去式 )；擦痛；发怒；惹怒 | |
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64
incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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65
snail
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| n.蜗牛 | |
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66
vexed
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| adj.争论不休的；（指问题等）棘手的；争论不休的问题；烦恼的v.使烦恼( vex的过去式和过去分词 )；使苦恼；使生气；详细讨论 | |
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67
joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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68
mutinous
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| adj.叛变的，反抗的；adv.反抗地，叛变地；n.反抗，叛变 | |
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69
ordnance
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| n.大炮，军械 | |
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70
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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71
scout
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| n.童子军，侦察员；v.侦察，搜索 | |
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72
scouts
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| 侦察员[机，舰]( scout的名词复数 )； 童子军； 搜索； 童子军成员 | |
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73
creek
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| n.小溪，小河，小湾 | |
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74
countermanded
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| v.取消（命令），撤回( countermand的过去分词 ) | |
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75
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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76
wagons
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| n.四轮的运货马车( wagon的名词复数 )；铁路货车；小手推车 | |
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77
homely
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| adj.家常的，简朴的；不漂亮的 | |
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78
jolted
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| （使）摇动， （使）震惊( jolt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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79
stumps
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| （被砍下的树的）树桩( stump的名词复数 )； 残肢； （板球三柱门的）柱； 残余部分 | |
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80
regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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81
hips
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| abbr.high impact polystyrene 高冲击强度聚苯乙烯，耐冲性聚苯乙烯n.臀部( hip的名词复数 )；[建筑学]屋脊；臀围（尺寸）；臀部…的 | |
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82
consolations
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| n.安慰，慰问( consolation的名词复数 )；起安慰作用的人（或事物） | |
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83
brook
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| n.小河，溪；v.忍受，容让 | |
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84
virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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85
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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86
ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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87
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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marsh
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| n.沼泽，湿地 | |
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89
alders
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| n.桤木( alder的名词复数 ) | |
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90
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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91
perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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92
expounded
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| 论述，详细讲解( expound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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93
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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94
galloped
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| （使马）飞奔，奔驰( gallop的过去式和过去分词 )； 快速做[说]某事 | |
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95
sentries
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| 哨兵，步兵( sentry的名词复数 ) | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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97
promontory
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| n.海角；岬 | |
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annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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hogs
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| n.（尤指喂肥供食用的）猪( hog的名词复数 )；（供食用的）阉公猪；彻底地做某事；自私的或贪婪的人 | |
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100
daunt
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| vt.使胆怯，使气馁 | |
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101
daunted
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| 使（某人）气馁，威吓( daunt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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102
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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103
lure
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| n.吸引人的东西，诱惑物；vt.引诱，吸引 | |
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104
dwindled
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| v.逐渐变少或变小( dwindle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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105
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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106
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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107
stunted
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| adj.矮小的；发育迟缓的 | |
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108
mantled
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| 披着斗篷的，覆盖着的 | |
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109
slumbering
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| 微睡，睡眠（slumber的现在分词形式） | |
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110
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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111
remonstrance
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| n抗议，抱怨 | |
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112
inflamed
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| adj.发炎的，红肿的v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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113
emulation
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| n.竞争；仿效 | |
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114
advisers
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| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
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115
militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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116
rugged
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| adj.高低不平的，粗糙的，粗壮的，强健的 | |
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117
gorge
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| n.咽喉，胃，暴食，山峡；v.塞饱，狼吞虎咽地吃 | |
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118
buttressed
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| v.用扶壁支撑，加固( buttress的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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119
boughs
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| 大树枝( bough的名词复数 ) | |
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120
thicket
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| n.灌木丛，树林 | |
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121
thickets
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| n.灌木丛( thicket的名词复数 )；丛状物 | |
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122
ambush
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| n.埋伏(地点)；伏兵；v.埋伏；伏击 | |
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123
snare
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| n.陷阱，诱惑，圈套；（去除息肉或者肿瘤的）勒除器；响弦，小军鼓；vt.以陷阱捕获，诱惑 | |
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124
crouched
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| v.屈膝，蹲伏( crouch的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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125
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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126
dissent
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| n./v.不同意，持异议 | |
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127
harangued
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| v.高谈阔论( harangue的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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128
animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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129
expressive
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| adj.表现的，表达…的，富于表情的 | |
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130
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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131
trotted
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| 小跑，急走( trot的过去分词 )； 匆匆忙忙地走 | |
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132
intercept
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| vt.拦截，截住，截击 | |
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133
outright
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| adv.坦率地；彻底地；立即；adj.无疑的；彻底的 | |
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134
recoiled
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| v.畏缩( recoil的过去式和过去分词 )；退缩；报应；返回 | |
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135
screeching
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| v.发出尖叫声( screech的现在分词 )；发出粗而刺耳的声音；高叫 | |
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136
fray
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| v.争吵；打斗；磨损，磨破；n.吵架；打斗 | |
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137
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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138
trumpets
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| 喇叭( trumpet的名词复数 )； 小号； 喇叭形物； （尤指）绽开的水仙花 | |
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139
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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140
sullen
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| adj.愠怒的，闷闷不乐的，(天气等)阴沉的 | |
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141
rattle
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| v.飞奔，碰响；激怒；n.碰撞声；拨浪鼓 | |
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142
barricade
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| n.路障，栅栏，障碍；vt.设路障挡住 | |
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143
inverted
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| adj.反向的，倒转的v.使倒置，使反转( invert的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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144
tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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145
marshes
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| n.沼泽，湿地( marsh的名词复数 ) | |
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146
clumps
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| n.（树、灌木、植物等的）丛、簇( clump的名词复数 )；（土、泥等）团；块；笨重的脚步声v.（树、灌木、植物等的）丛、簇( clump的第三人称单数 )；（土、泥等）团；块；笨重的脚步声 | |
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147
hack
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| n.劈，砍，出租马车；v.劈，砍，干咳 | |
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148
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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149
ridge
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| n.山脊；鼻梁；分水岭 | |
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150
fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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151
detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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152
rustics
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| n.有农村或村民特色的( rustic的名词复数 )；粗野的；不雅的；用粗糙的木材或树枝制作的 | |
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153
scattering
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| n.[物]散射；散乱，分散；在媒介质中的散播adj.散乱的；分散在不同范围的；广泛扩散的；（选票）数量分散的v.散射(scatter的ing形式)；散布；驱散 | |
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154
intrepidity
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| n.大胆，刚勇；大胆的行为 | |
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155
deployed
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| （尤指军事行动）使展开( deploy的过去式和过去分词 )； 施展； 部署； 有效地利用 | |
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156
thigh
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| n.大腿；股骨 | |
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157
marvel
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| vi.(at)惊叹vt.感到惊异；n.令人惊异的事 | |
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158
animating
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| v.使有生气( animate的现在分词 )；驱动；使栩栩如生地动作；赋予…以生命 | |
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159
dressing
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| n.(食物)调料；包扎伤口的用品，敷料 | |
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160
darted
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| v.投掷，投射( dart的过去式和过去分词 )；向前冲，飞奔 | |
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161
squads
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| n.（军队中的）班( squad的名词复数 )；（暗杀）小组；体育运动的运动（代表）队；（对付某类犯罪活动的）警察队伍 | |
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162
butts
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| 笑柄( butt的名词复数 )； （武器或工具的）粗大的一端； 屁股； 烟蒂 | |
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163
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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164
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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165
scouting
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| 守候活动，童子军的活动 | |
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166
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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167
plight
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| n.困境，境况，誓约，艰难；vt.宣誓，保证，约定 | |
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168
fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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169
sullenly
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| 不高兴地，绷着脸，忧郁地 | |
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170
appeased
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| 安抚，抚慰( appease的过去式和过去分词 )； 绥靖（满足另一国的要求以避免战争） | |
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171
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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172
profuse
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| adj.很多的，大量的，极其丰富的 | |
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173
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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174
penetration
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| n.穿透，穿人，渗透 | |
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175
apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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176
compassion
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| n.同情，怜悯 | |
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177
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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178
anecdote
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| n.轶事，趣闻，短故事 | |
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179
dismal
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| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
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180
memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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181
quaintly
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| adv.古怪离奇地 | |
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182
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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183
deficient
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| adj.不足的，不充份的，有缺陷的 | |
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