ANGER OF THE INDIANS.—THE CONSPIRACY1.
The country was scarcely transferred to the English, when smothered2 murmurs3 of discontent began to be audible among the Indian tribes. From the head of the Potomac to Lake Superior, and from the Alleghanies to the Mississippi, in every wigwam and hamlet of the forest, a deep-rooted hatred4 of the English increased with rapid growth. Nor is this to be wondered at. We have seen with what sagacious policy the French had labored5 to ingratiate themselves with the Indians; and the slaughter7 of the Monongahela, with the horrible devastation8 of the western frontier, the outrages9 perpetrated at Oswego, and the massacre10 at Fort William Henry, bore witness to the success of their efforts. Even the Delawares and Shawanoes, the faithful allies of William Penn, had at length been seduced11 by their blandishments; and the Iroquois, the ancient enemies of Canada, had half forgotten their former hostility12, and well-nigh taken part against the British colonists13. The remote nations of the west had also joined in the war, descending14 in their canoes for hundreds of miles, to fight against the enemies of France. All these tribes entertained towards the English that rancorous enmity which an Indian always feels against those to whom he has been opposed in war.
Under these circumstances, it behooved15 the English to use the utmost care in their conduct towards the tribes. But even when the conflict with France was impending16, and the alliance with the Indians was of the last importance, they had treated them with indifference17 and neglect. They were not likely to adopt a different course now that their friendship seemed a matter of no consequence. In truth, the intentions of the English were soon apparent. In the zeal18 for retrenchment19, which prevailed after the close of hostilities20, the presents which it had always been customary to give the Indians, at stated intervals21, were either withheld22 altogether, or doled23 out with a niggardly24 and reluctant hand; while, to make the132 matter worse, the agents and officers of government often appropriated the presents to themselves, and afterwards sold them at an exorbitant25 price to the Indians.[152] When the French had possession of the remote forts, they were accustomed, with a wise liberality, to supply the surrounding Indians with guns, ammunition26, and clothing, until the latter had forgotten the weapons and garments of their forefathers27, and depended on the white men for support. The sudden withholding28 of these supplies was, therefore, a grievous calamity29. Want, suffering, and death, were the consequences; and this cause alone would have been enough to produce general discontent. But, unhappily, other grievances30 were superadded.[153]
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The English fur-trade had never been well regulated, and it was now in a worse condition than ever. Many of the traders, and those in their employ, were ruffians of the coarsest stamp, who vied with each other in rapacity31, violence, and profligacy32. They cheated, cursed, and plundered33 the Indians, and outraged34 their families; offering, when compared with the French traders, who were under better regulation, a most unfavorable example of the character of their nation.
The officers and soldiers of the garrisons35 did their full part in exciting the general resentment37. Formerly38, when the warriors40 came to the forts, they had been welcomed by the French with attention and respect. The inconvenience which their presence occasioned had been disregarded, and their peculiarities41 overlooked. But now they were received with cold looks and harsh words from the officers, and with oaths, menaces, and sometimes blows, from the reckless and brutal42 soldiers. When, after their troublesome and intrusive43 fashion, they were lounging everywhere about the fort, or lazily reclining in the shadow of the walls, they were met with muttered ejaculations of impatience44, or abrupt45 orders to be gone, enforced, perhaps, by a touch from the butt46 of a sentinel’s musket47. These marks of contempt were unspeakably galling48 to their haughty49 spirit.[154]
But what most contributed to the growing discontent of the tribes was the intrusion of settlers upon their lands, at all times a fruitful source of Indian hostility. Its effects, it is true,134 could only be felt by those whose country bordered upon the English settlements; but among these were the most powerful and influential50 of the tribes. The Delawares and Shawanoes, in particular, had by this time been roused to the highest pitch of exasperation51. Their best lands had been invaded, and all remonstrance52 had been fruitless. They viewed with wrath53 and fear the steady progress of the white man, whose settlements had passed the Susquehanna, and were fast extending to the Alleghanies, eating away the forest like a spreading canker. The anger of the Delawares was abundantly shared by their ancient conquerors54, the Six Nations. The threatened occupation of Wyoming by settlers from Connecticut gave great umbrage55 to the confederacy.[155] The Senecas were more especially incensed56 at English intrusion, since, from their position, they were farthest removed from the soothing57 influence of Sir William Johnson, and most exposed to the seductions of the French; while the Mohawks, another member of the confederacy, were justly alarmed at seeing the better part of their lands patented out without their consent. Some Christian58 Indians of the Oneida tribe, in the simplicity59 of their hearts, sent an earnest petition to Sir William Johnson, that the English forts within the limits of the Six Nations might be removed, or, as the petition expresses it, kicked out of the way.[156]
The discontent of the Indians gave great satisfaction to the French, who saw in it an assurance of safe and bloody60 vengeance61 on their conquerors. Canada, it is true, was gone beyond hope of recovery; but they still might hope to revenge its loss. Interest, moreover, as well as passion, prompted them135 to inflame62 the resentment of the Indians; for most of the inhabitants of the French settlements upon the lakes and the Mississippi were engaged in the fur-trade, and, fearing the English as formidable rivals, they would gladly have seen them driven out of the country. Traders, habitans, coureurs de bois, and all classes of this singular population, accordingly dispersed63 themselves among the villages of the Indians, or held councils with them in the secret places of the woods, urging them to take up arms against the English. They exhibited the conduct of the latter in its worst light, and spared neither misrepresentation nor falsehood. They told their excited hearers that the English had formed a deliberate scheme to root out the whole Indian race, and, with that design, had already begun to hem6 them in with settlements on the one hand, and a chain of forts on the other. Among other atrocious plans for their destruction, they had instigated64 the Cherokees to attack and destroy the tribes of the Ohio valley.[157] These groundless calumnies65 found ready belief. The French declared, in addition, that the King of France had of late years fallen asleep; that, during his slumbers66, the English had seized upon Canada; but that he was now awake again, and that his armies were advancing up the St. Lawrence and the Mississippi, to drive out the intruders from the country of his red children. To these fabrications was added the more substantial encouragement of arms, ammunition, clothing, and provisions, which the French trading companies, if not the officers of the crown, distributed with a liberal hand.[158]
The fierce passions of the Indians, excited by their wrongs,136 real or imagined, and exasperated67 by the representations of the French, were yet farther wrought68 upon by influences of another kind. A prophet rose among the Delawares. This man may serve as a counterpart to the famous Shawanoe prophet, who figured so conspicuously69 in the Indian outbreak, under Tecumseh, immediately before the war with England in 1812. Many other parallel instances might be shown, as the great susceptibility of the Indians to superstitious70 impressions renders the advent71 of a prophet among them no very rare occurrence. In the present instance, the inspired Delaware seems to have been rather an enthusiast72 than an impostor; or perhaps he combined both characters. The objects of his mission were not wholly political. By means of certain external observances, most of them sufficiently73 frivolous74 and absurd, his disciples75 were to strengthen and purify their natures, and make themselves acceptable to the Great Spirit, whose messenger he proclaimed himself to be. He also enjoined76 them to lay aside the weapons and clothing which they received from the white men, and return to the primitive77 life of their ancestors. By so doing, and by strictly78 observing his other precepts79, the tribes would soon be restored to their ancient greatness and power, and be enabled to drive out the white men who infested80 their territory. The prophet had many followers81. Indians came from far and near, and gathered together in large encampments to listen to his exhortations82. His fame spread even to the nations of the northern lakes; but though his disciples followed most of his injunctions, flinging away flint and steel, and making copious83 use of emetics84, with other observances equally troublesome, yet the requisition to abandon the use of fire-arms was too inconvenient85 to be complied with.[159]
137
With so many causes to irritate their restless and warlike spirit, it could not be supposed that the Indians would long remain quiet. Accordingly, in the summer of the year 1761, Captain Campbell, then commanding at Detroit, received information that a deputation of Senecas had come to the neighboring village of the Wyandots for the purpose of instigating86 the latter to destroy him and his garrison36.[160] On farther inquiry87, the plot proved to be general; and Niagara, Fort Pitt, and other posts, were to share the fate of Detroit. Campbell instantly despatched messengers to Sir Jeffrey Amherst, and the commanding officers of the different forts; and, by this timely discovery, the conspiracy was nipped in the bud. During the following summer, 1762, another similar design was detected and suppressed. They proved to be the precursors88 of a tempest. When, early in 1763, it was announced to the tribes that the King of France had ceded89 all their country to the King of England, without even asking their leave, a ferment138 of indignation at once became apparent among them;[161] and, within a few weeks, a plot was matured, such as was never, before or since, conceived or executed by a North American Indian. It was determined90 to attack all the English forts upon the same day; then, having destroyed their garrisons, to turn upon the defenceless frontier, and ravage91 and lay waste the settlements, until, as many of the Indians fondly believed, the English should all be driven into the sea, and the country restored to its primitive owners.
It is difficult to determine which tribe was first to raise the cry of war. There were many who might have done so, for all the savages92 in the backwoods were ripe for an outbreak, and the movement seemed almost simultaneous. The Delawares and Senecas were the most incensed, and Kiashuta, a chief of the latter, was perhaps foremost to apply the torch; but, if this was the case, he touched fire to materials already on the point of igniting. It belonged to a greater chief than he to give method and order to what would else have been a wild burst of fury, and convert desultory94 attacks into a formidable and protracted95 war. But for Pontiac, the whole might have ended in a few troublesome inroads upon the frontier, and a little whooping96 and yelling under the walls of Fort Pitt.
Pontiac, as already mentioned, was principal chief of the Ottawas. The Ottawas, Ojibwas, and Pottawattamies, had long been united in a loose kind of confederacy, of which he was the virtual head. Over those around him his authority was almost despotic, and his power extended far beyond the limits of the three united tribes. His influence was great among all the nations of the Illinois country; while, from the139 sources of the Ohio to those of the Mississippi, and, indeed, to the farthest boundaries of the wide-spread Algonquin race, his name was known and respected.
The fact that Pontiac was born the son of a chief would in no degree account for the extent of his power; for, among Indians, many a chief’s son sinks back into insignificance97, while the offspring of a common warrior39 may succeed to his place. Among all the wild tribes of the continent, personal merit is indispensable to gaining or preserving dignity. Courage, resolution, address, and eloquence98 are sure passports to distinction. With all these Pontiac was pre-eminently endowed, and it was chiefly to them, urged to their highest activity by a vehement99 ambition, that he owed his greatness. He possessed100 a commanding energy and force of mind, and in subtlety101 and craft could match the best of his wily race. But, though capable of acts of magnanimity, he was a thorough savage93, with a wider range of intellect than those around him, but sharing all their passions and prejudices, their fierceness and treachery. His faults were the faults of his race; and they cannot eclipse his nobler qualities. His memory is still cherished among the remnants of many Algonquin tribes, and the celebrated102 Tecumseh adopted him for his model, proving himself no unworthy imitator.[162]
Pontiac was now about fifty years old. Until Major Rogers came into the country, he had been, from motives103 probably both of interest and inclination104, a firm friend of the French. Not long before the French war broke out, he had saved the garrison of Detroit from the imminent105 peril106 of an attack from some of the discontented tribes of the north. During the war, he had fought on the side of France. It is said that he commanded the Ottawas at the memorable107 defeat of Braddock;140 and it is certain that he was treated with much honor by the French officers, and received especial marks of esteem108 from the Marquis of Montcalm.[163]
We have seen how, when the tide of affairs changed, the subtle and ambitious chief trimmed his bark to the current, and gave the hand of friendship to the English. That he was disappointed in their treatment of him, and in all the hopes that he had formed from their alliance, is sufficiently evident from one of his speeches. A new light soon began to dawn upon his untaught but powerful mind, and he saw the altered posture109 of affairs under its true aspect.
It was a momentous110 and gloomy crisis for the Indian race, for never before had they been exposed to such imminent and pressing danger. With the downfall of Canada, the tribes had sunk at once from their position of importance. Hitherto the two rival European nations had kept each other in check upon the American continent, and the Indians had, in some measure, held the balance of power between them. To conciliate their good will and gain their alliance, to avoid offending them by injustice111 and encroachment112, was the policy both of the French and English. But now the face of affairs was changed. The English had gained an undisputed ascendency, and the Indians, no longer important as allies, were treated as mere113 barbarians114, who might be trampled115 upon with impunity116. Abandoned to their own feeble resources and divided strength, they must fast recede117, and dwindle118 away before the steady progress of the colonial power. Already their best hunting-grounds were invaded, and from the eastern ridges119 of the Alleghanies they might see, from far and near, the smoke of the settlers’ clearings, rising in tall columns from the dark-green bosom120 of the forest. The doom121 of the race was sealed, and no human power could avert122 it; but they, in their ignorance, believed otherwise, and vainly thought that, by a desperate effort, they might yet uproot123 and overthrow124 the growing strength of their destroyers.
It would be idle to suppose that the great mass of the141 Indians understood, in its full extent, the danger which threatened their race. With them, the war was a mere outbreak of fury, and they turned against their enemies with as little reason or forecast as a panther when he leaps at the throat of the hunter. Goaded125 by wrongs and indignities126, they struck for revenge, and for relief from the evil of the moment. But the mind of Pontiac could embrace a wider and deeper view. The peril of the times was unfolded in its full extent before him, and he resolved to unite the tribes in one grand effort to avert it. He did not, like many of his people, entertain the absurd idea that the Indians, by their unaided strength, could drive the English into the sea. He adopted the only plan consistent with reason, that of restoring the French ascendency in the west, and once more opposing a check to British encroachment. With views like these, he lent a greedy ear to the plausible127 falsehoods of the Canadians, who assured him that the armies of King Louis were already advancing to recover Canada, and that the French and their red brethren, fighting side by side, would drive the English dogs back within their own narrow limits.
Revolving128 these thoughts, and remembering that his own ambitious views might be advanced by the hostilities he meditated129, Pontiac no longer hesitated. Revenge, ambition, and patriotism130 wrought upon him alike, and he resolved on war. At the close of the year 1762, he sent ambassadors to the different nations. They visited the country of the Ohio and its tributaries131, passed northward132 to the region of the upper lakes, and the borders of the river Ottawa; and far southward towards the mouth of the Mississippi.[164] Bearing with them the war-belt of wampum,[165] broad and long, as the importance of142 the message demanded, and the tomahawk stained red, in token of war, they went from camp to camp, and village to village. Wherever they appeared, the sachems and old men assembled, to hear the words of the great Pontiac. Then the chief of the embassy flung down the tomahawk on the ground before them, and holding the war-belt in his hand, delivered, with vehement gesture, word for word, the speech with which he was charged. It was heard everywhere with approval; the belt was accepted, the hatchet133 snatched up, and the assembled chiefs stood pledged to take part in the war. The blow was to be struck at a certain time in the month of May following, to be indicated by the changes of the moon. The tribes were to rise together, each destroying the English garrison in its neighborhood, and then, with a general rush, the whole were to turn against the settlements of the frontier.
The tribes, thus banded together against the English, comprised, with a few unimportant exceptions, the whole Algonquin stock, to whom were united the Wyandots, the Senecas, and several tribes of the lower Mississippi. The Senecas were the only members of the Iroquois confederacy who joined in the league, the rest being kept quiet by the influence143 of Sir William Johnson, whose utmost exertions134, however, were barely sufficient to allay135 their irritation136.[166]
While thus on the very eve of an outbreak, the Indians concealed137 their designs with the dissimulation138 of their race. The warriors still lounged about the forts, with calm, impenetrable faces, begging, as usual, for tobacco, gunpowder139, and whiskey. Now and then, some slight intimation of danger would startle the garrisons from their security. An English trader, coming in from the Indian villages, would report that, from their manner and behavior, he suspected them of brooding mischief140; or some scoundrel half-breed would be heard boasting in his cups that before next summer he would have English hair to fringe his hunting-frock. On one occasion, the plot was nearly discovered. Early in March, 1763, Ensign Holmes, commanding at Fort Miami, was told by a friendly Indian that the warriors in the neighboring village had lately received a war-belt, with a message urging them to destroy him and his garrison, and that this they were preparing to do. Holmes called the Indians together, and boldly charged them with their design. They did as Indians on such occasions have often done, confessed their fault with much apparent contrition141, laid the blame on a neighboring tribe, and professed142 eternal friendship to their brethren, the English. Holmes writes to report his discovery to Major Gladwyn, who, in his turn, sends the information to Sir Jeffrey Amherst, expressing his opinion that there has been a general irritation among the Indians, but that the affair will soon blow over, and that, in the neighborhood of his own post, the savages were perfectly143 tranquil144.[167] Within cannon145 shot of the deluded146 officer’s144 palisades, was the village of Pontiac himself, the arch enemy of the English, and prime mover in the plot.
With the approach of spring, the Indians, coming in from their wintering grounds, began to appear in small parties about the various forts; but now they seldom entered them, encamping at a little distance in the woods. They were fast pushing their preparations for the meditated blow, and waiting with stifled147 eagerness for the appointed hour.
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1
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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smothered
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| （使）窒息， （使）透不过气( smother的过去式和过去分词 )； 覆盖； 忍住； 抑制 | |
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3
murmurs
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| n.低沉、连续而不清的声音( murmur的名词复数 )；低语声；怨言；嘀咕 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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5
labored
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| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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hem
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| n.贴边，镶边；vt.缝贴边；(in)包围，限制 | |
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7
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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devastation
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| n.毁坏；荒废；极度震惊或悲伤 | |
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outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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11
seduced
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| 诱奸( seduce的过去式和过去分词 )； 勾引； 诱使堕落； 使入迷 | |
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hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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descending
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| n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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behooved
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| v.适宜( behoove的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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impending
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| a.imminent, about to come or happen | |
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indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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retrenchment
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| n.节省，删除 | |
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hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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withheld
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| withhold过去式及过去分词 | |
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doled
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| 救济物( dole的过去式和过去分词 )； 失业救济金 | |
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niggardly
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| adj.吝啬的，很少的 | |
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exorbitant
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| adj.过分的；过度的 | |
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ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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forefathers
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| n.祖先，先人；祖先，祖宗( forefather的名词复数 )；列祖列宗；前人 | |
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withholding
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| 扣缴税款 | |
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calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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rapacity
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| n.贪婪，贪心，劫掠的欲望 | |
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profligacy
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| n.放荡，不检点，肆意挥霍 | |
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plundered
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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outraged
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| a.震惊的，义愤填膺的 | |
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garrisons
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| 守备部队，卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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peculiarities
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| n. 特质, 特性, 怪癖, 古怪 | |
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brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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intrusive
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| adj.打搅的；侵扰的 | |
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impatience
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| n.不耐烦，急躁 | |
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abrupt
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| adj.突然的，意外的；唐突的，鲁莽的 | |
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butt
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| n.笑柄；烟蒂；枪托；臀部；v.用头撞或顶 | |
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musket
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| n.滑膛枪 | |
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galling
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| adj.难堪的,使烦恼的,使焦躁的 | |
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haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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51
exasperation
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| n.愤慨 | |
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remonstrance
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| n抗议，抱怨 | |
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53
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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54
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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umbrage
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| n.不快；树荫 | |
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56
incensed
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| 盛怒的 | |
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57
soothing
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| adj.慰藉的；使人宽心的；镇静的 | |
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58
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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59
simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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60
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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61
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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62
inflame
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| v.使燃烧；使极度激动；使发炎 | |
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63
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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64
instigated
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| v.使（某事物）开始或发生，鼓动( instigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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65
calumnies
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| n.诬蔑，诽谤，中伤（的话）( calumny的名词复数 ) | |
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66
slumbers
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| 睡眠，安眠( slumber的名词复数 ) | |
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67
exasperated
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| adj.恼怒的 | |
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68
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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69
conspicuously
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| ad.明显地，惹人注目地 | |
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70
superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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71
advent
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| n.(重要事件等的)到来，来临 | |
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72
enthusiast
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| n.热心人，热衷者 | |
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73
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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74
frivolous
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| adj.轻薄的；轻率的 | |
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75
disciples
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| n.信徒( disciple的名词复数 )；门徒；耶稣的信徒；（尤指）耶稣十二门徒之一 | |
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76
enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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77
primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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78
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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79
precepts
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| n.规诫，戒律，箴言( precept的名词复数 ) | |
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80
infested
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| adj.为患的，大批滋生的（常与with搭配）v.害虫、野兽大批出没于( infest的过去式和过去分词 )；遍布于 | |
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81
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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82
exhortations
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| n.敦促( exhortation的名词复数 )；极力推荐；（正式的）演讲；（宗教仪式中的）劝诫 | |
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83
copious
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| adj.丰富的，大量的 | |
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84
emetics
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| n.催吐药( emetic的名词复数 ) | |
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85
inconvenient
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| adj.不方便的，令人感到麻烦的 | |
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86
instigating
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| v.使（某事物）开始或发生，鼓动( instigate的现在分词 ) | |
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87
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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88
precursors
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| n.先驱( precursor的名词复数 )；先行者；先兆；初期形式 | |
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89
ceded
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| v.让给，割让，放弃( cede的过去式 ) | |
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90
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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91
ravage
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| vt.使...荒废，破坏...；n.破坏，掠夺，荒废 | |
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92
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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93
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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94
desultory
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| adj.散漫的，无方法的 | |
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95
protracted
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| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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96
whooping
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| 发嗬嗬声的，发咳声的 | |
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97
insignificance
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| n.不重要；无价值；无意义 | |
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98
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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99
vehement
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| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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100
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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101
subtlety
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| n.微妙，敏锐，精巧；微妙之处，细微的区别 | |
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102
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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103
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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104
inclination
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| n.倾斜；点头；弯腰；斜坡；倾度；倾向；爱好 | |
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105
imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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106
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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107
memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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108
esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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109
posture
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| n.姿势，姿态，心态，态度；v.作出某种姿势 | |
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110
momentous
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| adj.重要的，重大的 | |
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111
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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112
encroachment
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| n.侵入，蚕食 | |
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113
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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114
barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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115
trampled
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| 踩( trample的过去式和过去分词 )； 践踏； 无视； 侵犯 | |
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116
impunity
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| n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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117
recede
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| vi.退(去)，渐渐远去；向后倾斜，缩进 | |
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118
dwindle
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| v.逐渐变小（或减少） | |
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119
ridges
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| n.脊( ridge的名词复数 )；山脊；脊状突起；大气层的)高压脊 | |
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120
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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121
doom
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| n.厄运，劫数；v.注定，命定 | |
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122
avert
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| v.防止，避免；转移(目光、注意力等) | |
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123
uproot
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| v.连根拔起，拔除；根除，灭绝；赶出家园，被迫移开 | |
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124
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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125
goaded
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| v.刺激( goad的过去式和过去分词 )；激励；（用尖棒）驱赶；驱使（或怂恿、刺激）某人 | |
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126
indignities
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| n.侮辱，轻蔑( indignity的名词复数 ) | |
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127
plausible
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| adj.似真实的，似乎有理的，似乎可信的 | |
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128
revolving
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| adj.旋转的，轮转式的；循环的v.（使）旋转( revolve的现在分词 )；细想 | |
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129
meditated
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| 深思，沉思，冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 )； 内心策划，考虑 | |
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130
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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131
tributaries
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| n. 支流 | |
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132
northward
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| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
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133
hatchet
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| n.短柄小斧；v.扼杀 | |
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134
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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135
allay
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| v.消除，减轻(恐惧、怀疑等) | |
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136
irritation
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| n.激怒，恼怒，生气 | |
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137
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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138
dissimulation
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| n.掩饰，虚伪，装糊涂 | |
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139
gunpowder
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| n.火药 | |
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140
mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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141
contrition
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| n.悔罪，痛悔 | |
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142
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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143
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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144
tranquil
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| adj. 安静的, 宁静的, 稳定的, 不变的 | |
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145
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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146
deluded
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| v.欺骗，哄骗( delude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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147
stifled
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| （使）窒息， （使）窒闷( stifle的过去式和过去分词 )； 镇压，遏制； 堵 | |
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