THE WAR ON THE BORDERS.
Along the Western frontiers of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, terror reigned1 supreme2. The Indian scalping-parties were ranging everywhere, laying waste the settlements, destroying the harvests, and butchering men, women, and children, with ruthless fury. Many hundreds of wretched fugitives4 flocked for refuge to Carlisle and the other towns of the border, bringing tales of inconceivable horror. Strong parties of armed men, who went out to reconnoitre the country, found every habitation reduced to cinders6, and the half-burned bodies of the inmates7 lying among the smouldering ruins; while here and there was seen some miserable8 wretch3, scalped and tomahawked, but still alive and conscious. One writing from the midst of these scenes declares that, in his opinion, a thousand families were driven from their homes; that, on both sides of the Susquehanna, the woods were filled with fugitives, without shelter and without food; and that, unless the havoc9 were speedily checked, the western part of Pennsylvania would be totally deserted10, and Lancaster become the frontier town.[294]
While these scenes were enacted11 on the borders of Pennsylvania and the more southern provinces, the settlers in the valley of the Mohawk, and even along the Hudson, were menaced with destruction. Had not the Six Nations been kept tranquil12 by the exertions13 of Sir William Johnson, the most disastrous14 results must have ensued. The Senecas and a few of the Cayugas were the only members of the confederacy who took part in the war. Venango, as we have seen, was destroyed by a party of Senecas, who soon after made a feeble attack upon Niagara. They blockaded it for a few days, with no other effect than that of confining the garrison15 within the walls, and, soon despairing of success, abandoned the attempt.
297
In the mean time, Sir Jeffrey Amherst, the Commander-in-chief, was in a position far from enviable. He had reaped laurels16; but if he hoped to enjoy them in peace, he was doomed17 to disappointment. A miserable war was suddenly thrown on his hands, barren of honors and fruitful of troubles; and this, too, at a time when he was almost bereft18 of resources. The armies which had conquered Canada were, as we have seen, disbanded or sent home, and nothing remained but a few fragments and skeletons of regiments20 lately arrived from the West Indies, enfeebled by disease and hard service. In one particular, however, he had reason to congratulate himself,—the character of the officers who commanded under his orders in Pennsylvania, Virginia, and Maryland. Colonel Henry Bouquet21 was a Swiss, of the Canton of Berne, who had followed the trade of war from boyhood. He had served first the King of Sardinia, and afterwards the republic of Holland; and when the French war began in 1755, he accepted the commission of lieutenant23-colonel, in a regiment19 newly organized, under the direction of the Duke of Cumberland, expressly for American service. The commissions were to be given to foreigners as well as to Englishmen and provincials26; and the ranks were to be filled chiefly from the German emigrants27 in Pennsylvania and other provinces.[295] The men and officers of298 this regiment, known as the “Royal American,” had now, for more than six years, been engaged in the rough and lonely service of the frontiers and forests; and when the Indian war broke out, it was chiefly they, who, like military hermits28, held the detached outposts of the West. Bouquet, however, who was at this time colonel of the first battalion29, had his headquarters at Philadelphia, where he was held in great esteem30. His person was fine, and his bearing composed and dignified31; perhaps somewhat austere32, for he is said to have been more respected than loved by his officers. Nevertheless, their letters to him are very far from indicating any want of cordial relations. He was fond of the society of men of science, and wrote English better than most British officers of the time. Here and there, however, a passage in his letters suggests the inference, that the character of the gallant33 mercenary was toned to his profession, and to the unideal epoch34 in which he lived. Yet he was not the less an excellent soldier; indefatigable35, faithful, full of resource, and without those arrogant36 prejudices which had impaired37 the efficiency of many good British officers, in the recent war, and of which Sir Jeffrey Amherst was a conspicuous38 example. He had acquired a practical knowledge of Indian warfare39; and it is said that, in the course of the hazardous40 partisan41 service in which he was often engaged, when it was necessary to penetrate42 dark defiles43 and narrow passes, he was sometimes known to advance before his men, armed with a rifle, and acting44 the part of a scout45.[296]
Sir Jeffrey had long and persistently46 flattered himself that the Indian uprising was but a temporary ebullition, which would soon subside47. Bouquet sent him, on the fourth of June,299 a copy of a letter from Captain Ecuyer,[297] at Fort Pitt, reporting the disturbances48 in that quarter. On the next day Bouquet wrote again, in a graver strain; and Amherst replied, from New York, on the sixth: “I gave immediate49 orders for completing the light infantry50 companies of the 17th, 42d, and 77th regiments. They are to assemble without loss of time, and to encamp on Staten Island, under Major Campbell, of the 42d.... Although I have thought proper to assemble this force, which I judge more than sufficient to quell51 any disturbances the whole Indian strength could raise, yet I am persuaded the alarm will end in nothing more than a rash attempt of what the Senecas have been threatening, and which we have heard of for some time past. As to their cutting off defenceless families, or even some of the small posts, it is certainly at all times in their power to effect such enterprises.... The post of Fort Pitt, or any of the others commanded by officers, can certainly never be in danger from such a wretched enemy.... I am only sorry that when such outrages52 are committed, the guilty should escape; for I am fully53 convinced the only true method of treating the savages54 is to keep them in proper subjection, and punish, without exception, the transgressors.... As I have no sort of dependence55 on the Assembly of Pennsylvania, I have taken such measures as will fully enable me to chastise56 any nation or tribe of Indians that dare to commit hostilities57 on his Majesty’s subjects. I only wait to hear from you what farther steps the savages have taken; for I still think it cannot be any thing general, but the rash attempt of that turbulent tribe, the Senecas, who richly deserve a severe chastisement58 from our hands, for their treacherous59 behavior on many occasions.”
On receiving this letter, Bouquet immediately wrote to Ecuyer at Fort Pitt: “The General has taken the necessary measures to chastise those infamous60 villains61, and defers62 only to make them feel the weight of his resentment64 till he is better informed of their intentions.” And having thus briefly65 despatched the business in hand, he proceeds to touch on the news of the day: “I give you joy of the success of our troops at the Manilla, where Captain George Ourry hath acquired300 the two best things in this world, glory and money. We hear of a great change in the ministry,” etc.... “P. S. I have lent three pounds to the express. Please to stop it for me. The General expects that Mr. Croghan will proceed directly to Fort Pitt, when he will soon discover the causes of this sudden rupture67 and the intentions of these rascals68.”
Scarcely had Bouquet sent off the express-rider with this letter, when another came from Ecuyer with worse reports from the west. He forwarded it to Amherst, who wrote on receiving it: “I find by the intelligence enclosed in your letter that the affair of the Indians appears to be more general than I had apprehended69, although I believe nothing of what is mentioned regarding the garrison of the Detroit being cut off. It is extremely inconvenient70 at this time; ... but I cannot defer63 sending you a reinforcement for the communication.” Accordingly he ordered two companies of the 42d and 77th regiments to join Bouquet at Philadelphia. “If you think it necessary,” he adds, “you will yourself proceed to Fort Pitt, that you may be the better enabled to put in execution the requisite71 orders for securing the communication and reducing the Indians to reason.”
Amherst now bestirred himself to put such troops as he had into fighting order. The 80th regiment, Hopkins’s company of Rangers72, and a portion of the Royal Americans, were disbanded, and the men drafted to complete other broken corps73. His plan was to push forward as many troops as possible to Niagara by way of Oswego, and to Presqu’ Isle5 by way of Fort Pitt, and thence to send them up the lakes to take vengeance74 on the offending tribes.
Bouquet, recognizing at length the peril75 of the small outlying posts, like Venango and Le B?uf, proposed to abandon them, and concentrate at Fort Pitt and Presqu’ Isle; a movement which, could it have been executed in time, would have saved both blood and trouble. But Amherst would not consent. “I cannot think,” he writes, “of giving them up at this time, if we can keep them, as such a step would give the Indians room to think themselves more formidable than they really are; and it would be much better we never attempted to take posts in what they call their country, if, upon every alarm, we abandon them.... It remains76 at present for us to301 take every precaution we can, by which we may put a stop, as soon as possible, to their committing any farther mischief77, and to bring them to a proper subjection; for, without that, I never do expect that they will be quiet and orderly, as every act of kindness and generosity78 to those barbarians79 is looked upon as proceeding80 from our fears.”
Bouquet next writes to report that, with the help of the two companies sent him, he has taken steps which he hopes will secure the communication to Fort Pitt and allay81 the fears of the country people, who are deserting their homes in a panic, though the enemy has not yet appeared east of the mountains. A few days later, on the twenty-third of June, Amherst writes, boiling with indignation. He had heard from Gladwyn of the investment of Detroit, and the murder of Sir Robert Davers and Lieutenant Robertson. “The villains after this,” he says, “had the assurance to come with a Pipe of Peace, desiring admittance into the fort.” He then commends the conduct of Gladwyn, but pursues: “I only regret that when the chief of the Ottawas and the other villains returned with the Pipe of Peace, they were not instantly put to death.[298] I conclude Major Gladwyn was not apprised82 of the murder of Sir Robert Davers, Lieutenant Robertson, etc., at that time, or he certainly would have revenged their deaths by that method; and, indeed, I cannot but wish that whenever we have any of the savages in our power, who have in so treacherous a way committed any barbarities on our people, a quick retaliation83 may be made without the least exception or hesitation84. I am determined,” he continues, “to take every measure in my power, not only for securing and keeping entire possession of the country, but for punishing those barbarians who have thus perfidiously85 massacred his Majesty’s subjects. To effect this most essential service, I intend to collect, agreeable to what I wrote you in my last, all the force I can at Presqu’ Isle and Niagara, that I may push them forwards as occasion may require. I have therefore ordered the remains of the 42d and 77th regiments—the first consisting of two hundred and fourteen men, including officers, and the latter of one hundred and thirty-three, officers included—to march this evening or302 early to-morrow morning, under the command of Major Campbell of the 42d, who has my orders to send an officer before to acquaint you of his being on the march, and to obey such further directions as he may receive from you.... You will observe that I have now forwarded from hence every man that was here; for the small remains of the 17th regiment are already on their march up the Mohawk, and I have sent such of the 42d and 77th as were not able to march, to Albany, to relieve the company of the 55th at present there, who are to march immediately to Oswego.”
Two days after, the twenty-fifth of June, he writes again to Bouquet: “All the troops from hence that could be collected are sent you; so that should the whole race of Indians take arms against us, I can do no more.”[299]
On the same day, Bouquet, who was on his way to the frontier, wrote to Amherst, from Lancaster: “I had this moment the honor of your Excellency’s letter of the twenty-third instant, with the most welcome news of the preservation87 of the Detroit from the infernal treachery of the vilest88 of brutes89. I regret sincerely the brave men they have so basely massacred, but hope that we shall soon take an adequate revenge on the barbarians. The reinforcement you have ordered this way, so considerable by the additional number of officers, will fully enable me to crush the little opposition90 they may dare to make along the road, and secure that part of the country against all their future attempts, till you think proper to order us to act in conjunction with the rest of your forces to extirpate91 that vermin from a country they have forfeited92, and, with it, all claim to the rights of humanity.”
Three days later the express-rider delivered the truculent93 letter, from which the above is taken, to Amherst at New York. He replied: “Last night I received your letter of the twenty-fifth, the contents of which please me very much,—your sentiments agreeing exactly with my own regarding the treatment the savages deserve from us ... I need only add that I wish to hear of no prisoners, should any of the villains be met with in arms; and whoever of those who were concerned303 in the murder of Sir Robert Davers, Lieutenant Robertson, etc., or were at the attack of the detachment going to the Detroit,[300] and that may be hereafter taken, shall certainly be put to death.”[301]
Bouquet was now busy on the frontier in preparations for pushing forward to Fort Pitt with the troops sent him. After reaching the fort, with his wagon-trains of ammunition94 and supplies, he was to proceed to Venango and Le B?uf, reinforce and provision them; and thence advance to Presqu’ Isle to wait Amherst’s orders for the despatch66 of his troops westward95 to Detroit, Michillimackinac, and the other distant garrisons96, the fate of which was still unknown. He was encamped near Carlisle when, on the third of July, he heard what he styles the “fatal account of the loss of our posts at Presqu’ Isle, Le B?uf, and Venango.” He at once sent the news to Amherst; who, though he persisted in his original plan of operations, became at length convinced of the formidable nature of the Indian outbreak, and felt bitterly the slenderness of his own resources. His correspondence, nevertheless, breathes a certain thick-headed, blustering97 arrogance98, worthy99 of the successor of Braddock.[302] In his contempt for the Indians, he finds fault with Captain Ecuyer at Fort Pitt for304 condescending100 to fire cannon101 at them, and with Lieutenant Blane at Fort Ligonier for burning some outhouses, under cover of which “so despicable an enemy” were firing at his garrison. This despicable enemy had, however, pushed him to such straits that he made, in a postscript102 to Bouquet, the following detestable suggestion:—
“Could it not be contrived103 to send the Small Pox among those disaffected104 tribes of Indians? We must on this occasion use every stratagem105 in our power to reduce them.”
(Signed) J. A.
Bouquet replied, also in postscript:—
“I will try to inoculate106 the —— with some blankets that may fall in their hands, and take care not to get the disease myself. As it is a pity to expose good men against them, I wish we could make use of the Spanish method, to hunt them with English dogs, supported by rangers and some light horse, who would, I think, effectually extirpate or remove that vermin.”
Amherst rejoined: “You will do well to try to inoculate the Indians by means of blankets, as well as to try every other method that can serve to extirpate this execrable race. I should be very glad your scheme for hunting them down by dogs could take effect, but England is at too great a distance to think of that at present.”
(Signed) J. A.[303]305
There is no direct evidence that Bouquet carried into effect the shameful107 plan of infecting the Indians though, a few months after, the small-pox was known to have made havoc among the tribes of the Ohio. Certain it is, that he was perfectly108 capable of dealing109 with them by other means, worthy of a man and a soldier; and it is equally certain, that in relations with civilized110 men he was in a high degree honorable, humane111, and kind.
The scenes which daily met his eye might well have moved him to pity as well as indignation. When he reached Carlisle,306 at the end of June, he found every building in the fort, every house, barn, and hovel, in the little town, crowded with the families of settlers, driven from their homes by the terror of the tomahawk. Wives made widows, children made orphans112, wailed113 and moaned in anguish114 and despair. On the thirteenth of July he wrote to Amherst: “The list of the people known to be killed increases very fast every hour. The desolation of so many families, reduced to the last extremity115 of want and misery116; the despair of those who have lost their parents, relations, and friends, with the cries of distracted women and children, who fill the streets,—form a scene painful to humanity, and impossible to describe.”[304] Rage alternated with grief. A Mohican and a Cayuga Indian, both well known as friendly and peaceable, came with their squaws and children to claim protection from the soldiers. “It was with the utmost difficulty,” pursues Bouquet, “that I could prevail with the enraged117 multitude not to massacre86 them. I don’t think them very safe in the gaol118. They ought to be removed to Philadelphia.”
Bouquet, on his part, was full of anxieties. On the road from Carlisle to Fort Pitt was a chain of four or five small forts, of which the most advanced and the most exposed were Fort Bedford and Fort Ligonier; the former commanded by Captain Lewis Ourry, and the latter by Lieutenant Archibald Blane. These officers kept up a precarious119 correspondence with him and each other, by means of express-riders, a service dangerous to the last degree and soon to become impracticable. It was of the utmost importance to hold these posts, which contained stores and munitions120, the capture of which by the Indians would have led to the worst consequences. Ourry had no garrison worth the name; but at every Indian alarm the scared inhabitants would desert their farms, and gather for shelter around his fort, to disperse121 again when the alarm was over.
On the third of June, he writes to Bouquet: “No less than ninety-three families are now come in here for refuge, and307 more hourly arriving. I expect ten more before night.” He adds that he had formed the men into two militia122 companies. “My returns,” he pursues, “amount already to a hundred and fifty-five men. My regulars are increased by expresses, etc., to three corporals and nine privates; no despicable garrison!”
On the seventh, he sent another letter.... “As to myself, I find I can bear a good deal. Since the alarm I never lie down till about twelve, and am walking about the fort between two and three in the morning, turning out the guards and sending out patrols, before I suffer the gates to remain open.... My greatest difficulty is to keep my militia from straggling by twos and threes to their dear plantations123, thereby124 exposing themselves to be scalped, and weakening my garrison by such numbers absenting themselves. They are still in good spirits, but they don’t know all the bad news. I shall use all means to prevail on them to stay till some troops come up. I long to see my Indian scouts125 come in with intelligence; but I long more to hear the Grenadiers’ March, and see some more red-coats.”
Ten days later, the face of affairs had changed. “I am now, as I foresaw, entirely126 deserted by the country people. No accident having happened here, they have gradually left me to return to their plantations; so that my whole force is reduced to twelve Royal Americans to guard the fort, and seven Indian prisoners. I should be very glad to see some troops come to my assistance. A fort with five bastions cannot be guarded, much less defended, by a dozen men; but I hope God will protect us.”
On the next day, he writes again: “This moment I return from the parade. Some scalps taken up Dening’s Creek127 yesterday, and to-day some families murdered and houses burnt, have restored me my militia.... Two or three other families are missing, and the houses are seen in flames. The people are all flocking in again.”
Two days afterwards, he says that, while the countrymen were at drill on the parade, three Indians attempted to seize two little girls, close to the fort, but were driven off by a volley. “This,” he pursues, “has added greatly to the panic of the people. With difficulty I can restrain them from murdering the Indian prisoners.” And he concludes: “I can’t help thinking that the enemy will collect, after cutting off the little308 posts one after another, leaving Fort Pitt as too tough a morsel128, and bend their whole force upon the frontiers.”
On the second of July, he describes an attack by about twenty Indians on a party of mowers, several of whom were killed. “This accident,” he says, “has thrown the people into a great consternation129, but such is their stupidity that they will do nothing right for their own preservation.”
It was on the next day that he sent a mounted soldier to Bouquet with news of the loss of Presqu’ Isle and its sister posts, which Blane, who had received it from Fort Pitt, had contrived to send him; though he himself, in his feeble little fort of Ligonier, buried in a sea of forests, hardly dared hope to maintain himself. Bouquet was greatly moved at the tidings, and his vexation betrayed him into injustice130 towards the defender131 of Presqu’ Isle. “Humanity makes me hope that Christie is dead, as his scandalous capitulation, for a post of that consequence and so impregnable to savages, deserves the most severe punishment.”[305] He is equally vehement132 in regard to Blane, who appears to have intimated, in writing to Ourry, that he had himself had thoughts of capitulating, like Christie. “I shivered when you hinted to me Lieutenant Bl——’s intentions. Death and infamy133 would have been the reward he would expect, instead of the honor he has obtained by his prudence134, courage, and resolution.... This is a most trying time.... You may be sure that all the expedition possible will be used for the relief of the few remaining posts.”[306]
As for Blane, the following extracts from his letters will show his position; though, when his affairs were at the worst, nothing was heard from him, as all his messengers were killed. On the fourth of June, he writes: “Thursday last my garrison was attacked by a body of Indians, about five in the morning; but as they only fired upon us from the skirts of the309 woods, I contented135 myself with giving them three cheers, without spending a single shot upon them. But as they still continued their popping upon the side next the town, I sent the sergeant136 of the Royal Americans, with a proper detachment, to fire the houses, which effectually disappointed them in their plan.”
On the seventeenth, he writes to Bouquet: “I hope soon to see yourself, and live in daily hopes of a reinforcement.... Sunday last, a man straggling out was killed by the Indians; and Monday night three of them got under the n—— house, but were discovered. The darkness secured them their retreat.... I believe the communication between Fort Pitt and this is entirely cut off, having heard nothing from them since the thirtieth of May, though two expresses have gone from Bedford by this post.”
On the twenty-eighth, he explains that he has not been able to report for some time, the road having been completely closed by the enemy. “On the twenty-first,” he continues, “the Indians made a second attempt in a very serious manner, for near two hours, but with the like success as the first. They began with attempting to cut off the retreat of a small party of fifteen men, who, from their impatience137 to come at four Indians who showed themselves, in a great measure forced me to let them out. In the evening, I think above a hundred lay in ambush138 by the side of the creek, about four hundred yards from the fort; and, just as the party was returning pretty near where they lay, they rushed out, when they undoubtedly139 must have succeeded, had it not been for a deep morass140 which intervened. Immediately after, they began their attack; and I dare say they fired upwards141 of one thousand shot. Nobody received any damage. So far, my good fortune in dangers still attends me.”
And here one cannot but give a moment’s thought to those whose desperate duty it was to be the bearers of this correspondence of the officers of the forest outposts with their commander. They were usually soldiers, sometimes backwoodsmen, and occasionally a friendly Indian, who, disguising his attachment142 to the whites, could pass when others would infallibly have perished. If white men, they were always mounted; and it may well be supposed that their horses310 did not lag by the way. The profound solitude143; the silence, broken only by the moan of the wind, the caw of the crow, or the cry of some prowling tenant24 of the waste; the mystery of the verdant144 labyrinth145, which the anxious wayfarer146 strained his eyes in vain to penetrate; the consciousness that in every thicket147, behind every rock, might lurk148 a foe149 more fierce and subtle than the cougar150 or the lynx; and the long hours of darkness, when, stretched on the cold ground, his excited fancy roamed in nightmare visions of a horror but too real and imminent,—such was the experience of many an unfortunate who never lived to tell it. If the messenger was an Indian, his greatest danger was from those who should have been his friends. Friendly Indians were told, whenever they approached a fort, to make themselves known by carrying green branches thrust into the muzzles151 of their guns; and an order was issued that the token should be respected. This gave them tolerable security as regarded soldiers, but not as regarded the enraged backwoodsmen, who would shoot without distinction at any thing with a red skin.
To return to Bouquet, who lay encamped at Carlisle, urging on his preparations, but met by obstacles at every step. Wagons153 and horses had been promised, but promises were broken, and all was vexation and delay. The province of Pennsylvania, from causes to be shown hereafter, would do nothing to aid the troops who were defending it; and even the people of the frontier, partly from the apathy154 and confusion of terror, and partly, it seems, from dislike and jealousy155 of the regulars, were backward and sluggish156 in co-operating with them. “I hope,” writes Bouquet to Sir Jeffrey Amherst, “that we shall be able to save that infatuated people from destruction, notwithstanding all their endeavors to defeat your vigorous measures. I meet everywhere with the same backwardness, even among the most exposed of the inhabitants, which makes every thing move on heavily, and is disgusting to the last degree.” And again: “I find myself utterly158 abandoned by the very people I am ordered to protect.... I have borne very patiently the ill-usage of this province, having still hopes that they will do something for us; and therefore have avoided to quarrel with them.”
While, vexed159 and exasperated160, Bouquet labored161 at his311 thankless task, remonstrated162 with provincial25 officials, or appealed to refractory163 farmers, the terror of the country people increased every day. When on Sunday, the third of July, Ourry’s express rode into Carlisle with the disastrous news from Presqu’ Isle and the other outposts, he stopped for a moment in the village street to water his horse. A crowd of countrymen were instantly about him, besieging164 him with questions. He told his ill-omened story; and added as, remounting, he rode towards Bouquet’s tent, “The Indians will be here soon.” All was now excitement and consternation. Messengers hastened out to spread the tidings; and every road and pathway leading into Carlisle was beset165 with the flying settlers, flocking thither166 for refuge. Soon rumors167 were heard that the Indians were come. Some of the fugitives had seen the smoke of burning houses rising from the valleys; and these reports were fearfully confirmed by the appearance of miserable wretches168, who, half frantic169 with grief and dismay, had fled from blazing dwellings170 and slaughtered171 families. A party of the inhabitants armed themselves and went out, to warn the living and bury the dead. Reaching Shearman’s Valley, they found fields laid waste, stacked wheat on fire, and the houses yet in flames; and they grew sick with horror at seeing a group of hogs172 tearing and devouring173 the bodies of the dead.[307] As they advanced up the valley, every thing betokened174 the recent presence of the enemy, while columns of smoke, rising among the surrounding mountains, showed how general was the work of destruction.
On the preceding day, six men, assembled for reaping the harvest, had been seated at dinner at the house of Campbell, a settler on the Juniata. Four or five Indians suddenly burst the door, fired among them, and then beat down the survivors175 with the butts176 of their rifles. One young man leaped from his seat, snatched a gun which stood in a corner, discharged it into the breast of the warrior177 who was rushing upon him, and, leaping through an open window, made his escape. He fled through the forest to a settlement at some distance, where he related his story. Upon this, twelve young men volunteered to cross the mountain, and warn the inhabitants of312 the neighboring Tuscarora valley. On entering it, they found that the enemy had been there before them. Some of the houses were on fire, while others were still standing157, with no tenants178 but the dead. Under the shed of a farmer, the Indians had been feasting on the flesh of the cattle they had killed, and the meat had not yet grown cold. Pursuing their course, the white men found the spot where several detached parties of the enemy had united almost immediately before; and they boldly resolved to follow, in order to ascertain179 what direction the marauders had taken. The trail led them up a deep and woody pass of the Tuscarora. Here the yell of the war-whoop and the din22 of fire-arms suddenly greeted them, and five of their number were shot down. Thirty warriors180 rose from their ambuscade, and rushed upon them. They gave one discharge, scattered181, and ran for their lives. One of them, a boy named Charles Eliot, as he fled, plunging182 through the thickets183, heard an Indian tearing the boughs184 behind him, in furious pursuit. He seized his powder-horn, poured the contents at random185 down the muzzle152 of his gun, threw in a bullet after them, without using the ramrod, and, wheeling about, discharged the piece into the breast of his pursuer. He saw the Indian shrink back and roll over into the bushes. He continued his flight; but a moment after, a voice called his name. Turning to the spot, he saw one of his comrades stretched helpless upon the ground. This man had been mortally wounded at the first fire, but had fled a few rods from the scene of blood, before his strength gave out. Eliot approached him. “Take my gun,” said the dying frontiersman. “Whenever you see an Indian, kill him with it, and then I shall be satisfied.”[308] Eliot, with several others of the party, escaped, and finally reached Carlisle, where his story excited a spirit of uncontrollable wrath186 and vengeance among the fierce backwoodsmen. Several parties went out; and one of them, commanded by the sheriff of the place, encountered a band of Indians, routed them after a sharp fight, and brought in several scalps.[309]
313
The surrounding country was by this time completely abandoned by the settlers, many of whom, not content with seeking refuge at Carlisle, continued their flight to the eastward187, and, headed by the clergyman of that place, pushed on to Lancaster, and even to Philadelphia.[310] Carlisle presented a most deplorable spectacle. A multitude of the refugees, unable to find shelter in the town, had encamped in the woods or on the adjacent fields, erecting188 huts of branches and bark, and living on such charity as the slender means of the townspeople could supply. Passing among them, one would have witnessed every form of human misery. In these wretched encampments were men, women, and children, bereft at one stroke of friends, of home, and the means of supporting life. Some stood aghast and bewildered at the sudden and fatal blow; others were sunk in the apathy of despair; others were weeping and moaning with irrepressible anguish. With not a few, the craven passion of fear drowned all other emotion, and day and night they were haunted with visions of the bloody189 knife and the reeking190 scalp; while in others, every faculty191 was absorbed by the burning thirst for vengeance, and mortal hatred192 against the whole Indian race.
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reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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wretch
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fugitives
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isle
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cinders
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inmates
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miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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9
havoc
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| n.大破坏，浩劫，大混乱，大杂乱 | |
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10
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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12
tranquil
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| adj. 安静的, 宁静的, 稳定的, 不变的 | |
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13
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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14
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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15
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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16
laurels
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| n.桂冠，荣誉 | |
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17
doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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18
bereft
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| adj.被剥夺的 | |
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19
regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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20
regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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21
bouquet
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| n.花束，酒香 | |
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22
din
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| n.喧闹声，嘈杂声 | |
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23
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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24
tenant
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| n.承租人；房客；佃户；v.租借，租用 | |
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25
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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26
provincials
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| n.首都以外的人，地区居民( provincial的名词复数 ) | |
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27
emigrants
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| n.（从本国移往他国的）移民( emigrant的名词复数 ) | |
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28
hermits
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| （尤指早期基督教的）隐居修道士，隐士，遁世者( hermit的名词复数 ) | |
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29
battalion
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| n.营；部队；大队(的人) | |
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30
esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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31
dignified
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| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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32
austere
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| adj.艰苦的；朴素的，朴实无华的；严峻的 | |
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33
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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34
epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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35
indefatigable
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| adj.不知疲倦的，不屈不挠的 | |
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36
arrogant
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的 | |
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37
impaired
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|
| adj.受损的；出毛病的；有（身体或智力）缺陷的v.损害，削弱( impair的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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38
conspicuous
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|
| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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39
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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40
hazardous
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| adj.(有)危险的，冒险的；碰运气的 | |
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41
partisan
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|
| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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42
penetrate
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|
| v.透(渗)入；刺入，刺穿；洞察，了解 | |
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43
defiles
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| v.玷污( defile的第三人称单数 )；污染；弄脏；纵列行进 | |
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44
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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45
scout
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|
| n.童子军，侦察员；v.侦察，搜索 | |
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46
persistently
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| ad.坚持地；固执地 | |
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47
subside
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| vi.平静，平息；下沉，塌陷，沉降 | |
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48
disturbances
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| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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49
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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50
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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51
quell
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| v.压制，平息，减轻 | |
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52
outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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53
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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54
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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55
dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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56
chastise
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| vt.责骂，严惩 | |
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57
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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58
chastisement
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| n.惩罚 | |
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59
treacherous
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|
| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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60
infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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61
villains
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| n.恶棍( villain的名词复数 )；罪犯；（小说、戏剧等中的）反面人物；淘气鬼 | |
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62
defers
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| v.拖延，延缓，推迟( defer的第三人称单数 )；服从某人的意愿，遵从 | |
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63
defer
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| vt.推迟，拖延；vi.(to)遵从，听从，服从 | |
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64
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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65
briefly
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|
| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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66
despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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67
rupture
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| n.破裂；(关系的)决裂；v.(使)破裂 | |
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68
rascals
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| 流氓( rascal的名词复数 )； 无赖； （开玩笑说法）淘气的人（尤指小孩）； 恶作剧的人 | |
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69
apprehended
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
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70
inconvenient
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| adj.不方便的，令人感到麻烦的 | |
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71
requisite
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|
| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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72
rangers
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| 护林者( ranger的名词复数 )； 突击队员 | |
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73
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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74
vengeance
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|
| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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75
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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76
remains
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|
| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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77
mischief
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|
| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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78
generosity
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|
| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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79
barbarians
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|
| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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80
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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81
allay
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| v.消除，减轻(恐惧、怀疑等) | |
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82
apprised
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| v.告知，通知( apprise的过去式和过去分词 )；评价 | |
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83
retaliation
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|
| n.报复，反击 | |
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84
hesitation
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|
| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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85
perfidiously
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|
| adv.不忠实地，背信地 | |
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86
massacre
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|
| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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87
preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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88
vilest
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|
| adj.卑鄙的( vile的最高级 )；可耻的；极坏的；非常讨厌的 | |
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89
brutes
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| 兽( brute的名词复数 )； 畜生； 残酷无情的人； 兽性 | |
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90
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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91
extirpate
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| v.除尽，灭绝 | |
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92
forfeited
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| （因违反协议、犯规、受罚等）丧失，失去( forfeit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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93
truculent
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|
| adj.野蛮的，粗野的 | |
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94
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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95
westward
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|
| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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96
garrisons
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| 守备部队，卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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97
blustering
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| adj.狂风大作的，狂暴的v.外强中干的威吓( bluster的现在分词 )；咆哮；（风）呼啸；狂吹 | |
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98
arrogance
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| n.傲慢，自大 | |
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99
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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100
condescending
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| adj.谦逊的,故意屈尊的 | |
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101
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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102
postscript
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|
| n.附言，又及；(正文后的)补充说明 | |
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103
contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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104
disaffected
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| adj.（政治上）不满的，叛离的 | |
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105
stratagem
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| n.诡计，计谋 | |
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106
inoculate
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| v.给...接种，给...注射疫苗 | |
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107
shameful
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| adj.可耻的，不道德的 | |
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108
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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109
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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110
civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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111
humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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112
orphans
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| 孤儿( orphan的名词复数 ) | |
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113
wailed
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| v.哭叫，哀号( wail的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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114
anguish
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| n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦，烦恼 | |
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115
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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116
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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117
enraged
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| 使暴怒( enrage的过去式和过去分词 )； 歜； 激愤 | |
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118
gaol
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| n.(jail)监狱；(不加冠词)监禁；vt.使…坐牢 | |
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119
precarious
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| adj.不安定的，靠不住的；根据不足的 | |
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120
munitions
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| n.军火，弹药；v.供应…军需品 | |
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121
disperse
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| vi.使分散；使消失；vt.分散；驱散 | |
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122
militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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123
plantations
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| n.种植园，大农场( plantation的名词复数 ) | |
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124
thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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125
scouts
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| 侦察员[机，舰]( scout的名词复数 )； 童子军； 搜索； 童子军成员 | |
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126
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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127
creek
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| n.小溪，小河，小湾 | |
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128
morsel
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| n.一口，一点点 | |
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129
consternation
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| n.大为吃惊，惊骇 | |
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130
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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131
defender
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| n.保卫者，拥护者，辩护人 | |
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132
vehement
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| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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133
infamy
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| n.声名狼藉，出丑，恶行 | |
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134
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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135
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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136
sergeant
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| n.警官，中士 | |
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137
impatience
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| n.不耐烦，急躁 | |
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138
ambush
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| n.埋伏(地点)；伏兵；v.埋伏；伏击 | |
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139
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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140
morass
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| n.沼泽，困境 | |
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141
upwards
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| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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142
attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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143
solitude
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| n. 孤独; 独居,荒僻之地,幽静的地方 | |
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144
verdant
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| adj.翠绿的，青翠的，生疏的，不老练的 | |
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145
labyrinth
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| n.迷宫；难解的事物；迷路 | |
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146
wayfarer
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| n.旅人 | |
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147
thicket
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| n.灌木丛，树林 | |
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148
lurk
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| n.潜伏，潜行；v.潜藏，潜伏，埋伏 | |
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149
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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150
cougar
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| n.美洲狮；美洲豹 | |
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151
muzzles
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| 枪口( muzzle的名词复数 )； （防止动物咬人的）口套； （四足动物的）鼻口部； （狗）等凸出的鼻子和口 | |
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152
muzzle
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| n.鼻口部；口套；枪(炮)口；vt.使缄默 | |
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153
wagons
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| n.四轮的运货马车( wagon的名词复数 )；铁路货车；小手推车 | |
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154
apathy
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| n.漠不关心，无动于衷；冷淡 | |
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155
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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156
sluggish
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| adj.懒惰的，迟钝的，无精打采的 | |
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157
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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158
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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159
vexed
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| adj.争论不休的；（指问题等）棘手的；争论不休的问题；烦恼的v.使烦恼( vex的过去式和过去分词 )；使苦恼；使生气；详细讨论 | |
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160
exasperated
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| adj.恼怒的 | |
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161
labored
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| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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162
remonstrated
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| v.抗议( remonstrate的过去式和过去分词 )；告诫 | |
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163
refractory
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| adj.倔强的，难驾驭的 | |
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164
besieging
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的现在分词 ) | |
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165
beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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166
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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167
rumors
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| n.传闻( rumor的名词复数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷v.传闻( rumor的第三人称单数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷 | |
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168
wretches
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| n.不幸的人( wretch的名词复数 )；可怜的人；恶棍；坏蛋 | |
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169
frantic
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| adj.狂乱的，错乱的，激昂的 | |
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170
dwellings
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| n.住处，处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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171
slaughtered
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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172
hogs
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| n.（尤指喂肥供食用的）猪( hog的名词复数 )；（供食用的）阉公猪；彻底地做某事；自私的或贪婪的人 | |
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173
devouring
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| 吞没( devour的现在分词 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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174
betokened
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| v.预示，表示( betoken的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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175
survivors
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| 幸存者，残存者，生还者( survivor的名词复数 ) | |
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176
butts
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| 笑柄( butt的名词复数 )； （武器或工具的）粗大的一端； 屁股； 烟蒂 | |
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177
warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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178
tenants
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| n.房客( tenant的名词复数 )；佃户；占用者；占有者 | |
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179
ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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180
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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181
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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182
plunging
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| adj.跳进的，突进的v.颠簸( plunge的现在分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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183
thickets
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| n.灌木丛( thicket的名词复数 )；丛状物 | |
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184
boughs
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| 大树枝( bough的名词复数 ) | |
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185
random
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| adj.随机的；任意的；n.偶然的(或随便的)行动 | |
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186
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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187
eastward
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| adv.向东；adj.向东的；n.东方，东部 | |
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188
erecting
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| v.使直立，竖起( erect的现在分词 )；建立 | |
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189
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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190
reeking
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| v.发出浓烈的臭气( reek的现在分词 )；散发臭气；发出难闻的气味 (of sth)；明显带有（令人不快或生疑的跡象） | |
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191
faculty
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| n.才能；学院，系；(学院或系的)全体教学人员 | |
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192
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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