The Duke of Wellington has ever been the votary10 of circumstances. He cares little for causes. He watches events rather than seeks to produce them. It is a characteristic of the military mind. Rapid combinations, the result of quick, vigilant11, and comprehensive glance, are generally triumphant12 in the field: but in civil affairs, where results are not immediate13; in diplomacy14 and in the management of deliberative assemblies, where there is much intervening time and many counteracting15 causes, this velocity16 of decision, this fitful and precipitate17 action, are often productive of considerable embarrassment18, and sometimes of terrible discomfiture19. It is remarkable20 that men celebrated21 for military prudence22 are often found to be headstrong statesmen. In civil life a great general is frequently and strangely the creature of impulse; influenced in his political movements by the last snatch of information; and often the creature of the last aide-de-camp who has his ear.
We shall endeavour to trace in another chapter the reasons which on this as on previous and subsequent occasions, induced Sir Robert Peel to stand aloof23, if possible, from official life, and made him reluctant to re-enter the service of his Sovereign. In the present instance, even temporary success could only have been secured by the utmost decision, promptness, and energy. These were all wanting: some were afraid to follow the bold example of their leader; many were disinclined. In eight-and-forty hours it was known there was a ‘hitch.’
The Reform party, who had been rather stupefied than appalled24 by the accepted mission of the Duke of Wellington, collected their scattered25 senses, and rallied their forces. The agitators26 harangued27, the mobs hooted28. The City of London, as if the King had again tried to seize the five members, appointed a permanent committee of the Common Council to watch the fortunes of the ‘great national measure,’ and to report daily. Brookes’, which was the only place that at first was really frightened and talked of compromise, grew valiant29 again; while young Whig heroes jumped upon club-room tables, and delivered fiery30 invectives. Emboldened31 by these demonstrations32, the House of Commons met in great force, and passed a vote which struck, without disguise, at all rival powers in the State; virtually announced its supremacy33; revealed the forlorn position of the House of Lords under the new arrangement; and seemed to lay for ever the fluttering phantom34 of regal prerogative35.
It was on the 9th of May that Lord Lyndhurst was with the King, and on the 15th all was over. Nothing in parliamentary history so humiliating as the funeral oration36 delivered that day by the Duke of Wellington over the old constitution, that, modelled on the Venetian, had governed England since the accession of the House of Hanover. He described his Sovereign, when his Grace first repaired to his Majesty37, as in a state of the greatest ‘difficulty and distress,’ appealing to his never-failing loyalty38 to extricate39 him from his trouble and vexation. The Duke of Wellington, representing the House of Lords, sympathises with the King, and pledges his utmost efforts for his Majesty’s relief. But after five days’ exertion40, this man of indomitable will and invincible41 fortunes, resigns the task in discomfiture and despair, and alleges42 as the only and sufficient reason for his utter and hopeless defeat, that the House of Commons had come to a vote which ran counter to the contemplated43 exercise of the prerogative.
From that moment power passed from the House of Lords to another assembly. But if the peers have ceased to be magnificoes, may it not also happen that the Sovereign may cease to be a Doge? It is not impossible that the political movements of our time, which seem on the surface to have a tendency to democracy, may have in reality a monarchical45 bias46.
In less than a fortnight’s time the House of Lords, like James II., having abdicated47 their functions by absence, the Reform Bill passed; the ardent48 monarch44, who a few months before had expressed his readiness to go down to Parliament, in a hackney coach if necessary, to assist its progress, now declining personally to give his assent49 to its provisions.
In the protracted50 discussions to which this celebrated measure gave rise, nothing is more remarkable than the perplexities into which the speakers of both sides are thrown, when they touch upon the nature of the representative principle. On one hand it was maintained, that, under the old system, the people were virtually represented; while on the other, it was triumphantly51 urged, that if the principle be conceded, the people should not be virtually, but actually, represented. But who are the people? And where are you to draw a line? And why should there be any? It was urged that a contribution to the taxes was the constitutional qualification for the suffrage52. But we have established a system of taxation53 in this country of so remarkable a nature, that the beggar who chews his quid as he sweeps a crossing, is contributing to the imposts! Is he to have a vote? He is one of the people, and he yields his quota54 to the public burthens.
Amid these conflicting statements, and these confounding conclusions, it is singular that no member of either House should have recurred55 to the original character of these popular assemblies, which have always prevailed among the northern nations. We still retain in the antique phraseology of our statutes56 the term which might have beneficially guided a modern Reformer in his reconstructive labours.
When the crowned Northman consulted on the welfare of his kingdom, he assembled the ESTATES of his realm. Now an estate is a class of the nation invested with political rights. There appeared the estate of the clergy57, of the barons58, of other classes. In the Scandinavian kingdoms to this day, the estate of the peasants sends its representatives to the Diet. In England, under the Normans, the Church and the Baronage were convoked59, together with the estate of the Community, a term which then probably described the inferior holders60 of land, whose tenure61 was not immediate of the Crown. This Third Estate was so numerous, that convenience suggested its appearance by representation; while the others, more limited, appeared, and still appear, personally. The Third Estate was reconstructed as circumstances developed themselves. It was a Reform of Parliament when the towns were summoned.
In treating the House of the Third Estate as the House of the People, and not as the House of a privileged class, the Ministry and Parliament of 1831 virtually conceded the principle of Universal Suffrage. In this point of view the ten-pound franchise62 was an arbitrary, irrational63, and impolitic qualification. It had, indeed, the merit of simplicity64, and so had the constitutions of Abbé Siéyès. But its immediate and inevitable65 result was Chartism.
But if the Ministry and Parliament of 1831 had announced that the time had arrived when the Third Estate should be enlarged and reconstructed, they would have occupied an intelligible66 position; and if, instead of simplicity of elements in its reconstruction67, they had sought, on the contrary, various and varying materials which would have neutralised the painful predominance of any particular interest in the new scheme, and prevented those banded jealousies68 which have been its consequences, the nation would have found itself in a secure condition. Another class not less numerous than the existing one, and invested with privileges not less important, would have been added to the public estates of the realm; and the bewildering phrase ‘the People’ would have remained, what it really is, a term of natural philosophy, and not of political science.
During this eventful week of May, 1832, when an important revolution was effected in the most considerable of modern kingdoms, in a manner so tranquil69, that the victims themselves were scarcely conscious at the time of the catastrophe70, Coningsby passed his hours in unaccustomed pleasures, and in novel excitement. Although he heard daily from the lips of Mr. Rigby and his friends that England was for ever lost, the assembled guests still contrived71 to do justice to his grandfather’s excellent dinners; nor did the impending72 ruin that awaited them prevent the Princess Colonna from going to the Opera, whither she very good-naturedly took Coningsby. Madame Colonna, indeed, gave such gratifying accounts of her dear young friend, that Coningsby became daily a greater favourite with Lord Monmouth, who cherished the idea that his grandson had inherited not merely the colour of his eyes, but something of his shrewd and fearless spirit.
With Lucretia, Coningsby did not much advance. She remained silent and sullen73. She was not beautiful; pallid74, with a lowering brow, and an eye that avoided meeting another’s. Madame Colonna, though good-natured, felt for her something of the affection for which step-mothers are celebrated. Lucretia, indeed, did not encourage her kindness, which irritated her step-mother, who seemed seldom to address her but to rate and chide75; Lucretia never replied, but looked dogged. Her father, the Prince, did not compensate76 for this treatment. The memory of her mother, whom he had greatly disliked, did not soften77 his heart. He was a man still young; slender, not tall; very handsome, but worn; a haggard Antinous; his beautiful hair daily thinning; his dress rich and effeminate; many jewels, much lace. He seldom spoke78, but was polished, though moody79.
At the end of the week, Coningsby returned to Eton. On the eve of his departure, Lord Monmouth desired his grandson to meet him in his apartments on the morrow, before quitting his roof. This farewell visit was as kind and gracious as the first one had been repulsive80. Lord Monmouth gave Coningsby his blessing81 and ten pounds; desired that he would order a dress, anything he liked, for the approaching Montem, which Lord Monmouth meant to attend; and informed his grandson that he should order that in future a proper supply of game and venison should be forwarded to Eton for the use of himself and his friends.
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1 perplexed | |
adj.不知所措的 | |
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2 ascertain | |
vt.发现,确定,查明,弄清 | |
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3 ignominiously | |
adv.耻辱地,屈辱地,丢脸地 | |
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4 ministry | |
n.(政府的)部;牧师 | |
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5 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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6 boroughs | |
(尤指大伦敦的)行政区( borough的名词复数 ); 议会中有代表的市镇 | |
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7 consistency | |
n.一贯性,前后一致,稳定性;(液体的)浓度 | |
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8 premature | |
adj.比预期时间早的;不成熟的,仓促的 | |
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9 judgment | |
n.审判;判断力,识别力,看法,意见 | |
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10 votary | |
n.崇拜者;爱好者;adj.誓约的,立誓任圣职的 | |
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11 vigilant | |
adj.警觉的,警戒的,警惕的 | |
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12 triumphant | |
adj.胜利的,成功的;狂欢的,喜悦的 | |
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13 immediate | |
adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
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14 diplomacy | |
n.外交;外交手腕,交际手腕 | |
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15 counteracting | |
对抗,抵消( counteract的现在分词 ) | |
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16 velocity | |
n.速度,速率 | |
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17 precipitate | |
adj.突如其来的;vt.使突然发生;n.沉淀物 | |
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18 embarrassment | |
n.尴尬;使人为难的人(事物);障碍;窘迫 | |
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19 discomfiture | |
n.崩溃;大败;挫败;困惑 | |
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20 remarkable | |
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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21 celebrated | |
adj.有名的,声誉卓著的 | |
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22 prudence | |
n.谨慎,精明,节俭 | |
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23 aloof | |
adj.远离的;冷淡的,漠不关心的 | |
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24 appalled | |
v.使惊骇,使充满恐惧( appall的过去式和过去分词)adj.惊骇的;丧胆的 | |
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25 scattered | |
adj.分散的,稀疏的;散步的;疏疏落落的 | |
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26 agitators | |
n.(尤指政治变革的)鼓动者( agitator的名词复数 );煽动者;搅拌器;搅拌机 | |
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27 harangued | |
v.高谈阔论( harangue的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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28 hooted | |
(使)作汽笛声响,作汽车喇叭声( hoot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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29 valiant | |
adj.勇敢的,英勇的;n.勇士,勇敢的人 | |
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30 fiery | |
adj.燃烧着的,火红的;暴躁的;激烈的 | |
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31 emboldened | |
v.鼓励,使有胆量( embolden的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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32 demonstrations | |
证明( demonstration的名词复数 ); 表明; 表达; 游行示威 | |
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33 supremacy | |
n.至上;至高权力 | |
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34 phantom | |
n.幻影,虚位,幽灵;adj.错觉的,幻影的,幽灵的 | |
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35 prerogative | |
n.特权 | |
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36 oration | |
n.演说,致辞,叙述法 | |
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37 majesty | |
n.雄伟,壮丽,庄严,威严;最高权威,王权 | |
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38 loyalty | |
n.忠诚,忠心 | |
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39 extricate | |
v.拯救,救出;解脱 | |
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40 exertion | |
n.尽力,努力 | |
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41 invincible | |
adj.不可征服的,难以制服的 | |
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42 alleges | |
断言,宣称,辩解( allege的第三人称单数 ) | |
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43 contemplated | |
adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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44 monarch | |
n.帝王,君主,最高统治者 | |
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45 monarchical | |
adj. 国王的,帝王的,君主的,拥护君主制的 =monarchic | |
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46 bias | |
n.偏见,偏心,偏袒;vt.使有偏见 | |
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47 abdicated | |
放弃(职责、权力等)( abdicate的过去式和过去分词 ); 退位,逊位 | |
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48 ardent | |
adj.热情的,热烈的,强烈的,烈性的 | |
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49 assent | |
v.批准,认可;n.批准,认可 | |
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50 protracted | |
adj.拖延的;延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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51 triumphantly | |
ad.得意洋洋地;得胜地;成功地 | |
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52 suffrage | |
n.投票,选举权,参政权 | |
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53 taxation | |
n.征税,税收,税金 | |
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54 quota | |
n.(生产、进出口等的)配额,(移民的)限额 | |
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55 recurred | |
再发生,复发( recur的过去式和过去分词 ); 治愈 | |
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56 statutes | |
成文法( statute的名词复数 ); 法令; 法规; 章程 | |
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57 clergy | |
n.[总称]牧师,神职人员 | |
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58 barons | |
男爵( baron的名词复数 ); 巨头; 大王; 大亨 | |
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59 convoked | |
v.召集,召开(会议)( convoke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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60 holders | |
支持物( holder的名词复数 ); 持有者; (支票等)持有人; 支托(或握持)…之物 | |
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61 tenure | |
n.终身职位;任期;(土地)保有权,保有期 | |
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62 franchise | |
n.特许,特权,专营权,特许权 | |
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63 irrational | |
adj.无理性的,失去理性的 | |
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64 simplicity | |
n.简单,简易;朴素;直率,单纯 | |
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65 inevitable | |
adj.不可避免的,必然发生的 | |
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66 intelligible | |
adj.可理解的,明白易懂的,清楚的 | |
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67 reconstruction | |
n.重建,再现,复原 | |
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68 jealousies | |
n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 );妒羡 | |
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69 tranquil | |
adj. 安静的, 宁静的, 稳定的, 不变的 | |
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70 catastrophe | |
n.大灾难,大祸 | |
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71 contrived | |
adj.不自然的,做作的;虚构的 | |
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72 impending | |
a.imminent, about to come or happen | |
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73 sullen | |
adj.愠怒的,闷闷不乐的,(天气等)阴沉的 | |
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74 pallid | |
adj.苍白的,呆板的 | |
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75 chide | |
v.叱责;谴责 | |
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76 compensate | |
vt.补偿,赔偿;酬报 vi.弥补;补偿;抵消 | |
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77 soften | |
v.(使)变柔软;(使)变柔和 | |
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78 spoke | |
n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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79 moody | |
adj.心情不稳的,易怒的,喜怒无常的 | |
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80 repulsive | |
adj.排斥的,使人反感的 | |
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81 blessing | |
n.祈神赐福;祷告;祝福,祝愿 | |
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