The results of the two canvasses4 were such as had been anticipated from the previous reports of the respective agents and supporters. In these days the personal canvass of a candidate is a mere5 form. The whole country that is to be invaded has been surveyed and mapped out before entry; every position reconnoitred; the chain of communications complete. In the present case, as was not unusual, both candidates were really supported by numerous and reputable adherents6; and both had good grounds for believing that they would be ultimately successful. But there was a body of the electors sufficiently7 numerous to turn the election, who would not promise their votes: conscientious8 men who felt the responsibility of the duty that the constitution had entrusted9 to their discharge, and who would not make up their minds without duly weighing the respective merits of the two rivals. This class of deeply meditative10 individuals are distinguished11 not only by their pensive12 turn of mind, but by a charitable vein13 that seems to pervade14 their being. Not only will they think of your request, but for their parts they wish both sides equally well. Decision, indeed, as it must dash the hopes of one of their solicitors15, seems infinitely16 painful to them; they have always a good reason for postponing17 it. If you seek their suffrage18 during the canvass, they reply, that the writ19 not having come down, the day of election is not yet fixed20. If you call again to inform them that the writ has arrived, they rejoin, that perhaps after all there may not be a contest. If you call a third time, half dead with fatigue21, to give them friendly notice that both you and your rival have pledged yourselves to go to the poll, they twitch22 their trousers, rub their hands, and with a dull grin observe,
‘Well, sir, we shall see.’
‘Come, Mr. Jobson,’ says one of the committee, with an insinuating23 smile, ‘give Mr. Millbank one.’
‘Jobson, I think you and I know each other,’ says a most influential24 supporter, with a knowing nod.
‘Yes, Mr. Smith, I should think we did.’
‘Come, come, give us one.’
‘Well, I have not made up my mind yet, gentlemen.’
‘Jobson!’ says a solemn voice, ‘didn’t you tell me the other night you wished well to this gentleman?’
‘So I do; I wish well to everybody,’ replies the imperturbable25 Jobson.
‘Well, Jobson,’ exclaims another member of the committee, with a sigh, ‘who could have supposed that you would have been an enemy?’
‘I don’t wish to be no enemy to no man, Mr. Trip.’
‘Come, Jobson,’ says a jolly tanner, ‘if I wanted to be a Parliament man, I don’t think you could refuse me one!’
‘I don’t think I could, Mr. Oakfield.’
‘Well, then, give it to my friend.’
‘Well, sir, I’ll think about it.’
‘Leave him to me,’ says another member of the committee, with a significant look. ‘I know how to get round him. It’s all right.’
‘Yes, leave him to Hayfield, Mr. Millbank; he knows how to manage him.’
But all the same, Jobson continues to look as little tractable26 and lamb-like as can be well fancied.
And here, in a work which, in an unpretending shape, aspires27 to take neither an uninformed nor a partial view of the political history of the ten eventful years of the Reform struggle, we should pause for a moment to observe the strangeness, that only five years after the reconstruction29 of the electoral body by the Whig party, in a borough30 called into political existence by their policy, a manufacturing town, too, the candidate comprising in his person every quality and circumstance which could recommend him to the constituency, and his opponent the worst specimen31 of the Old Generation, a political adventurer, who owed the least disreputable part of his notoriety to his opposition32 to the Reform Bill; that in such a borough, under such circumstances, there should be a contest, and that, too, one of a very doubtful issue.
What was the cause of this? Are we to seek it in the ‘Reaction’ of the Tadpoles33 and the Tapers34? That would not be a satisfactory solution. Reaction, to a certain extent, is the law of human existence. In the particular state of affairs before us, England after the Reform Act, it never could be doubtful that Time would gradually, and in some instances rapidly, counteract35 the national impulse of 1832. There never could have been a question, for example, that the English counties would have reverted36 to their natural allegiance to their proprietors37; but the results of the appeals to the third Estate in 1835 and 1837 are not to be accounted for by a mere readjustment of legitimate38 influences.
The truth is, that, considerable as are the abilities of the Whig leaders, highly accomplished39 as many of them unquestionably must be acknowledged in parliamentary debate, experienced in council, sedulous40 in office, eminent41 as scholars, powerful from their position, the absence of individual influence, and of the pervading42 authority of a commanding mind, have been the cause of the fall of the Whig party.
Such a supremacy43 was generally acknowledged in Lord Grey on the accession of this party to power: but it was the supremacy of a tradition rather than of a fact. Almost at the outset of his authority his successor was indicated. When the crisis arrived, the intended successor was not in the Whig ranks. It is in this virtual absence of a real and recognised leader, almost from the moment that they passed their great measure, that we must seek a chief cause of all that insubordination, all those distempered ambitions, and all those dark intrigues44, that finally broke up, not only the Whig government, but the Whig party; demoralised their ranks, and sent them to the country, both in 1835 and 1837, with every illusion, which had operated so happily in their favour in 1832, scattered45 to the winds. In all things we trace the irresistible46 influence of the individual.
And yet the interval47 that elapsed between 1835 and 1837 proved, that there was all this time in the Whig array one entirely48 competent to the office of leading a great party, though his capacity for that fulfilment was too tardily49 recognised.
LORD JOHN RUSSELL has that degree of imagination, which, though evinced rather in sentiment than expression, still enables him to generalise from the details of his reading and experience; and to take those comprehensive views, which, however easily depreciated50 by ordinary men in an age of routine, are indispensable to a statesman in the conjunctures in which we live. He understands, therefore, his position; and he has the moral intrepidity51 which prompts him ever to dare that which his intellect assures him is politic28. He is consequently, at the same time, sagacious and bold in council. As an administrator52 he is prompt and indefatigable53. He is not a natural orator54, and labours under physical deficiencies which even a Demosthenic impulse could scarcely overcome. But he is experienced in debate, quick in reply, fertile in resource, takes large views, and frequently compensates55 for a dry and hesitating manner by the expression of those noble truths that flash across the fancy, and rise spontaneously to the lip, of men of poetic56 temperament57 when addressing popular assemblies. If we add to this, a private life of dignified58 repute, the accidents of his birth and rank, which never can be severed59 from the man, the scion60 of a great historic family, and born, as it were, to the hereditary61 service of the State, it is difficult to ascertain62 at what period, or under what circumstances, the Whig party have ever possessed63, or could obtain, a more efficient leader.
But we must return to the Darlford election. The class of thoughtful voters was sufficiently numerous in that borough to render the result of the contest doubtful to the last; and on the eve of the day of nomination64 both parties were equally sanguine65.
Nomination-day altogether is an unsatisfactory affair. There is little to be done, and that little mere form. The tedious hours remain, and no one can settle his mind to anything. It is not a holiday, for every one is serious; it is not business, for no one can attend to it; it is not a contest, for there is no canvassing66; nor an election, for there is no poll. It is a day of lounging without an object, and luncheons67 without an appetite; of hopes and fears; confidence and dejection; bravado68 bets and secret hedging; and, about midnight, of furious suppers of grilled69 bones, brandy-and-water, and recklessness.
The president and vice-president of the Conservative Association, the secretary and the four solicitors who were agents, had impressed upon Mr. Rigby that it was of the utmost importance, and must produce a great moral effect, if he obtain the show of hands. With his powers of eloquence70 and their secret organisation71, they flattered themselves it might be done. With this view, Rigby inflicted72 a speech of more than two hours’ duration on the electors, who bore it very kindly73, as the mob likes, above all things, that the ceremonies of nomination-day should not be cut short: moreover, there is nothing that the mob likes so much as a speech. Rigby therefore had, on the whole, a far from unfavourable audience, and he availed himself of their forbearance. He brought in his crack theme, the guillotine, and dilated74 so elaborately upon its qualities, that one of the gentlemen below could not refrain from exclaiming, ‘I wish you may get it.’ This exclamation75 gave Mr. Rigby what is called a great opening, which, like a practised speaker, he immediately seized. He denounced the sentiment as ‘un-English,’ and got much cheered. Excited by this success, Rigby began to call everything else ‘un-English’ with which he did not agree, until menacing murmurs76 began to rise, when he shifted the subject, and rose into a grand peroration77, in which he assured them that the eyes of the whole empire were on this particular election; cries of ‘That’s true,’ from all sides; and that England expected every man to do his duty.
‘And who do you expect to do yours?’ inquired a gentleman below, ‘about that ’ere pension?’
‘Rigby, keep up your spirits, old chap: we will have you.’
‘Now!’ said a stentorian80 voice; and a man as tall as Saul looked round him. This was the engaged leader of the Conservative mob; the eye of every one of his minions81 was instantly on him. ‘Now! Our young Queen and our Old Institutions! Rigby for ever!’
This was a signal for the instant appearance of the leader of the Liberal mob. Magog Wrath82, not so tall as Bully83 Bluck, his rival, had a voice almost as powerful, a back much broader, and a countenance84 far more forbidding. ‘Now, my boys, the Queen and Millbank for ever!’
These rival cries were the signals for a fight between the two bands of gladiators in the face of the hustings85, the body of the people little interfering86. Bully Bluck seized Magog Wrath’s colours; they wrestled87, they seized each other; their supporters were engaged in mutual88 contest; it appeared to be a most alarming and perilous89 fray90; several ladies from the windows screamed, one fainted; a band of special constables91 pushed their way through the mob; you heard their staves resounded92 on the skulls93 of all who opposed them, especially the little boys: order was at length restored; and, to tell the truth, the only hurts inflicted were those which came from the special constables. Bully Bluck and Magog Wrath, with all their fierce looks, flaunting94 colours, loud cheers, and desperate assaults, were, after all, only a couple of Condottieri, who were cautious never to wound each other. They were, in fact, a peaceful police, who kept the town in awe95, and prevented others from being mischievous96 who were more inclined to do harm. Their hired gangs were the safety-valves for all the scamps of the borough, who, receiving a few shillings per head for their nominal97 service, and as much drink as they liked after the contest, were bribed98 and organised into peace and sobriety on the days in which their excesses were most to be apprehended99.
Now Mr. Millbank came forward: he was brief compared with Mr. Rigby; but clear and terse100. No one could misunderstand him. He did not favour his hearers with any history, but gave them his views about taxes, free trade, placemen, and pensioners101, whoever and wherever they might be.
‘Hilloa, Rigby, about that ‘ere pension?’
‘Millbank for ever! We will have him.’
‘Never mind, Rigby, you’ll come in next time.’
Mr. Millbank was energetic about resident representatives, but did not understand that a resident representative meant the nominee102 of a great Lord, who lived in a great castle; great cheering. There was a Lord once who declared that, if he liked, he would return his negro valet to Parliament; but Mr. Millbank thought those days were over. It remained for the people of Darlford to determine whether he was mistaken.
‘Never!’ exclaimed the mob. ‘Millbank for ever! Rigby in the river! No niggers, no walets!’
‘His language ain’t as purty as the Lunnun chap’s,’ said a critic below; ‘but he speaks from his ‘art: and give me the man who ‘as got a ‘art.’
‘That’s your time of day, Mr. Robinson.’
The show of hands was entirely in favour of Mr. Millbank. Scarcely a hand was held up for Mr. Rigby below, except by Bully Bluck and his praetorians. The Chairman and the Deputy Chairman of the Conservative Association, the Secretary, and the four agents, severally and respectively went up to Mr. Rigby and congratulated him on the result, as it was a known fact, ‘that the show of hands never won.’
The eve of polling-day was now at hand. This is the most critical period of an election. All night parties in disguise were perambulating the different wards106, watching each other’s tactics; masks, wigs107, false noses, gentles in livery coats, men in female attire108, a silent carnival109 of manoeuvre110, vigilance, anxiety, and trepidation111. The thoughtful voters about this time make up their minds; the enthusiasts112 who have told you twenty times a-day for the last fortnight, that they would get up in the middle of the night to serve you, require the most watchful113 cooping; all the individuals who have assured you that ‘their word is their bond,’ change sides.
Two of the Rigbyites met in the market-place about an hour after midnight.
‘Well, how goes it?’ said one.
‘I have been the rounds. The blunt’s going like the ward-pump. I saw a man come out of Moffatt’s house, muffled114 up with a mask on. I dodged115 him. It was Biggs.’
‘You don’t mean that, do you? D——e, I’ll answer for Moffatt.’
‘I never thought he was a true man.’
‘I could not see him; but I met young Gunning and told him.’
‘Young Gunning! That won’t do.’
‘I thought he was as right as the town clock.’
‘I’ll speak to them. Good night, Potts. Up rather late to-night?’
‘All fair election time. You ain’t snoring, are you?’
‘Well, I hope the best man will win.’
‘I am sure he will.’
‘You must go for Moffatt early, to breakfast at the White Lion; that’s your sort. Don’t leave him, and poll him your-self. I am going off to Solomon Lacey’s. He has got four Millbankites cooped up very drunk, and I want to get them quietly into the country before daybreak.’
‘Tis polling-day! The candidates are roused from their slumbers117 at an early hour by the music of their own bands perambulating the town, and each playing the ‘conquering hero’ to sustain the courage of their jaded118 employers, by depriving them of that rest which can alone tranquillise the nervous system. There is something in that matin burst of music, followed by a shrill119 cheer from the boys of the borough, the only inhabitants yet up, that is very depressing.
The committee-rooms of each candidate are soon rife120 with black reports; each side has received fearful bulletins of the preceding night campaign; and its consequences as exemplified in the morning, unprecedented121 tergiversations, mysterious absences; men who breakfast with one side and vote with the other; men who won’t come to breakfast; men who won’t leave breakfast.
At ten o’clock Mr. Rigby was in a majority of twenty-eight.
The polling was brisk and equal until the middle of the day, when it became slack. Mr. Rigby kept a majority, but an inconsiderable one. Mr. Millbank’s friends were not disheartened, as it was known that the leading members of Mr. Rigby’s committee had polled; whereas his opponent’s were principally reserved. At a quarter-past two there was great cheering and uproar122. The four voters in favour of Millbank, whom Solomon Lacey had cooped up, made drunk, and carried into the country, had recovered iheir senses, made their escape, and voted as they originally intended. Soon after this, Mr. Millbank was declared by his committee to be in a majority of one, but the committee of Mr. Rigby instantly posted a placard, in large letters, to announce that, on the contrary, their man was in a majority of nine.
‘If we could only have got another registration,’ whispered the principal agent to Mr. Rigby, at a quarter-past four.
‘You think it’s all over, then?’
‘Why, I do not see now how we can win. We have polled all our dead men, and Millbank is seven ahead.’
‘I have no doubt we shall be able to have a good petition,’ said the consoling chairman of the Conservative Association.
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canvass
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| v.招徕顾客，兜售；游说；详细检查，讨论 | |
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contagion
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| n.(通过接触的疾病)传染；蔓延 | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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canvasses
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| n.检票员，游说者，推销员( canvass的名词复数 )v.（在政治方面）游说( canvass的第三人称单数 )；调查（如选举前选民的）意见；为讨论而提出（意见等）；详细检查 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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conscientious
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| adj.审慎正直的，认真的，本着良心的 | |
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entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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meditative
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| adj.沉思的，冥想的 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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pensive
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| a.沉思的,哀思的,忧沉的 | |
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vein
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| n.血管，静脉；叶脉，纹理；情绪；vt.使成脉络 | |
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pervade
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| v.弥漫，遍及，充满，渗透，漫延 | |
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solicitors
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| 初级律师( solicitor的名词复数 ) | |
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infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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postponing
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| v.延期，推迟( postpone的现在分词 ) | |
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suffrage
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| n.投票，选举权，参政权 | |
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writ
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| n.命令状，书面命令 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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twitch
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| v.急拉，抽动，痉挛，抽搐；n.扯，阵痛，痉挛 | |
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insinuating
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| adj.曲意巴结的，暗示的v.暗示( insinuate的现在分词 )；巧妙或迂回地潜入；（使）缓慢进入；慢慢伸入 | |
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influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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imperturbable
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| adj.镇静的 | |
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tractable
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| adj.易驾驭的；温顺的 | |
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aspires
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| v.渴望，追求( aspire的第三人称单数 ) | |
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politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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reconstruction
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| n.重建，再现，复原 | |
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borough
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| n.享有自治权的市镇；(英)自治市镇 | |
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specimen
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| n.样本，标本 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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tadpoles
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| n.蝌蚪( tadpole的名词复数 ) | |
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tapers
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| （长形物体的）逐渐变窄( taper的名词复数 )； 微弱的光； 极细的蜡烛 | |
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counteract
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| vt.对…起反作用，对抗，抵消 | |
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reverted
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| 恢复( revert的过去式和过去分词 )； 重提； 回到…上； 归还 | |
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proprietors
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| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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sedulous
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| adj.勤勉的，努力的 | |
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eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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pervading
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| v.遍及，弥漫( pervade的现在分词 ) | |
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supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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tardily
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| adv.缓慢 | |
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depreciated
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| v.贬值，跌价，减价( depreciate的过去式和过去分词 )；贬低，蔑视，轻视 | |
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intrepidity
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| n.大胆，刚勇；大胆的行为 | |
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administrator
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| n.经营管理者，行政官员 | |
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indefatigable
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| adj.不知疲倦的，不屈不挠的 | |
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orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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compensates
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| 补偿，报酬( compensate的第三人称单数 )； 给（某人）赔偿（或赔款） | |
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poetic
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| adj.富有诗意的，有诗人气质的，善于抒情的 | |
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temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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dignified
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| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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severed
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| v.切断，断绝( sever的过去式和过去分词 )；断，裂 | |
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scion
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| n.嫩芽，子孙 | |
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hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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64
nomination
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| n.提名，任命，提名权 | |
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65
sanguine
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| adj.充满希望的，乐观的，血红色的 | |
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66
canvassing
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| v.（在政治方面）游说( canvass的现在分词 )；调查（如选举前选民的）意见；为讨论而提出（意见等）；详细检查 | |
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67
luncheons
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| n.午餐，午宴( luncheon的名词复数 ) | |
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68
bravado
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| n.虚张声势，故作勇敢，逞能 | |
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69
grilled
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| adj. 烤的, 炙过的, 有格子的 动词grill的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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70
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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71
organisation
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| n.组织，安排，团体，有机休 | |
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72
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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73
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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74
dilated
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| adj.加宽的，扩大的v.（使某物）扩大，膨胀，张大( dilate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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75
exclamation
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| n.感叹号，惊呼，惊叹词 | |
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76
murmurs
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| n.低沉、连续而不清的声音( murmur的名词复数 )；低语声；怨言；嘀咕 | |
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77
peroration
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| n.（演说等之）结论 | |
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78
screeched
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| v.发出尖叫声( screech的过去式和过去分词 )；发出粗而刺耳的声音；高叫 | |
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79
hoarse
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| adj.嘶哑的，沙哑的 | |
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80
stentorian
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| adj.大声的，响亮的 | |
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81
minions
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| n.奴颜婢膝的仆从( minion的名词复数 )；走狗；宠儿；受人崇拜者 | |
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82
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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83
bully
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| n.恃强欺弱者，小流氓；vt.威胁，欺侮 | |
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84
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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85
hustings
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| n.竞选活动 | |
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interfering
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| adj. 妨碍的 动词interfere的现在分词 | |
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wrestled
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| v.（与某人）搏斗( wrestle的过去式和过去分词 )；扭成一团；扭打；（与…）摔跤 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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fray
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| v.争吵；打斗；磨损，磨破；n.吵架；打斗 | |
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constables
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| n.警察( constable的名词复数 ) | |
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resounded
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| v.（指声音等）回荡于某处( resound的过去式和过去分词 )；产生回响；（指某处）回荡着声音 | |
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skulls
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| 颅骨( skull的名词复数 )； 脑袋； 脑子； 脑瓜 | |
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flaunting
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| adj.招摇的，扬扬得意的，夸耀的v.炫耀，夸耀( flaunt的现在分词 )；有什么能耐就施展出来 | |
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95
awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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mischievous
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| adj.调皮的，恶作剧的，有害的，伤人的 | |
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nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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bribed
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| v.贿赂( bribe的过去式和过去分词 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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apprehended
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
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100
terse
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| adj.(说话，文笔)精炼的，简明的 | |
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101
pensioners
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| n.领取退休、养老金或抚恤金的人( pensioner的名词复数 ) | |
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102
nominee
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| n.被提名者；被任命者；被推荐者 | |
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103
groans
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| n.呻吟，叹息( groan的名词复数 )；呻吟般的声音v.呻吟( groan的第三人称单数 )；发牢骚；抱怨；受苦 | |
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104
robins
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| n.知更鸟，鸫( robin的名词复数 )；（签名者不分先后，以避免受责的）圆形签名抗议书（或请愿书） | |
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105
hurrah
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| int.好哇，万岁，乌拉 | |
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106
wards
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| 区( ward的名词复数 )； 病房； 受监护的未成年者； 被人照顾或控制的状态 | |
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107
wigs
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| n.假发，法官帽( wig的名词复数 ) | |
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108
attire
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| v.穿衣，装扮[同]array；n.衣着；盛装 | |
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109
carnival
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| n.嘉年华会，狂欢，狂欢节，巡回表演 | |
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110
manoeuvre
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| n.策略，调动；v.用策略，调动 | |
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111
trepidation
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| n.惊恐，惶恐 | |
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112
enthusiasts
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| n.热心人，热衷者( enthusiast的名词复数 ) | |
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113
watchful
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| adj.注意的，警惕的 | |
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114
muffled
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| adj.（声音）被隔的；听不太清的；（衣服）裹严的；蒙住的v.压抑，捂住( muffle的过去式和过去分词 )；用厚厚的衣帽包着（自己） | |
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115
dodged
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| v.闪躲( dodge的过去式和过去分词 )；回避 | |
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116
hush
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| int.嘘，别出声；n.沉默，静寂；v.使安静 | |
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117
slumbers
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| 睡眠，安眠( slumber的名词复数 ) | |
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118
jaded
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| adj.精疲力竭的；厌倦的；（因过饱或过多而）腻烦的；迟钝的 | |
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119
shrill
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| adj.尖声的；刺耳的；v尖叫 | |
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120
rife
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| adj.(指坏事情)充斥的，流行的，普遍的 | |
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121
unprecedented
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| adj.无前例的，新奇的 | |
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122
uproar
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| n.骚动，喧嚣，鼎沸 | |
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