‘You see, Harry3,’ said Lord Monmouth, ‘that I am much occupied to-day, yet the business on which I wish to communicate with you is so pressing that it could not be postponed4.’ He made a sign to Villebecque, and his secretary instantly retired6.
‘I was right in pressing your return to England,’ continued Lord Monmouth to his grandson, who was a little anxious as to the impending7 communication, which he could not in any way anticipate. ‘These are not times when young men should be out of sight. Your public career will commence immediately. The Government have resolved on a dissolution. My information is from the highest quarter. You may be astonished, but it is a fact. They are going to dissolve their own House of Commons. Notwithstanding this and the Queen’s name, we can beat them; but the race requires the finest jockeying. We can’t give a point. Tadpole9 has been here to me about Darlford; he came specially10 with a message, I may say an appeal, from one to whom I can refuse nothing; the Government count on the seat, though with the new Registration11 ‘tis nearly a tie. If we had a good candidate we could win. But Rigby won’t do. He is too much of the old clique12; used up; a hack13; besides, a beaten horse. We are assured the name of Coningsby would be a host; there is a considerable section who support the present fellow who will not vote against a Coningsby. They have thought of you as a fit person, and I have approved of the suggestion. You will, therefore, be the candidate for Darlford with my entire sanction and support, and I have no doubt you will be successful. You may be sure I shall spare nothing: and it will be very gratifying to me, after being robbed of all our boroughs14, that the only Coningsby who cares to enter Parliament, should nevertheless be able to do so as early as I could fairly desire.’
Coningsby the rival of Mr. Millbank on the hustings15 of Darlford! Vanquished16 or victorious17, equally a catastrophe18! The fierce passions, the gross insults, the hot blood and the cool lies, the ruffianism and the ribaldry, perhaps the domestic discomfiture19 and mortification20, which he was about to be the means of bringing on the roof he loved best in the world, occurred to him with anguish21. The countenance22 of Edith, haughty23 and mournful last night, rose to him again. He saw her canvassing24 for her father, and against him. Madness! And for what was he to make this terrible and costly25 sacrifice For his ambition? Not even for that Divinity or Daemon for which we all immolate26 so much! Mighty27 ambition, forsooth, to succeed to the Rigbys! To enter the House of Commons a slave and a tool; to move according to instructions, and to labour for the low designs of petty spirits, without even the consolation28 of being a dupe. What sympathy could there exist between Coningsby and the ‘great Conservative party,’ that for ten years in an age of revolution had never promulgated29 a principle; whose only intelligible30 and consistent policy seemed to be an attempt, very grateful of course to the feelings of an English Royalist, to revive Irish Puritanism; who when in power in 1835 had used that power only to evince their utter ignorance of Church principles; and who were at this moment, when Coningsby was formally solicited31 to join their ranks, in open insurrection against the prerogatives32 of the English Monarchy34?
‘We must anticipate it; though I think it doubtful. It may be next month; it may be in the autumn; they may tide over another year, as Lord Eskdale thinks, and his opinion always weighs with me. He is very safe. Tadpole believes they will dissolve at once. But whether they dissolve now, or in a month’s time, or in the autumn, or next year, our course is clear. We must declare our intentions immediately. We must hoist35 our flag. Monday next, there is a great Conservative dinner at Darlford. You must attend it; that will be the finest opportunity in the world for you to announce yourself.’
‘Don’t you think, sir,’ said Coningsby, ‘that such an announcement would be rather premature36? It is, in fact, embarking37 in a contest which may last a year; perhaps more.’
‘What you say is very true,’ said Lord Monmouth; ‘no doubt it is very troublesome; very disgusting; any canvassing is. But we must take things as we find them. You cannot get into Parliament now in the good old gentlemanlike way; and we ought to be thankful that this interest has been fostered for our purpose.’
Coningsby looked on the carpet, cleared his throat as if about to speak, and then gave something like a sigh.
‘I think you had better be off the day after to-morrow,’ said Lord Monmouth. ‘I have sent instructions to the steward38 to do all he can in so short a time, for I wish you to entertain the principal people.’
‘You are most kind, you are always most kind to me, dear sir,’ said Coningsby, in a hesitating tone, and with an air of great embarrassment39, ‘but, in truth, I have no wish to enter Parliament.’
‘What?’ said Lord Monmouth.
‘I feel that I am not sufficiently40 prepared for so great a responsibility as a seat in the House of Commons,’ said Coningsby.
‘Responsibility!’ said Lord Monmouth, smiling. ‘What responsibility is there? How can any one have a more agreeable seat? The only person to whom you are responsible is your own relation, who brings you in. And I don’t suppose there can be any difference on any point between us. You are certainly still young; but I was younger by nearly two years when I first went in; and I found no difficulty. There can be no difficulty. All you have got to do is to vote with your party. As for speaking, if you have a talent that way, take my advice; don’t be in a hurry. Learn to know the House; learn the House to know you. If a man be discreet41, he cannot enter Parliament too soon.’
‘It is not exactly that, sir,’ said Coningsby.
‘Then what is it, my dear Harry? You see to-day I have much to do; yet as your business is pressing, I would not postpone5 seeing you an hour. I thought you would have been very much gratified.’
‘You mentioned that I had nothing to do but to vote with my party, sir,’ replied Coningsby. ‘You mean, of course, by that term what is understood by the Conservative party.’
‘Of course; our friends.’
‘I am sorry,’ said Coningsby, rather pale, but speaking with firmness, ‘I am sorry that I could not support the Conservative party.’
‘By ——!’ exclaimed Lord Monmouth, starting in his seat, ‘some woman has got hold of him, and made him a Whig!’
‘No, my dear grandfather,’ said Coningsby, scarcely able to repress a smile, serious as the interview was becoming, ‘nothing of the kind, I assure you. No person can be more anti-Whig.’
‘I don’t know what you are driving at, sir,’ said Lord Monmouth, in a hard, dry tone.
‘I wish to be frank, sir,’ said Coningsby, ‘and am very sensible of your goodness in permitting me to speak to you on the subject. What I mean to say is, that I have for a long time looked upon the Conservative party as a body who have betrayed their trust; more from ignorance, I admit, than from design; yet clearly a body of individuals totally unequal to the exigencies42 of the epoch43, and indeed unconscious of its real character.’
‘You mean giving up those Irish corporations?’ said Lord Monmouth. ‘Well, between ourselves, I am quite of the same opinion. But we must mount higher; we must go to ‘28 for the real mischief45. But what is the use of lamenting46 the past? Peel is the only man; suited to the times and all that; at least we must say so, and try to believe so; we can’t go back. And it is our own fault that we have let the chief power out of the hands of our own order. It was never thought of in the time of your great-grandfather, sir. And if a commoner were for a season permitted to be the nominal47 Premier48 to do the detail, there was always a secret committee of great 1688 nobles to give him his instructions.’
‘I should be very sorry to see secret committees of great 1688 nobles again,’ said Coningsby.
‘Then what the devil do you want to see?’ said Lord Monmouth.
‘Political faith,’ said Coningsby, ‘instead of political infidelity.’
‘Hem!’ said Lord Monmouth.
‘Before I support Conservative principles,’ continued Coningsby, ‘I merely wish to be informed what those principles aim to conserve49. It would not appear to be the prerogative33 of the Crown, since the principal portion of a Conservative oration44 now is an invective50 against a late royal act which they describe as a Bed-chamber plot. Is it the Church which they wish to conserve? What is a threatened Appropriation51 Clause against an actual Church Commission in the hands of Parliamentary Laymen52? Could the Long Parliament have done worse? Well, then, if it is neither the Crown nor the Church, whose rights and privileges this Conservative party propose to vindicate53, is it your House, the House of Lords, whose powers they are prepared to uphold? Is it not notorious that the very man whom you have elected as your leader in that House, declares among his Conservative adherents54, that henceforth the assembly that used to furnish those very Committees of great revolution nobles that you mention, is to initiate55 nothing; and, without a struggle, is to subside56 into that undisturbed repose57 which resembles the Imperial tranquillity58 that secured the frontiers by paying tribute?’
‘All this is vastly fine,’ said Lord Monmouth; ‘but I see no means by which I can attain59 my object but by supporting Peel. After all, what is the end of all parties and all politics? To gain your object. I want to turn our coronet into a ducal one, and to get your grandmother’s barony called out of abeyance61 in your favour. It is impossible that Peel can refuse me. I have already purchased an ample estate with the view of entailing63 it on you and your issue. You will make a considerable alliance; you may marry, if you please, Lady Theresa Sydney. I hear the report with pleasure. Count on my at once entering into any arrangement conducive64 to your happiness.’
‘My dear grandfather, you have ever been to me only too kind and generous.’
‘To whom should I be kind but to you, my own blood, that has never crossed me, and of whom I have reason to be proud? Yes, Harry, it gratifies me to hear you admired and to learn your success. All I want now is to see you in Parliament. A man should be in Parliament early. There is a sort of stiffness about every man, no matter what may be his talents, who enters Parliament late in life; and now, fortunately, the occasion offers. You will go down on Friday; feed the notabilities well; speak out; praise Peel; abuse O’Connell and the ladies of the Bed-chamber; anathematise all waverers; say a good deal about Ireland; stick to the Irish Registration Bill, that’s a good card; and, above all, my dear Harry, don’t spare that fellow Millbank. Remember, in turning him out you not only gain a vote for the Conservative cause and our coronet, but you crush my foe65. Spare nothing for that object; I count on you, boy.’
‘I should grieve to be backward in anything that concerned your interest or your honour, sir,’ said Coningsby, with an air of great embarrassment.
‘I am sure you would, I am sure you would,’ said Lord Monmouth, in a tone of some kindness.
‘And I feel at this moment,’ continued Coningsby, ‘that there is no personal sacrifice which I am not prepared to make for them, except one. My interests, my affections, they should not be placed in the balance, if yours, sir, were at stake, though there are circumstances which might involve me in a position of as much mental distress66 as a man could well endure; but I claim for my convictions, my dear grandfather, a generous tolerance67.’
‘I can’t follow you, sir,’ said Lord Monmouth, again in his hard tone. ‘Our interests are inseparable, and therefore there can never be any sacrifice of conduct on your part. What you mean by sacrifice of affections, I don’t comprehend; but as for your opinions, you have no business to have any other than those I uphold. You are too young to form opinions.’
‘I am sure I wish to express them with no unbecoming confidence,’ replied Coningsby; ‘I have never intruded68 them on your ear before; but this being an occasion when you yourself said, sir, I was about to commence my public career, I confess I thought it was my duty to be frank; I would not entail62 on myself long years of mortification by one of those ill-considered entrances into political life which so many public men have cause to deplore69.’
‘You go with your family, sir, like a gentleman; you are not to consider your opinions, like a philosopher or a political adventurer.’
‘Yes, sir,’ said Coningsby, with animation70, ‘but men going with their families like gentlemen, and losing sight of every principle on which the society of this country ought to be established, produced the Reform Bill.’
‘D—— the Reform Bill!’ said Lord Monmouth; ‘if the Duke had not quarrelled with Lord Grey on a Coal Committee, we should never have had the Reform Bill. And Grey would have gone to Ireland.’
‘No, no, no,’ said Lord Monmouth; ‘the Tory party is organised now; they will not catch us napping again: these Conservative Associations have done the business.’
‘But what are they organised for?’ said Coningsby. ‘At the best to turn out the Whigs. And when you have turned out the Whigs, what then? You may get your ducal coronet, sir. But a duke now is not so great a man as a baron60 was but a century back. We cannot struggle against the irresistible72 stream of circumstances. Power has left our order; this is not an age for factitious aristocracy. As for my grandmother’s barony, I should look upon the termination of its abeyance in my favour as the act of my political extinction73. What we want, sir, is not to fashion new dukes and furbish up old baronies, but to establish great principles which may maintain the realm and secure the happiness of the people. Let me see authority once more honoured; a solemn reverence74 again the habit of our lives; let me see property acknowledging, as in the old days of faith, that labour is his twin brother, and that the essence of all tenure75 is the performance of duty; let results such as these be brought about, and let me participate, however feebly, in the great fulfilment, and public life then indeed becomes a noble career, and a seat in Parliament an enviable distinction.’
‘I tell you what it is, Harry,’ said Lord Monmouth, very drily, ‘members of this family may think as they like, but they must act as I please. You must go down on Friday to Darlford and declare yourself a candidate for the town, or I shall reconsider our mutual76 positions. I would say, you must go to-morrow; but it is only courteous77 to Rigby to give him a previous intimation of your movement. And that cannot be done to-day. I sent for Rigby this morning on other business which now occupies me, and find he is out of town. He will return to-morrow; and will be here at three o’clock, when you can meet him. You will meet him, I doubt not, like a man of sense,’ added Lord Monmouth, looking at Coningsby with a glance such as he had never before encountered, ‘who is not prepared to sacrifice all the objects of life for the pursuit of some fantastical puerilities.’
His Lordship rang a bell on his table for Villebecque; and to prevent any further conversation, resumed his papers.
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1
dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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ushered
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| v.引，领，陪同( usher的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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harry
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| vt.掠夺，蹂躏，使苦恼 | |
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4
postponed
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| vt.& vi.延期，缓办，（使）延迟vt.把…放在次要地位；[语]把…放在后面（或句尾）vi.（疟疾等）延缓发作（或复发） | |
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postpone
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| v.延期，推迟 | |
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retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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impending
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| a.imminent, about to come or happen | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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tadpole
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| n.[动]蝌蚪 | |
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specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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registration
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| n.登记，注册，挂号 | |
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clique
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| n.朋党派系，小集团 | |
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hack
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| n.劈，砍，出租马车；v.劈，砍，干咳 | |
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boroughs
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| （尤指大伦敦的）行政区( borough的名词复数 )； 议会中有代表的市镇 | |
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hustings
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| n.竞选活动 | |
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vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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discomfiture
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| n.崩溃；大败；挫败；困惑 | |
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mortification
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| n.耻辱，屈辱 | |
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anguish
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| n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦，烦恼 | |
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countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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canvassing
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| v.（在政治方面）游说( canvass的现在分词 )；调查（如选举前选民的）意见；为讨论而提出（意见等）；详细检查 | |
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costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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immolate
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| v.牺牲 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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promulgated
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| v.宣扬（某事物）( promulgate的过去式和过去分词 )；传播；公布；颁布（法令、新法律等） | |
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intelligible
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| adj.可理解的，明白易懂的，清楚的 | |
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solicited
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| v.恳求( solicit的过去式和过去分词 )；（指娼妇）拉客；索求；征求 | |
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prerogatives
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| n.权利( prerogative的名词复数 )；特权；大主教法庭；总督委任组成的法庭 | |
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prerogative
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| n.特权 | |
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monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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hoist
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| n.升高，起重机，推动；v.升起，升高，举起 | |
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premature
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| adj.比预期时间早的；不成熟的，仓促的 | |
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embarking
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| 乘船( embark的现在分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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steward
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| n.乘务员，服务员；看管人；膳食管理员 | |
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embarrassment
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| n.尴尬；使人为难的人(事物)；障碍；窘迫 | |
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sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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discreet
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| adj.(言行)谨慎的；慎重的；有判断力的 | |
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exigencies
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| n.急切需要 | |
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epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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oration
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| n.演说，致辞，叙述法 | |
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mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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46
lamenting
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| adj.悲伤的，悲哀的v.（为…）哀悼，痛哭，悲伤( lament的现在分词 ) | |
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47
nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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premier
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| adj.首要的；n.总理，首相 | |
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conserve
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| vt.保存，保护，节约，节省，守恒，不灭 | |
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50
invective
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| n.痛骂，恶意抨击 | |
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51
appropriation
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| n.拨款，批准支出 | |
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52
laymen
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| 门外汉，外行人( layman的名词复数 )； 普通教徒（有别于神职人员） | |
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53
vindicate
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| v.为…辩护或辩解，辩明；证明…正确 | |
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adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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55
initiate
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| vt.开始，创始，发动；启蒙，使入门；引入 | |
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56
subside
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| vi.平静，平息；下沉，塌陷，沉降 | |
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57
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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58
tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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59
attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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60
baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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61
abeyance
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| n.搁置，缓办，中止，产权未定 | |
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62
entail
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| vt.使承担，使成为必要，需要 | |
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entailing
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| 使…成为必要( entail的现在分词 )； 需要； 限定继承； 使必需 | |
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conducive
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| adj.有益的，有助的 | |
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foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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67
tolerance
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| n.宽容；容忍，忍受；耐药力；公差 | |
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68
intruded
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| n.侵入的，推进的v.侵入，侵扰，打扰( intrude的过去式和过去分词 )；把…强加于 | |
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69
deplore
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| vt.哀叹，对...深感遗憾 | |
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70
animation
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| n.活泼，兴奋，卡通片／动画片的制作 | |
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71
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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72
irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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73
extinction
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| n.熄灭，消亡，消灭，灭绝，绝种 | |
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74
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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75
tenure
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| n.终身职位；任期；(土地)保有权，保有期 | |
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76
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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77
courteous
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| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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