Respect of the Americans for the law—Parental1 affection which they entertain for it—Personal interest of everyone to increase the authority of the law.
It is not always feasible to consult the whole people, either directly or indirectly2, in the formation of the law; but it cannot be denied that, when such a measure is possible the authority of the law is very much augmented3. This popular origin, which impairs4 the excellence5 and the wisdom of legislation, contributes prodigiously7 to increase its power. There is an amazing strength in the expression of the determination of a whole people, and when it declares itself the imagination of those who are most inclined to contest it is overawed by its authority. The truth of this fact is very well known by parties, and they consequently strive to make out a majority whenever they can. If they have not the greater number of voters on their side, they assert that the true majority abstained8 from voting; and if they are foiled even there, they have recourse to the body of those persons who had no votes to give.
In the United States, except slaves, servants, and paupers9 in the receipt of relief from the townships, there is no class of persons who do not exercise the elective franchise10, and who do not indirectly contribute to make the laws. Those who design to attack the laws must consequently either modify the opinion of the nation or trample11 upon its decision.
A second reason, which is still more weighty, may be further adduced; in the United States everyone is personally interested in enforcing the obedience12 of the whole community to the law; for as the minority may shortly rally the majority to its principles, it is interested in professing13 that respect for the decrees of the legislator which it may soon have occasion to claim for its own. However irksome an enactment14 may be, the citizen of the United States complies with it, not only because it is the work of the majority, but because it originates in his own authority, and he regards it as a contract to which he is himself a party.
In the United States, then, that numerous and turbulent multitude does not exist which always looks upon the law as its natural enemy, and accordingly surveys it with fear and with fear and with distrust. It is impossible, on the other hand, not to perceive that all classes display the utmost reliance upon the legislation of their country, and that they are attached to it by a kind of parental affection.
I am wrong, however, in saying all classes; for as in America the European scale of authority is inverted15, the wealthy are there placed in a position analogous16 to that of the poor in the Old World, and it is the opulent classes which frequently look upon the law with suspicion. I have already observed that the advantage of democracy is not, as has been sometimes asserted, that it protects the interests of the whole community, but simply that it protects those of the majority. In the United States, where the poor rule, the rich have always some reason to dread17 the abuses of their power. This natural anxiety of the rich may produce a sullen18 dissatisfaction, but society is not disturbed by it; for the same reason which induces the rich to withhold19 their confidence in the legislative20 authority makes them obey its mandates21; their wealth, which prevents them from making the law, prevents them from withstanding it. Amongst civilized22 nations revolts are rarely excited, except by such persons as have nothing to lose by them; and if the laws of a democracy are not always worthy23 of respect, at least they always obtain it; for those who usually infringe24 the laws have no excuse for not complying with the enactments25 they have themselves made, and by which they are themselves benefited, whilst the citizens whose interests might be promoted by the infraction26 of them are induced, by their character and their stations, to submit to the decisions of the legislature, whatever they may be. Besides which, the people in America obeys the law not only because it emanates27 from the popular authority, but because that authority may modify it in any points which may prove vexatory; a law is observed because it is a self-imposed evil in the first place, and an evil of transient duration in the second.
Activity Which Pervades28 All The Branches Of The Body Politic29 In The United States; Influence Which It Exercises Upon Society
More difficult to conceive the political activity which pervades the United States than the freedom and equality which reign30 there—The great activity which perpetually agitates31 the legislative bodies is only an episode to the general activity—Difficult for an American to confine himself to his own business—Political agitation32 extends to all social intercourse33—Commercial activity of the Americans partly attributable to this cause—Indirect advantages which society derives34 from a democratic government.
On passing from a country in which free institutions are established to one where they do not exist, the traveller is struck by the change; in the former all is bustle35 and activity, in the latter everything is calm and motionless. In the one, amelioration and progress are the general topics of inquiry36; in the other, it seems as if the community only aspired37 to repose38 in the enjoyment39 of the advantages which it has acquired. Nevertheless, the country which exerts itself so strenuously40 to promote its welfare is generally more wealthy and more prosperous than that which appears to be so contented41 with its lot; and when we compare them together, we can scarcely conceive how so many new wants are daily felt in the former, whilst so few seem to occur in the latter.
If this remark is applicable to those free countries in which monarchical42 and aristocratic institutions subsist43, it is still more striking with regard to democratic republics. In these States it is not only a portion of the people which is busied with the amelioration of its social condition, but the whole community is engaged in the task; and it is not the exigencies44 and the convenience of a single class for which a provision is to be made, but the exigencies and the convenience of all ranks of life.
It is not impossible to conceive the surpassing liberty which the Americans enjoy; some idea may likewise be formed of the extreme equality which subsists45 amongst them, but the political activity which pervades the United States must be seen in order to be understood. No sooner do you set foot upon the American soil than you are stunned46 by a kind of tumult47; a confused clamor is heard on every side; and a thousand simultaneous voices demand the immediate48 satisfaction of their social wants. Everything is in motion around you; here, the people of one quarter of a town are met to decide upon the building of a church; there, the election of a representative is going on; a little further the delegates of a district are posting to the town in order to consult upon some local improvements; or in another place the laborers49 of a village quit their ploughs to deliberate upon the project of a road or a public school. Meetings are called for the sole purpose of declaring their disapprobation of the line of conduct pursued by the Government; whilst in other assemblies the citizens salute50 the authorities of the day as the fathers of their country. Societies are formed which regard drunkenness as the principal cause of the evils under which the State labors51, and which solemnly bind52 themselves to give a constant example of temperance. *c
c
[ At the time of my stay in the United States the temperance societies already consisted of more than 270,000 members, and their effect had been to diminish the consumption of fermented53 liquors by 500,000 gallons per annum in the State of Pennsylvania alone.]
The great political agitation of the American legislative bodies, which is the only kind of excitement that attracts the attention of foreign countries, is a mere54 episode or a sort of continuation of that universal movement which originates in the lowest classes of the people and extends successively to all the ranks of society. It is impossible to spend more efforts in the pursuit of enjoyment.
The cares of political life engross55 a most prominent place in the occupation of a citizen in the United States, and almost the only pleasure of which an American has any idea is to take a part in the Government, and to discuss the part he has taken. This feeling pervades the most trifling56 habits of life; even the women frequently attend public meetings and listen to political harangues57 as a recreation after their household labors. Debating clubs are to a certain extent a substitute for theatrical58 entertainments: an American cannot converse59, but he can discuss; and when he attempts to talk he falls into a dissertation60. He speaks to you as if he was addressing a meeting; and if he should chance to warm in the course of the discussion, he will infallibly say, "Gentlemen," to the person with whom he is conversing61.
In some countries the inhabitants display a certain repugnance62 to avail themselves of the political privileges with which the law invests them; it would seem that they set too high a value upon their time to spend it on the interests of the community; and they prefer to withdraw within the exact limits of a wholesome63 egotism, marked out by four sunk fences and a quickset hedge. But if an American were condemned64 to confine his activity to his own affairs, he would be robbed of one half of his existence; he would feel an immense void in the life which he is accustomed to lead, and his wretchedness would be unbearable65. *d I am persuaded that, if ever a despotic government is established in America, it will find it more difficult to surmount66 the habits which free institutions have engendered67 than to conquer the attachment68 of the citizens to freedom.
d
[ The same remark was made at Rome under the first Caesars. Montesquieu somewhere alludes69 to the excessive despondency of certain Roman citizens who, after the excitement of political life, were all at once flung back into the stagnation70 of private life.]
This ceaseless agitation which democratic government has introduced into the political world influences all social intercourse. I am not sure that upon the whole this is not the greatest advantage of democracy. And I am much less inclined to applaud it for what it does than for what it causes to be done. It is incontestable that the people frequently conducts public business very ill; but it is impossible that the lower orders should take a part in public business without extending the circle of their ideas, and without quitting the ordinary routine of their mental acquirements. The humblest individual who is called upon to co-operate in the government of society acquires a certain degree of self-respect; and as he possesses authority, he can command the services of minds much more enlightened than his own. He is canvassed72 by a multitude of applicants73, who seek to deceive him in a thousand different ways, but who instruct him by their deceit. He takes a part in political undertakings74 which did not originate in his own conception, but which give him a taste for undertakings of the kind. New ameliorations are daily pointed75 out in the property which he holds in common with others, and this gives him the desire of improving that property which is more peculiarly his own. He is perhaps neither happier nor better than those who came before him, but he is better informed and more active. I have no doubt that the democratic institutions of the United States, joined to the physical constitution of the country, are the cause (not the direct, as is so often asserted, but the indirect cause) of the prodigious6 commercial activity of the inhabitants. It is not engendered by the laws, but the people learns how to promote it by the experience derived76 from legislation.
When the opponents of democracy assert that a single individual performs the duties which he undertakes much better than the government of the community, it appears to me that they are perfectly77 right. The government of an individual, supposing an equality of instruction on either side, is more consistent, more persevering78, and more accurate than that of a multitude, and it is much better qualified79 judiciously80 to discriminate81 the characters of the men it employs. If any deny what I advance, they have certainly never seen a democratic government, or have formed their opinion upon very partial evidence. It is true that even when local circumstances and the disposition82 of the people allow democratic institutions to subsist, they never display a regular and methodical system of government. Democratic liberty is far from accomplishing all the projects it undertakes, with the skill of an adroit83 despotism. It frequently abandons them before they have borne their fruits, or risks them when the consequences may prove dangerous; but in the end it produces more than any absolute government, and if it do fewer things well, it does a greater number of things. Under its sway the transactions of the public administration are not nearly so important as what is done by private exertion84. Democracy does not confer the most skilful85 kind of government upon the people, but it produces that which the most skilful governments are frequently unable to awaken86, namely, an all-pervading and restless activity, a superabundant force, and an energy which is inseparable from it, and which may, under favorable circumstances, beget87 the most amazing benefits. These are the true advantages of democracy.
In the present age, when the destinies of Christendom seem to be in suspense88, some hasten to assail89 democracy as its foe90 whilst it is yet in its early growth; and others are ready with their vows91 of adoration92 for this new deity93 which is springing forth94 from chaos95: but both parties are very imperfectly acquainted with the object of their hatred96 or of their desires; they strike in the dark, and distribute their blows by mere chance.
We must first understand what the purport97 of society and the aim of government is held to be. If it be your intention to confer a certain elevation98 upon the human mind, and to teach it to regard the things of this world with generous feelings, to inspire men with a scorn of mere temporal advantage, to give birth to living convictions, and to keep alive the spirit of honorable devotedness99; if you hold it to be a good thing to refine the habits, to embellish100 the manners, to cultivate the arts of a nation, and to promote the love of poetry, of beauty, and of renown101; if you would constitute a people not unfitted to act with power upon all other nations, nor unprepared for those high enterprises which, whatever be the result of its efforts, will leave a name forever famous in time—if you believe such to be the principal object of society, you must avoid the government of democracy, which would be a very uncertain guide to the end you have in view.
But if you hold it to be expedient102 to divert the moral and intellectual activity of man to the production of comfort, and to the acquirement of the necessaries of life; if a clear understanding be more profitable to man than genius; if your object be not to stimulate103 the virtues104 of heroism105, but to create habits of peace; if you had rather witness vices71 than crimes and are content to meet with fewer noble deeds, provided offences be diminished in the same proportion; if, instead of living in the midst of a brilliant state of society, you are contented to have prosperity around you; if, in short, you are of opinion that the principal object of a Government is not to confer the greatest possible share of power and of glory upon the body of the nation, but to ensure the greatest degree of enjoyment and the least degree of misery106 to each of the individuals who compose it—if such be your desires, you can have no surer means of satisfying them than by equalizing the conditions of men, and establishing democratic institutions.
But if the time be passed at which such a choice was possible, and if some superhuman power impel107 us towards one or the other of these two governments without consulting our wishes, let us at least endeavor to make the best of that which is allotted108 to us; and let us so inquire into its good and its evil propensities109 as to be able to foster the former and repress the latter to the utmost.
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1
parental
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| adj.父母的；父的；母的 | |
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indirectly
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| adv.间接地，不直接了当地 | |
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Augmented
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| adj.增音的 动词augment的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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impairs
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| v.损害，削弱( impair的第三人称单数 ) | |
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excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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prodigious
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| adj.惊人的，奇妙的；异常的；巨大的；庞大的 | |
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prodigiously
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| adv.异常地，惊人地，巨大地 | |
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abstained
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| v.戒（尤指酒），戒除( abstain的过去式和过去分词 )；弃权（不投票） | |
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paupers
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| n.穷人( pauper的名词复数 )；贫民；贫穷 | |
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franchise
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| n.特许，特权，专营权，特许权 | |
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trample
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| vt.踩，践踏；无视，伤害，侵犯 | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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professing
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| 声称( profess的现在分词 )； 宣称； 公开表明； 信奉 | |
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enactment
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| n.演出，担任…角色；制订，通过 | |
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inverted
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| adj.反向的，倒转的v.使倒置，使反转( invert的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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analogous
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| adj.相似的；类似的 | |
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dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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sullen
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| adj.愠怒的，闷闷不乐的，(天气等)阴沉的 | |
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withhold
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| v.拒绝，不给；使停止，阻挡 | |
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legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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mandates
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| 托管（mandate的第三人称单数形式） | |
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civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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infringe
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| v.违反，触犯，侵害 | |
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enactments
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| n.演出( enactment的名词复数 )；展现；规定；通过 | |
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infraction
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| n.违反；违法 | |
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emanates
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| v.从…处传出，传出( emanate的第三人称单数 )；产生，表现，显示 | |
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pervades
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| v.遍及，弥漫( pervade的第三人称单数 ) | |
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politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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agitates
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| 搅动( agitate的第三人称单数 )； 激怒； 使焦虑不安； （尤指为法律、社会状况的改变而）激烈争论 | |
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agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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derives
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| v.得到( derive的第三人称单数 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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bustle
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| v.喧扰地忙乱，匆忙，奔忙；n.忙碌；喧闹 | |
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inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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aspired
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| v.渴望，追求( aspire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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strenuously
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| adv.奋发地，费力地 | |
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contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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monarchical
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| adj. 国王的，帝王的，君主的，拥护君主制的 =monarchic | |
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subsist
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| vi.生存，存在，供养 | |
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exigencies
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| n.急切需要 | |
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subsists
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| v.（靠很少的钱或食物）维持生活，生存下去( subsist的第三人称单数 ) | |
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stunned
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| adj. 震惊的，惊讶的 动词stun的过去式和过去分词 | |
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tumult
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| n.喧哗；激动，混乱；吵闹 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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50
salute
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| vi.行礼，致意，问候，放礼炮；vt.向…致意，迎接，赞扬；n.招呼，敬礼，礼炮 | |
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51
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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52
bind
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| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
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53
fermented
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| v.（使）发酵( ferment的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）激动；骚动；骚扰 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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engross
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| v.使全神贯注 | |
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trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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harangues
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| n.高谈阔论的长篇演讲( harangue的名词复数 )v.高谈阔论( harangue的第三人称单数 ) | |
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theatrical
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| adj.剧场的，演戏的；做戏似的，做作的 | |
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converse
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| vi.谈话，谈天，闲聊；adv.相反的，相反 | |
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dissertation
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| n.（博士学位）论文，学术演讲，专题论文 | |
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conversing
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| v.交谈，谈话( converse的现在分词 ) | |
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repugnance
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| n.嫌恶 | |
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wholesome
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| adj.适合；卫生的；有益健康的；显示身心健康的 | |
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64
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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unbearable
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| adj.不能容忍的；忍受不住的 | |
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surmount
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| vt.克服；置于…顶上 | |
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engendered
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| v.产生（某形势或状况），造成，引起( engender的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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alludes
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| 提及，暗指( allude的第三人称单数 ) | |
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stagnation
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| n. 停滞 | |
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vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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canvassed
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| v.（在政治方面）游说( canvass的过去式和过去分词 )；调查（如选举前选民的）意见；为讨论而提出（意见等）；详细检查 | |
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73
applicants
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| 申请人，求职人( applicant的名词复数 ) | |
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74
undertakings
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| 企业( undertaking的名词复数 )； 保证； 殡仪业； 任务 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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persevering
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| a.坚忍不拔的 | |
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qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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judiciously
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| adv.明断地，明智而审慎地 | |
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81
discriminate
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| v.区别，辨别，区分；有区别地对待 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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adroit
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| adj.熟练的，灵巧的 | |
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exertion
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| n.尽力，努力 | |
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skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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awaken
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| vi.醒，觉醒；vt.唤醒，使觉醒，唤起，激起 | |
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beget
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| v.引起；产生 | |
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suspense
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| n.（对可能发生的事）紧张感，担心，挂虑 | |
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assail
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| v.猛烈攻击，抨击，痛斥 | |
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foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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vows
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| 誓言( vow的名词复数 )； 郑重宣布，许愿 | |
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adoration
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| n.爱慕，崇拜 | |
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deity
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| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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chaos
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| n.混乱，无秩序 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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purport
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| n.意义，要旨，大要；v.意味著，做为...要旨，要领是... | |
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elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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devotedness
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embellish
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| v.装饰，布置；给…添加细节，润饰 | |
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renown
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| n.声誉，名望 | |
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expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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stimulate
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| vt.刺激，使兴奋；激励，使…振奋 | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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heroism
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| n.大无畏精神，英勇 | |
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106
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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impel
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| v.推动；激励，迫使 | |
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108
allotted
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| 分配，拨给，摊派( allot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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propensities
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| n.倾向，习性( propensity的名词复数 ) | |
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