Thus the inhabitants of the South would not be able, like their Northern countrymen, to initiate5 the slaves gradually into a state of freedom by abolishing slavery; they have no means of perceptibly diminishing the black population, and they would remain unsupported to repress its excesses. So that in the course of a few years, a great people of free negroes would exist in the heart of a white nation of equal size.
The same abuses of power which still maintain slavery, would then become the source of the most alarming perils6 which the white population of the South might have to apprehend7. At the present time the descendants of the Europeans are the sole owners of the land; the absolute masters of all labor; and the only persons who are possessed8 of wealth, knowledge, and arms. The black is destitute9 of all these advantages, but he subsists11 without them because he is a slave. If he were free, and obliged to provide for his own subsistence, would it be possible for him to remain without these things and to support life? Or would not the very instruments of the present superiority of the white, whilst slavery exists, expose him to a thousand dangers if it were abolished?
As long as the negro remains12 a slave, he may be kept in a condition not very far removed from that of the brutes13; but, with his liberty, he cannot but acquire a degree of instruction which will enable him to appreciate his misfortunes, and to discern a remedy for them. Moreover, there exists a singular principle of relative justice which is very firmly implanted in the human heart. Men are much more forcibly struck by those inequalities which exist within the circle of the same class, than with those which may be remarked between different classes. It is more easy for them to admit slavery, than to allow several millions of citizens to exist under a load of eternal infamy14 and hereditary15 wretchedness. In the North the population of freed negroes feels these hardships and resents these indignities16; but its numbers and its powers are small, whilst in the South it would be numerous and strong.
As soon as it is admitted that the whites and the emancipated18 blacks are placed upon the same territory in the situation of two alien communities, it will readily be understood that there are but two alternatives for the future; the negroes and the whites must either wholly part or wholly mingle19. I have already expressed the conviction which I entertain as to the latter event. *r I do not imagine that the white and black races will ever live in any country upon an equal footing. But I believe the difficulty to be still greater in the United States than elsewhere. An isolated20 individual may surmount21 the prejudices of religion, of his country, or of his race, and if this individual is a king he may effect surprising changes in society; but a whole people cannot rise, as it were, above itself. A despot who should subject the Americans and their former slaves to the same yoke22, might perhaps succeed in commingling23 their races; but as long as the American democracy remains at the head of affairs, no one will undertake so difficult a task; and it may be foreseen that the freer the white population of the United States becomes, the more isolated will it remain. *s
r
[ This opinion is sanctioned by authorities infinitely24 weightier than anything that I can say: thus, for instance, it is stated in the "Memoirs25 of Jefferson" (as collected by M. Conseil), "Nothing is more clearly written in the book of destiny than the emancipation26 of the blacks; and it is equally certain that the two races will never live in a state of equal freedom under the same government, so insurmountable are the barriers which nature, habit, and opinions have established between them."]
s
[ If the British West India planters had governed themselves, they would assuredly not have passed the Slave Emancipation Bill which the mother-country has recently imposed upon them.]
I have previously27 observed that the mixed race is the true bond of union between the Europeans and the Indians; just so the mulattoes are the true means of transition between the white and the negro; so that wherever mulattoes abound28, the intermixture of the two races is not impossible. In some parts of America, the European and the negro races are so crossed by one another, that it is rare to meet with a man who is entirely29 black, or entirely white: when they are arrived at this point, the two races may really be said to be combined; or rather to have been absorbed in a third race, which is connected with both without being identical with either.
Of all the Europeans the English are those who have mixed least with the negroes. More mulattoes are to be seen in the South of the union than in the North, but still they are infinitely more scarce than in any other European colony: mulattoes are by no means numerous in the United States; they have no force peculiar30 to themselves, and when quarrels originating in differences of color take place, they generally side with the whites; just as the lackeys31 of the great, in Europe, assume the contemptuous airs of nobility to the lower orders.
The pride of origin, which is natural to the English, is singularly augmented32 by the personal pride which democratic liberty fosters amongst the Americans: the white citizen of the United States is proud of his race, and proud of himself. But if the whites and the negroes do not intermingle in the North of the union, how should they mix in the South? Can it be supposed for an instant, that an American of the Southern States, placed, as he must forever be, between the white man with all his physical and moral superiority and the negro, will ever think of preferring the latter? The Americans of the Southern States have two powerful passions which will always keep them aloof33; the first is the fear of being assimilated to the negroes, their former slaves; and the second the dread34 of sinking below the whites, their neighbors.
If I were called upon to predict what will probably occur at some future time, I should say, that the abolition of slavery in the South will, in the common course of things, increase the repugnance35 of the white population for the men of color. I found this opinion upon the analogous36 observation which I already had occasion to make in the North. I there remarked that the white inhabitants of the North avoid the negroes with increasing care, in proportion as the legal barriers of separation are removed by the legislature; and why should not the same result take place in the South? In the North, the whites are deterred37 from intermingling with the blacks by the fear of an imaginary danger; in the South, where the danger would be real, I cannot imagine that the fear would be less general.
If, on the one hand, it be admitted (and the fact is unquestionable) that the colored population perpetually accumulates in the extreme South, and that it increases more rapidly than that of the whites; and if, on the other hand, it be allowed that it is impossible to foresee a time at which the whites and the blacks will be so intermingled as to derive38 the same benefits from society; must it not be inferred that the blacks and the whites will, sooner or later, come to open strife39 in the Southern States of the union? But if it be asked what the issue of the struggle is likely to be, it will readily be understood that we are here left to form a very vague surmise40 of the truth. The human mind may succeed in tracing a wide circle, as it were, which includes the course of future events; but within that circle a thousand various chances and circumstances may direct it in as many different ways; and in every picture of the future there is a dim spot, which the eye of the understanding cannot penetrate41. It appears, however, to be extremely probable that in the West Indian Islands the white race is destined42 to be subdued43, and the black population to share the same fate upon the continent.
In the West India Islands the white planters are surrounded by an immense black population; on the continent, the blacks are placed between the ocean and an innumerable people, which already extends over them in a dense44 mass, from the icy confines of Canada to the frontiers of Virginia, and from the banks of the Missouri to the shores of the Atlantic. If the white citizens of North America remain united, it cannot be supposed that the negroes will escape the destruction with which they are menaced; they must be subdued by want or by the sword. But the black population which is accumulated along the coast of the Gulf45 of Mexico, has a chance of success if the American union is dissolved when the struggle between the two races begins. If the federal tie were broken, the citizens of the South would be wrong to rely upon any lasting46 succor47 from their Northern countrymen. The latter are well aware that the danger can never reach them; and unless they are constrained48 to march to the assistance of the South by a positive obligation, it may be foreseen that the sympathy of color will be insufficient49 to stimulate50 their exertions51.
Yet, at whatever period the strife may break out, the whites of the South, even if they are abandoned to their own resources, will enter the lists with an immense superiority of knowledge and of the means of warfare52; but the blacks will have numerical strength and the energy of despair upon their side, and these are powerful resources to men who have taken up arms. The fate of the white population of the Southern States will, perhaps, be similar to that of the Moors53 in Spain. After having occupied the land for centuries, it will perhaps be forced to retire to the country whence its ancestors came, and to abandon to the negroes the possession of a territory, which Providence54 seems to have more peculiarly destined for them, since they can subsist10 and labor in it more easily that the whites.
The danger of a conflict between the white and the black inhabitants of the Southern States of the union—a danger which, however remote it may be, is inevitable—perpetually haunts the imagination of the Americans. The inhabitants of the North make it a common topic of conversation, although they have no direct injury to fear from the struggle; but they vainly endeavor to devise some means of obviating55 the misfortunes which they foresee. In the Southern States the subject is not discussed: the planter does not allude56 to the future in conversing57 with strangers; the citizen does not communicate his apprehensions58 to his friends; he seeks to conceal60 them from himself; but there is something more alarming in the tacit forebodings of the South, than in the clamorous61 fears of the Northern States.
This all-pervading disquietude has given birth to an undertaking62 which is but little known, but which may have the effect of changing the fate of a portion of the human race. From apprehension59 of the dangers which I have just been describing, a certain number of American citizens have formed a society for the purpose of exporting to the coast of Guinea, at their own expense, such free negroes as may be willing to escape from the oppression to which they are subject. *t In 1820, the society to which I allude formed a settlement in Africa, upon the seventh degree of north latitude63, which bears the name of Liberia. The most recent intelligence informs us that 2,500 negroes are collected there; they have introduced the democratic institutions of America into the country of their forefathers64; and Liberia has a representative system of government, negro jurymen, negro magistrates65, and negro priests; churches have been built, newspapers established, and, by a singular change in the vicissitudes66 of the world, white men are prohibited from sojourning within the settlement. *u
t
[ This society assumed the name of "The Society for the Colonization67 of the Blacks." See its annual reports; and more particularly the fifteenth. See also the pamphlet, to which allusion68 has already been made, entitled "Letters on the Colonization Society, and on its probable Results," by Mr. Carey, Philadelphia, 1833.]
u
[ This last regulation was laid down by the founders69 of the settlement; they apprehended70 that a state of things might arise in Africa similar to that which exists on the frontiers of the United States, and that if the negroes, like the Indians, were brought into collision with a people more enlightened than themselves, they would be destroyed before they could be civilized71.]
This is indeed a strange caprice of fortune. Two hundred years have now elapsed since the inhabitants of Europe undertook to tear the negro from his family and his home, in order to transport him to the shores of North America; at the present day, the European settlers are engaged in sending back the descendants of those very negroes to the Continent from which they were originally taken; and the barbarous Africans have been brought into contact with civilization in the midst of bondage72, and have become acquainted with free political institutions in slavery. Up to the present time Africa has been closed against the arts and sciences of the whites; but the inventions of Europe will perhaps penetrate into those regions, now that they are introduced by Africans themselves. The settlement of Liberia is founded upon a lofty and a most fruitful idea; but whatever may be its results with regard to the Continent of Africa, it can afford no remedy to the New World.
In twelve years the Colonization Society has transported 2,500 negroes to Africa; in the same space of time about 700,000 blacks were born in the United States. If the colony of Liberia were so situated73 as to be able to receive thousands of new inhabitants every year, and if the negroes were in a state to be sent thither74 with advantage; if the union were to supply the society with annual subsidies75, *v and to transport the negroes to Africa in the vessels76 of the State, it would still be unable to counterpoise the natural increase of population amongst the blacks; and as it could not remove as many men in a year as are born upon its territory within the same space of time, it would fail in suspending the growth of the evil which is daily increasing in the States. *w The negro race will never leave those shores of the American continent, to which it was brought by the passions and the vices77 of Europeans; and it will not disappear from the New World as long as it continues to exist. The inhabitants of the United States may retard78 the calamities79 which they apprehend, but they cannot now destroy their efficient cause.
v
[ Nor would these be the only difficulties attendant upon the undertaking; if the union undertook to buy up the negroes now in America, in order to transport them to Africa, the price of slaves, increasing with their scarcity80, would soon become enormous; and the States of the North would never consent to expend81 such great sums for a purpose which would procure82 such small advantages to themselves. If the union took possession of the slaves in the Southern States by force, or at a rate determined83 by law, an insurmountable resistance would arise in that part of the country. Both alternatives are equally impossible.]
w
[ In 1830 there were in the United States 2,010,327 slaves and 319,439 free blacks, in all 2,329,766 negroes: which formed about one-fifth of the total population of the United States at that time.]
I am obliged to confess that I do not regard the abolition of slavery as a means of warding84 off the struggle of the two races in the United States. The negroes may long remain slaves without complaining; but if they are once raised to the level of free men, they will soon revolt at being deprived of all their civil rights; and as they cannot become the equals of the whites, they will speedily declare themselves as enemies. In the North everything contributed to facilitate the emancipation of the slaves; and slavery was abolished, without placing the free negroes in a position which could become formidable, since their number was too small for them ever to claim the exercise of their rights. But such is not the case in the South. The question of slavery was a question of commerce and manufacture for the slave-owners in the North; for those of the South, it is a question of life and death. God forbid that I should seek to justify85 the principle of negro slavery, as has been done by some American writers! But I only observe that all the countries which formerly86 adopted that execrable principle are not equally able to abandon it at the present time.
When I contemplate87 the condition of the South, I can only discover two alternatives which may be adopted by the white inhabitants of those States; viz., either to emancipate17 the negroes, and to intermingle with them; or, remaining isolated from them, to keep them in a state of slavery as long as possible. All intermediate measures seem to me likely to terminate, and that shortly, in the most horrible of civil wars, and perhaps in the extirpation88 of one or other of the two races. Such is the view which the Americans of the South take of the question, and they act consistently with it. As they are determined not to mingle with the negroes, they refuse to emancipate them.
Not that the inhabitants of the South regard slavery as necessary to the wealth of the planter, for on this point many of them agree with their Northern countrymen in freely admitting that slavery is prejudicial to their interest; but they are convinced that, however prejudicial it may be, they hold their lives upon no other tenure89. The instruction which is now diffused90 in the South has convinced the inhabitants that slavery is injurious to the slave-owner, but it has also shown them, more clearly than before, that no means exist of getting rid of its bad consequences. Hence arises a singular contrast; the more the utility of slavery is contested, the more firmly is it established in the laws; and whilst the principle of servitude is gradually abolished in the North, that self-same principle gives rise to more and more rigorous consequences in the South.
The legislation of the Southern States with regard to slaves, presents at the present day such unparalleled atrocities91 as suffice to show how radically92 the laws of humanity have been perverted93, and to betray the desperate position of the community in which that legislation has been promulgated94. The Americans of this portion of the union have not, indeed, augmented the hardships of slavery; they have, on the contrary, bettered the physical condition of the slaves. The only means by which the ancients maintained slavery were fetters95 and death; the Americans of the South of the union have discovered more intellectual securities for the duration of their power. They have employed their despotism and their violence against the human mind. In antiquity96, precautions were taken to prevent the slave from breaking his chains; at the present day measures are adopted to deprive him even of the desire of freedom. The ancients kept the bodies of their slaves in bondage, but they placed no restraint upon the mind and no check upon education; and they acted consistently with their established principle, since a natural termination of slavery then existed, and one day or other the slave might be set free, and become the equal of his master. But the Americans of the South, who do not admit that the negroes can ever be commingled97 with themselves, have forbidden them to be taught to read or to write, under severe penalties; and as they will not raise them to their own level, they sink them as nearly as possible to that of the brutes.
The hope of liberty had always been allowed to the slave to cheer the hardships of his condition. But the Americans of the South are well aware that emancipation cannot but be dangerous, when the freed man can never be assimilated to his former master. To give a man his freedom, and to leave him in wretchedness and ignominy, is nothing less than to prepare a future chief for a revolt of the slaves. Moreover, it has long been remarked that the presence of a free negro vaguely98 agitates99 the minds of his less fortunate brethren, and conveys to them a dim notion of their rights. The Americans of the South have consequently taken measures to prevent slave-owners from emancipating100 their slaves in most cases; not indeed by a positive prohibition101, but by subjecting that step to various forms which it is difficult to comply with. I happened to meet with an old man, in the South of the union, who had lived in illicit102 intercourse103 with one of his negresses, and had had several children by her, who were born the slaves of their father. He had indeed frequently thought of bequeathing to them at least their liberty; but years had elapsed without his being able to surmount the legal obstacles to their emancipation, and in the mean while his old age was come, and he was about to die. He pictured to himself his sons dragged from market to market, and passing from the authority of a parent to the rod of the stranger, until these horrid104 anticipations105 worked his expiring imagination into frenzy106. When I saw him he was a prey107 to all the anguish108 of despair, and he made me feel how awful is the retribution of nature upon those who have broken her laws.
These evils are unquestionably great; but they are the necessary and foreseen consequence of the very principle of modern slavery. When the Europeans chose their slaves from a race differing from their own, which many of them considered as inferior to the other races of mankind, and which they all repelled109 with horror from any notion of intimate connection, they must have believed that slavery would last forever; since there is no intermediate state which can be durable110 between the excessive inequality produced by servitude and the complete equality which originates in independence. The Europeans did imperfectly feel this truth, but without acknowledging it even to themselves. Whenever they have had to do with negroes, their conduct has either been dictated112 by their interest and their pride, or by their compassion113. They first violated every right of humanity by their treatment of the negro and they afterwards informed him that those rights were precious and inviolable. They affected114 to open their ranks to the slaves, but the negroes who attempted to penetrate into the community were driven back with scorn; and they have incautiously and involuntarily been led to admit of freedom instead of slavery, without having the courage to be wholly iniquitous115, or wholly just.
If it be impossible to anticipate a period at which the Americans of the South will mingle their blood with that of the negroes, can they allow their slaves to become free without compromising their own security? And if they are obliged to keep that race in bondage in order to save their own families, may they not be excused for availing themselves of the means best adapted to that end? The events which are taking place in the Southern States of the union appear to me to be at once the most horrible and the most natural results of slavery. When I see the order of nature overthrown116, and when I hear the cry of humanity in its vain struggle against the laws, my indignation does not light upon the men of our own time who are the instruments of these outrages117; but I reserve my execration118 for those who, after a thousand years of freedom, brought back slavery into the world once more.
Whatever may be the efforts of the Americans of the South to maintain slavery, they will not always succeed. Slavery, which is now confined to a single tract119 of the civilized earth, which is attacked by Christianity as unjust, and by political economy as prejudicial; and which is now contrasted with democratic liberties and the information of our age, cannot survive. By the choice of the master, or by the will of the slave, it will cease; and in either case great calamities may be expected to ensue. If liberty be refused to the negroes of the South, they will in the end seize it for themselves by force; if it be given, they will abuse it ere long. *x
x
[ [This chapter is no longer applicable to the condition of the negro race in the United States, since the abolition of slavery was the result, though not the object, of the great Civil War, and the negroes have been raised to the condition not only of freedmen, but of citizens; and in some States they exercise a preponderating120 political power by reason of their numerical majority. Thus, in South Carolina there were in 1870, 289,667 whites and 415,814 blacks. But the emancipation of the slaves has not solved the problem, how two races so different and so hostile are to live together in peace in one country on equal terms. That problem is as difficult, perhaps more difficult than ever; and to this difficulty the author's remarks are still perfectly111 applicable.]]
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1
migration
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| n.迁移，移居，（鸟类等的）迁徙 | |
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abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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emigrants
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| n.（从本国移往他国的）移民( emigrant的名词复数 ) | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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initiate
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| vt.开始，创始，发动；启蒙，使入门；引入 | |
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perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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apprehend
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| vt.理解，领悟，逮捕，拘捕，忧虑 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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destitute
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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subsist
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| vi.生存，存在，供养 | |
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subsists
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| v.（靠很少的钱或食物）维持生活，生存下去( subsist的第三人称单数 ) | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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brutes
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| 兽( brute的名词复数 )； 畜生； 残酷无情的人； 兽性 | |
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infamy
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| n.声名狼藉，出丑，恶行 | |
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hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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indignities
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| n.侮辱，轻蔑( indignity的名词复数 ) | |
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emancipate
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| v.解放，解除 | |
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emancipated
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| adj.被解放的，不受约束的v.解放某人（尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚）( emancipate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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mingle
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| vt.使混合，使相混；vi.混合起来；相交往 | |
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isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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surmount
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| vt.克服；置于…顶上 | |
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yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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commingling
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| v.混合，掺和，合并( commingle的现在分词 ) | |
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infinitely
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memoirs
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emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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abound
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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peculiar
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lackeys
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| n.听差( lackey的名词复数 )；男仆（通常穿制服）；卑躬屈膝的人；被待为奴仆的人 | |
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Augmented
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| adj.增音的 动词augment的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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aloof
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| adj.远离的；冷淡的，漠不关心的 | |
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dread
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repugnance
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| n.嫌恶 | |
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analogous
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| adj.相似的；类似的 | |
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deterred
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| v.阻止，制止( deter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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derive
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| v.取得；导出；引申；来自；源自；出自 | |
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strife
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surmise
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| v./n.猜想，推测 | |
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penetrate
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| v.透(渗)入；刺入，刺穿；洞察，了解 | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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dense
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| a.密集的，稠密的，浓密的；密度大的 | |
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45
gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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46
lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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47
succor
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| n.援助，帮助；v.给予帮助 | |
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48
constrained
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| adj.束缚的,节制的 | |
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49
insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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50
stimulate
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| vt.刺激，使兴奋；激励，使…振奋 | |
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51
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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52
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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53
moors
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| v.停泊，系泊（船只）( moor的第三人称单数 ) | |
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54
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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obviating
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| v.避免，消除（贫困、不方便等）( obviate的现在分词 ) | |
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56
allude
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| v.提及，暗指 | |
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57
conversing
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| v.交谈，谈话( converse的现在分词 ) | |
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58
apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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59
apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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60
conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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61
clamorous
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| adj.吵闹的，喧哗的 | |
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62
undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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63
latitude
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| n.纬度，行动或言论的自由(范围)，(pl.)地区 | |
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64
forefathers
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| n.祖先，先人；祖先，祖宗( forefather的名词复数 )；列祖列宗；前人 | |
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65
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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66
vicissitudes
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| n.变迁，世事变化；变迁兴衰( vicissitude的名词复数 )；盛衰兴废 | |
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67
colonization
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| 殖民地的开拓，殖民，殖民地化； 移殖 | |
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allusion
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| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
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69
founders
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| n.创始人( founder的名词复数 ) | |
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apprehended
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
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civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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72
bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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73
situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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subsidies
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| n.补贴，津贴，补助金( subsidy的名词复数 ) | |
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76
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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retard
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| n.阻止，延迟；vt.妨碍，延迟，使减速 | |
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calamities
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| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
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scarcity
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| n.缺乏，不足，萧条 | |
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81
expend
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| vt.花费，消费，消耗 | |
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82
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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84
warding
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| 监护，守护（ward的现在分词形式） | |
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85
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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86
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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87
contemplate
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| vt.盘算，计议；周密考虑；注视，凝视 | |
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extirpation
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| n.消灭，根除，毁灭；摘除 | |
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tenure
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| n.终身职位；任期；(土地)保有权，保有期 | |
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diffused
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| 散布的，普及的，扩散的 | |
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atrocities
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| n.邪恶，暴行( atrocity的名词复数 )；滔天大罪 | |
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radically
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| ad.根本地，本质地 | |
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perverted
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| adj.不正当的v.滥用( pervert的过去式和过去分词 )；腐蚀；败坏；使堕落 | |
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promulgated
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| v.宣扬（某事物）( promulgate的过去式和过去分词 )；传播；公布；颁布（法令、新法律等） | |
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95
fetters
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| n.脚镣( fetter的名词复数 )；束缚v.给…上脚镣，束缚( fetter的第三人称单数 ) | |
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96
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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97
commingled
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| v.混合，掺和，合并( commingle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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vaguely
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| adv.含糊地，暖昧地 | |
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99
agitates
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| 搅动( agitate的第三人称单数 )； 激怒； 使焦虑不安； （尤指为法律、社会状况的改变而）激烈争论 | |
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100
emancipating
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| v.解放某人（尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚）( emancipate的现在分词 ) | |
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101
prohibition
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| n.禁止；禁令，禁律 | |
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102
illicit
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| adj.非法的，禁止的，不正当的 | |
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103
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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104
horrid
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| adj.可怕的；令人惊恐的；恐怖的；极讨厌的 | |
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105
anticipations
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| 预期( anticipation的名词复数 )； 预测； （信托财产收益的）预支； 预期的事物 | |
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106
frenzy
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| n.疯狂，狂热，极度的激动 | |
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107
prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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108
anguish
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| n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦，烦恼 | |
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109
repelled
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| v.击退( repel的过去式和过去分词 )；使厌恶；排斥；推开 | |
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110
durable
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| adj.持久的，耐久的 | |
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111
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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112
dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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113
compassion
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| n.同情，怜悯 | |
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114
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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115
iniquitous
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| adj.不公正的；邪恶的；高得出奇的 | |
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116
overthrown
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| adj. 打翻的，推倒的，倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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117
outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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118
execration
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| n.诅咒，念咒，憎恶 | |
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119
tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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120
preponderating
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| v.超过，胜过( preponderate的现在分词 ) | |
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