The Americans live in a democratic state of society, which has naturally suggested to them certain laws and a certain political character. This same state of society has, moreover, engendered1 amongst them a multitude of feelings and opinions which were unknown amongst the elder aristocratic communities of Europe: it has destroyed or modified all the relations which before existed, and established others of a novel kind. The—aspect of civil society has been no less affected2 by these changes than that of the political world. The former subject has been treated of in the work on the Democracy of America, which I published five years ago; to examine the latter is the object of the present book; but these two parts complete each other, and form one and the same work.
I must at once warn the reader against an error which would be extremely prejudicial to me. When he finds that I attribute so many different consequences to the principle of equality, he may thence infer that I consider that principle to be the sole cause of all that takes place in the present age: but this would be to impute3 to me a very narrow view. A multitude of opinions, feelings, and propensities4 are now in existence, which owe their origin to circumstances unconnected with or even contrary to the principle of equality. Thus if I were to select the United States as an example, I could easily prove that the nature of the country, the origin of its inhabitants, the religion of its founders5, their acquired knowledge, and their former habits, have exercised, and still exercise, independently of democracy, a vast influence upon the thoughts and feelings of that people. Different causes, but no less distinct from the circumstance of the equality of conditions, might be traced in Europe, and would explain a great portion of the occurrences taking place amongst us.
I acknowledge the existence of all these different causes, and their power, but my subject does not lead me to treat of them. I have not undertaken to unfold the reason of all our inclinations6 and all our notions: my only object is to show in what respects the principle of equality has modified both the former and the latter.
Some readers may perhaps be astonished that—firmly persuaded as I am that the democratic revolution which we are witnessing is an irresistible7 fact against which it would be neither desirable nor wise to struggle—I should often have had occasion in this book to address language of such severity to those democratic communities which this revolution has brought into being. My answer is simply, that it is because I am not an adversary8 of democracy, that I have sought to speak of democracy in all sincerity9.
Men will not accept truth at the hands of their enemies, and truth is seldom offered to them by their friends: for this reason I have spoken it. I was persuaded that many would take upon themselves to announce the new blessings10 which the principle of equality promises to mankind, but that few would dare to point out from afar the dangers with which it threatens them. To those perils11 therefore I have turned my chief attention, and believing that I had discovered them clearly, I have not had the cowardice12 to leave them untold13.
I trust that my readers will find in this Second Part that impartiality14 which seems to have been remarked in the former work. Placed as I am in the midst of the conflicting opinions between which we are divided, I have endeavored to suppress within me for a time the favorable sympathies or the adverse15 emotions with which each of them inspires me. If those who read this book can find a single sentence intended to flatter any of the great parties which have agitated16 my country, or any of those petty factions17 which now harass18 and weaken it, let such readers raise their voices to accuse me.
The subject I have sought to embrace is immense, for it includes the greater part of the feelings and opinions to which the new state of society has given birth. Such a subject is doubtless above my strength, and in treating it I have not succeeded in satisfying myself. But, if I have not been able to reach the goal which I had in view, my readers will at least do me the justice to acknowledge that I have conceived and followed up my undertaking19 in a spirit not unworthy of success.
A. De T.
March, 1840
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1 engendered | |
v.产生(某形势或状况),造成,引起( engender的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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2 affected | |
adj.不自然的,假装的 | |
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3 impute | |
v.归咎于 | |
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4 propensities | |
n.倾向,习性( propensity的名词复数 ) | |
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5 founders | |
n.创始人( founder的名词复数 ) | |
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6 inclinations | |
倾向( inclination的名词复数 ); 倾斜; 爱好; 斜坡 | |
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7 irresistible | |
adj.非常诱人的,无法拒绝的,无法抗拒的 | |
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8 adversary | |
adj.敌手,对手 | |
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9 sincerity | |
n.真诚,诚意;真实 | |
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10 blessings | |
n.(上帝的)祝福( blessing的名词复数 );好事;福分;因祸得福 | |
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11 perils | |
极大危险( peril的名词复数 ); 危险的事(或环境) | |
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12 cowardice | |
n.胆小,怯懦 | |
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13 untold | |
adj.数不清的,无数的 | |
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14 impartiality | |
n. 公平, 无私, 不偏 | |
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15 adverse | |
adj.不利的;有害的;敌对的,不友好的 | |
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16 agitated | |
adj.被鼓动的,不安的 | |
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17 factions | |
组织中的小派别,派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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18 harass | |
vt.使烦恼,折磨,骚扰 | |
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19 undertaking | |
n.保证,许诺,事业 | |
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