"Well, what would you do?"
"I should begin by—by—faith, by being very much at a loss. For it is clear I could only be a minister in consequence of having the majority in my favour; I could only have the majority in my favour by securing the popular suffrage1; and I could attain2 that end, honestly at least, only by governing in accordance with public opinion. If I should attempt to carry out my own opinions, I should no longer have the majority; and if I lost the favour of the majority, I should be no longer one of His Majesty's ministers."
"But suppose yourself already a minister, and that you experience no opposition3 from the majority, what would you do?"
"I should inquire on what side justice lay."
"And then?"
"I should inquire on what side utility lay."
"And then?"
"I should inquire whether justice and utility were in harmony, or ran counter to one another."
"And if you found they were not in harmony?"
"Je dirais au roi Philippe:
Reprenez votre portefeuille.
Mais ne voyez-vous pas que cela vaut bien mieux,
Que ces transactions dont le bon sens murmure,
Et que l'honnêtete parle là toute pure."
"But if you found that the just and the useful were one and the same thing?"
"Then I should go straight forward."
"True; but to realize utility by means of justice, a third thing is needed."
"What?"
"Possibility."
"You granted me that."
"When?"
"Just now."
"How?"
"In assuming that I had the majority on my side."
"A most dangerous concession6, I fear; for it implies that the majority see clearly what is just, see clearly what is useful, and see clearly that both are in perfect harmony."
"And if they see clearly all this, good results will work themselves out, so to speak, of their own accord."
"You always bring me back to this, that no reform is possible apart from the progress of general intelligence."
"Assuming this progress, every needed reform will infallibly follow."
"True; but this presupposed progress is a work of time. Suppose it accomplished7, what would you do? I am anxious to see you actually and practically at work."
"I should begin by reducing the rate of postage to a penny."
"I have heard you speak of a halfpenny."*
* See chap. xii. of Sophismes, second series, post.
"Yes, but as I have other reforms in view, I should proceed prudently8, in the first instance, to avoid any risk of a deficit9."
"Fine prudence10, to be sure! You have already landed yourself in a deficit of 30 millions of francs."
"Then I should reduce the salt-tax to 10 francs."
"Good. Then you land yourself in a deficit of other thirty millions. You have doubtless invented a new tax?"
"Heaven forbid! And besides, I do not flatter myself with possessing an inventive genius."
"It will be very necessary, however.... Ah! I see. What was I thinking of? You intend simply to reduce the expenditure11. I did not think of that."
"You are not singular. I shall come to that; but for the present, that is not the resource on which I depend."
"What! you are to diminish the revenue without reducing the expenditure, and withal avoid a deficit!"
"Yes; by diminishing other taxes at the same time."
(Here the interlocutor, raising the forefinger12 of the right hand to his forehead, tossed his head, as if beating about for ideas.)
"By my faith! a most ingenious process. I pay over 100 francs to the Treasury13; you relieve me to the extent of 5 francs upon salt, and 5 francs upon postages; and in order that the Treasury may still receive 100 francs, you relieve me to the extent of 10 francs on some other tax."
"Exactly; I see you understand what I mean."
"The thing seems so strange that I am not quite sure that I even heard you distinctly."
"I repeat, I balance one degrèvement by another."
"Well, I happen to have a few minutes to spare, and I should like much to hear you explain this paradox14."
"Here is the whole mystery. I know a tax which costs the taxpayer15 20 francs, and of which not one farthing ever reaches the Treasury. I relieve you of one-half, and I see that the other half finds its way to the H?tel des Finances."
"Truly you are an unrivalled financier. And what tax, pray, do I pay which does not reach the Treasury?"
"How much does this coat cost you?"
"100 francs."
"80 francs."
"Why, then, did you not order it from Verviers?"
"Because that is forbidden."
"And why is it forbidden?"
"In order that the coat may cost 100 instead of 80 francs."
"This prohibition17, then, costs you 20 francs."
"And where do these 20 francs go to?"
"Where should they go to, but into the pocket of the cloth-manufacturer?"
"Well, then, give me 10 francs for the Treasury, I will abrogate19 the prohibition, and you will still be a gainer of 10 francs."
"Oh! I begin to follow you. The account with the Treasury will then stand thus: The revenue loses 5 francs upon salt, and 5 upon postages, and gains 10 francs upon cloth. The one balances the other."
"And your own account stands thus: You gain 5 francs upon salt, 5 francs upon postages, and 10 francs upon cloth."
"Total, 20 francs. I like your plan; but what comes of the poor cloth-manufacturer?"
"Oh! I have not lost sight of him. I manage to give him compensation likewise by means of degrèvements which are profitable to the revenue; and what I have done for you as regards cloth, I do for him as regards wool, coals, machinery20, etc., so that he is enabled to reduce his price without being a loser."
"But are you sure that the one will balance the other?"
"The balance will be in his favour. The 20 francs which I enable you to gain upon cloth, will be augmented21 by the amount I enable you to save upon corn, meat, fuel, etc. This will amount to a large sum; and a similar saving will be realized by each of your 35 millions of fellow-countrymen. In this way, you will find the means of consuming all the cloth produced at Verviers and Elbeuf. The nation will be better clothed; that is all."
"I shall think over it; for all this, I confess, confuses my head somewhat."
"After all, as regards clothing, the main consideration is to be clothed. Your limbs are your own, and not the property of the manufacturer. To protect them from the cold is your business and not his! If the law takes his part against you, the law is unjust; and we have been reasoning hitherto on the hypothesis that what is unjust is injurious."
"Perhaps I make too free with you; but I beg you to complete the explanation of your financial plan."
"I shall have a new law of Customs."
"In two volumes folio?"
"No, in two articles."
"For once, then, we may dispense22 with repeating the famous axiom, 'No one is supposed to be ignorant of the law'—Nul n'est cerne ignorer la loi; which is a fiction. Let us see, then, your proposed tariff23."
"Here it is:
"'Art. 1st.—All imported merchandise shall pay a duty of 5 per cent. ad valorem.'"
"Even raw materials?"
"In that case they must pay duty, less or more."
"How do you suppose that our manufacturers can compete with foreign manufacturers who have their raw materials free?"
"The expenditure of the State being given, if we shut up this source of revenue, we must open another. That will not do away with the relative inferiority of our manufactures, and we shall have an additional staff of officials to create and to pay for."
"True. I reason as if the problem were to do away with taxation26, and not to substitute one tax for another. I shall think over it. What is your second article?"
"'Art. 2d.—All merchandise exported shall pay a duty of 5 per cent, ad valorem.'"
"Good gracious! Monsieur l'Utopiste. You are going to get yourself pelted27, and, if necessary, I myself will cast the first stone."
"We have taken for granted that the majority are enlightened."
"All taxes are onerous; but this will be less so than others."
"The carnival29 justifies30 many eccentricities31. Please to render plausible32, if that be possible, this new paradox."
"How much do you pay for this wine?"
"One franc the litre."
"How much would you have paid for it outside the barrier?"
"Half a franc."
"What is the reason of this difference?"
"Ask the octroi, which has imposed a tax of half a franc upon it."
"And who established the octroi?"
"The Commune of Paris, to enable them to pave and light the streets."
"It resolves itself, then, into an import duty. But if the neighbouring communes had erected33 the octroi for their profit, what would have been the consequence?"
"I should not the less have paid one franc for wine worth half a franc, and the other half franc would have gone to pave and light Montmartre and the Batignoles."
"So that, in effect, it is the consumer who pays the tax."
"That is beyond all doubt."
"Pardon me, that is unjust."
"Why? Before any commodity can be produced in a country, we must presuppose as existing in that country education, security, roads, which are all things that cost money. Why then should not the foreigner bear the charges necessary to the production of the commodity of which ultimately he is the consumer?"
"That is contrary to received ideas."
"Not in the least. The last buyer must bear the whole cost of production, direct and indirect."
"It is in vain that you argue on this subject. It is self-evident that such a measure would paralyze trade, and shut all markets against us."
"This is a mistake. If you paid this tax over and above all others, you might be right. But if the 100 millions levied35 by this means relieved the taxpayer to a corresponding extent of other burdens, you would reappear in the foreign market with all your advantages, and even with greater advantages, if this tax shall have given rise to less complication and expense."
"I shall think over it. And now that we have put salt, postages, and customs duties on a new footing, does this end your projected reform?"
"On the contrary, we are only beginning."
"Pray give me some account of your other utopian schemes."
"We have already given up 60 millions of francs on salt and postages. The Customhouse affords compensation, but it gives also something far more precious."
"And what is that, if you please?"
"International relations founded on justice, and a probability of peace nearly equal to a certainty. I disband the army."
"The whole army?"
"Excepting the special arms, which will be recruited voluntarily like all other professions. You thus see the conscription abolished."
"Be pleased, Sir, to use the word recruitment."
"Ah! I had forgotten; how easy it is in some countries to perpetuate36 and hand down the most unpopular things by changing their names!"
"Thus, droits reunis have become contributions indirectes."
"I said that I should disband the army—not that I would disarm the country. On the contrary, I intend to give it invincible39 force."
"And how can you give consistency40 to this mass of contradictions?"
"I should call upon all citizens to take part in the service."
"It would be well worth while to dispense with the services of some of them, in order to enrol41 all."
"You surely have not made me a minister in order to leave things as they are. On my accession to power, I should say, like Richelieu, 'State maxims42 are changed.' And my first maxim43, the one I should employ as the basis of my administration, would be this: Every citizen must prepare for two things—to provide for his own subsistence, and to defend his country."
"It appears to me, at first sight, that there is some show of common sense in what you say."
"Consequently, I should base the law of national defence on these two enactments44:
"'Art. 1st.—Every able-bodied citizen shall remain sous les drapeaux for four years—namely, from 21 to 25—for the purpose of receiving military instruction.'"
"A fine economy, truly! You disband four hundred thousand soldiers to create ten millions."
"Listen to my second article:
"Nor do I stop here. It is certain that in order to get quit of four years' service, there would be a terrible emulation46 among our youth to learn the par5 le flanc droit and the charge en douze temps. The idea is whimsical."
"It is better than that. For without bringing families to grief, without encroaching on equality, would it not secure to the country, in a simple and inexpensive manner, 10 millions of defenders47 capable of setting at defiance48 all the standing49 armies of the world?"
"Really, if I were not on my guard, I should end with taking a serious interest in your conceits50."
Utopian free-trader getting excited. "Thank Heaven! here is my Budget relieved of 200 millions. I suppress the octroi. I remodel51 indirect contributions. I..."
"Oh! Monsieur l'Utopiste!"
Utopian free-trader getting more and more excited. "I should proclaim freedom of worship, freedom of teaching, and new resources. I would buy up the railways, pay off the public debtr and starve out stockjobbers."
"Monsieur l'Utopiste!"
"Set free from a multiplicity of cares, I should concentrate all the powers of government in the repression52 of fraud, and in the administration of prompt and cheap justice; I....
"Monsieur l'Utopiste, you undertake too many things; the nation will not support you!"
"You have granted me a majority."
"I withdraw it."
"Be it so. Then I am no longer a minister, and my projects will continue to be what they were—Utopias."
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1
suffrage
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| n.投票，选举权，参政权 | |
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attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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rime
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| n.白霜；v.使蒙霜 | |
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par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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6
concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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7
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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8
prudently
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| adv. 谨慎地，慎重地 | |
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9
deficit
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| n.亏空，亏损；赤字，逆差 | |
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10
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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11
expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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12
forefinger
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| n.食指 | |
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13
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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paradox
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| n.似乎矛盾却正确的说法；自相矛盾的人(物) | |
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15
taxpayer
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| n.纳税人 | |
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16
procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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17
prohibition
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| n.禁止；禁令，禁律 | |
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18
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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19
abrogate
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| v.废止，废除 | |
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machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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Augmented
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| adj.增音的 动词augment的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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22
dispense
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| vt.分配，分发；配(药)，发(药)；实施 | |
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23
tariff
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| n.关税，税率；(旅馆、饭店等)价目表，收费表 | |
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destitute
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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27
pelted
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| （连续地）投掷( pelt的过去式和过去分词 )； 连续抨击； 攻击； 剥去…的皮 | |
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onerous
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| adj.繁重的 | |
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carnival
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| n.嘉年华会，狂欢，狂欢节，巡回表演 | |
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30
justifies
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| 证明…有理( justify的第三人称单数 )； 为…辩护； 对…作出解释； 为…辩解（或辩护） | |
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31
eccentricities
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| n.古怪行为( eccentricity的名词复数 )；反常；怪癖 | |
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32
plausible
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| adj.似真实的，似乎有理的，似乎可信的 | |
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33
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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35
levied
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| 征（兵）( levy的过去式和过去分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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36
perpetuate
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| v.使永存，使永记不忘 | |
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gendarmes
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| n.宪兵，警官( gendarme的名词复数 ) | |
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disarm
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| v.解除武装，回复平常的编制，缓和 | |
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invincible
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| adj.不可征服的，难以制服的 | |
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40
consistency
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| n.一贯性，前后一致，稳定性；(液体的)浓度 | |
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41
enrol
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| v.（使）注册入学，（使）入学，（使）入会 | |
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42
maxims
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| n.格言，座右铭( maxim的名词复数 ) | |
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maxim
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| n.格言，箴言 | |
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enactments
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| n.演出( enactment的名词复数 )；展现；规定；通过 | |
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45
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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46
emulation
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| n.竞争；仿效 | |
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47
defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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50
conceits
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| 高傲( conceit的名词复数 )； 自以为； 巧妙的词语； 别出心裁的比喻 | |
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51
remodel
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| v.改造，改型，改变 | |
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52
repression
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| n.镇压，抑制，抑压 | |
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