Happily it is not so. In general those circumstances which cause an augmentation of the value of land diminish at the same time the price of landed produce. . . . . Let me explain this by an example.
Suppose a field worth ￡100 situated5 ten leagues from a town. A road is made which passes near this field, and opens up a market for its produce. The field immediately becomes worth ￡150. The proprietor having by this means acquired facilities for improvement and for a more varied6 culture, then increases the value of the land, and it comes to be worth ￡200.
The value of the field is now doubled. Let us examine this added value—both as regards the question of justice and as regards the utility which accrues7, not to the proprietor, but to the consumers of the neighbouring town.
As far as concerns the increase of value arising from ameliorations which the proprietor has made at his own cost, there can be no question. The capital he has expended8 follows the law of all capital.
I venture to say the same thing of the capital expended in [p348] forming the road. The operation is more circuitous9, but the result is the same.
In point of fact, the proprietor has contributed to the public expenditure10 in proportion to the value of his field. For many years he contributed to works of general utility executed in more remote parts of the country, and at length a road has been made in a direction which is profitable to him. The gross amount of taxes which he has paid may be compared to shares taken in a Government enterprise, and the annual augmentation of rent which he derives11 from the formation of this new road may be compared to dividends13 upon these shares.
Will it be said that a proprietor may pay taxes for ever, without receiving anything in return? . . . . But this just comes back to the case we have already put. The amelioration, although effected by the complex and somewhat questionable14 process of taxation15, may be considered as made by the proprietor at his own cost, in proportion to the partial advantage he derives from it.
I have put the case of a road. I might have cited any other instance of Government intervention16. Security, for example, contributes to give value to land, like capital, or labour. But who pays for this security? The proprietor, the capitalist, the labourer.
If the State expends17 its revenue judiciously18, the value expended will reappear and be replaced, in some form or other, in the hands of the proprietor, the capitalist, or the labourer. In the case of the proprietor, it must take the form of an increase in the value of his land. If, on the other hand, the State expends its revenue injudiciously, it is a misfortune. The tax is lost; and that is the taxpayer’s look-out. In that case, there is no augmentation of the value of the land, but that is no fault of the proprietor.
But for the produce of the soil thus augmented19 in value, by the action of Government and by individual industry, do the consumers of the neighbouring town pay an enhanced price? In other words, does the interest of the ￡100 become a charge on each quarter of wheat which the field produces? If we paid formerly20 ￡15 for it, shall we now be obliged to pay more than ￡15? That is an interesting question, seeing that justice and the universal harmony of interests depend on its solution.
I answer boldly, No.
No doubt the proprietor will now get ￡5 more (I assume the rate of interest to be 5 per cent.); but he gets this addition at the expense of nobody. On the contrary, the purchaser will derive12 a still greater profit. [p349]
The field we have supposed having been formerly at a distance from the market, was made to produce little, and on account of the difficulty of transit21 what was sent to market sold at a high price. Now, production is stimulated22, and transport made cheaper, a greater quantity of wheat comes to market, and comes there at less cost, and is sold cheaper. Whilst yielding the proprietor a total profit of ￡5, its purchaser, as we have already said, may realize a still greater profit.
In short, an economy of power has been realized. For whose benefit? For the benefit of both of the contracting parties. According to what law is this gain distributed? According to the law which we have described in the case of capital, seeing that this augmentation of value is itself capital.
When capital increases, the portion falling to the proprietor or capitalist increases in absolute value and diminishes in relative value; while the portion falling to the labourer (or consumer) increases both in absolute and relative value. . . . .
Observe how this takes place. In proportion as civilisation advances, lands which are situated near populous23 centres rise in value. Productions of an inferior kind in such places give way to productions of a superior description. First of all, pasture gives way to cereal crops, then cereal crops give way to market gardening. Products are brought from a greater distance at less cost, so that (and this in point of fact is incontestable) meat, bread, vegetables, even flowers, are sold in such places cheaper than in neighbourhoods less advanced, although manual labour costs more. . . . . . .
LE CLOS-VOUGEOT.72
. . . . Services are exchanged for services. Frequently services prepared beforehand are exchanged for present or future services.
The value of services is determined24 not by the labour they exact or have exacted, but by the labour which they save.
Now, in point of fact, human labour goes on constantly improving in efficiency.
From these premises25 we may deduce a phenomenon which is very important in social economy, which is, that in general anterior26 labour loses in exchange with present labour.
Twenty years ago I manufactured a commodity which cost me [p350] 100 days’ labour. I propose an exchange, and I say to the purchaser, Give me in exchange a thing which cost you also 100 days’ labour. Probably he will be in a situation to make this reply, That great progress has been made in twenty years. What you ask 100 days’ labour for can be made now in 70 days. I don’t measure your service by the time it has cost you, but by the service it renders me. That service is equal only to 70 days’ labour, for in that time I can render it to myself, or find one who will render it to me.
The consequence is that the value of capital goes on continually deteriorating27, and that anterior labour and capital are not so much favoured as superficial economists28 believe.
Apart from tear and wear, there is no machine a little old but loses value, for the single reason that better machines of the same kind are made nowadays.
The same thing holds in regard to land. There are few soils, to bring which into their present state of culture and fertility, has not cost more labour than would be necessary now with our more effective modern appliances.
This is what happens in the usual case, but not necessarily so.
Anterior labour may, at the present day, render greater services than it did formerly. This is rare, but it sometimes happens. For example, I store up wine which cost me twenty days’ labour to produce. Had I sold it immediately, my labour would have yielded me a certain remuneration. I have preserved my wine; it has improved; the succeeding vintage has failed; in short, the price has risen, and my remuneration is greater. Why? Because I render a greater amount of service—my customers would have greater difficulty in procuring29 themselves such wine than I myself experienced—I satisfy a want which has become greater, more felt, etc. . . . .
This is a consideration which must always be looked to.
There are a thousand of us. Each has his piece of land, and clears it. Some time elapses, and we sell it. Now it so happens that out of 1000 there are 998 who never receive as many days’ present labour in exchange for their land as it cost them formerly; and this just because the anterior labour, which was of a ruder and less efficient description, does not render as great an amount of service comparatively as present labour. But there are two of the proprietors30 whose labour has been more intelligent, or, if you will, more successful. When they bring their land to market, they find that it is capable of rendering31 service which cannot be rivalled. Every man says to himself, It would cost me a great [p351] deal to render this service to myself, therefore I must pay well for it, for I am quite certain that it would cost me more to obtain what I am in quest of by my own exertions32.
This is just the case of the celebrated33 vineyard, the Clos-Vougeot, and it is the same case as that of the man who finds a diamond, or possesses a fine voice, or other personal advantages or peculiarities34, etc. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
In my neighbourhood there is much uncultivated land. A stranger asks, Why not cultivate this field? Because the soil is bad. But here, alongside of it, you have another of the same quality which is cultivated. To this objection the native has no answer.
Was he wrong in the first answer he gave, namely, It is bad?
No. The reason which induces him not to clear new fields is not that they are bad, for there are excellent fields which also remain uncultivated. His reason is that it would cost him more to bring this field into the same state of cultivation35 as the adjoining field which is cultivated, than to buy the latter.
Now, to any thinking man this proves incontestably that the field has no intrinsic value.
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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civilisation
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| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
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proprietor
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| n.所有人；业主；经营者 | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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accrues
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| v.增加( accrue的第三人称单数 )；（通过自然增长）产生；获得；（使钱款、债务）积累 | |
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expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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circuitous
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| adj.迂回的路的，迂曲的，绕行的 | |
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expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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derives
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| v.得到( derive的第三人称单数 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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derive
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| v.取得；导出；引申；来自；源自；出自 | |
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dividends
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| 红利( dividend的名词复数 )； 股息； 被除数； （足球彩票的）彩金 | |
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questionable
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| adj.可疑的，有问题的 | |
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taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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expends
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| v.花费( expend的第三人称单数 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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judiciously
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| adv.明断地，明智而审慎地 | |
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Augmented
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| adj.增音的 动词augment的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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transit
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| n.经过，运输；vt.穿越，旋转；vi.越过 | |
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stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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premises
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| n.建筑物，房屋 | |
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anterior
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| adj.较早的；在前的 | |
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deteriorating
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| 恶化，变坏( deteriorate的现在分词 ) | |
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economists
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| n.经济学家，经济专家( economist的名词复数 ) | |
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procuring
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的现在分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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proprietors
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| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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rendering
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| n.表现，描写 | |
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exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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peculiarities
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| n. 特质, 特性, 怪癖, 古怪 | |
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cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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