Would Justice and Liberty have given rise inevitably1 to Inequality and Monopoly?
To find an answer to these questions it would seem to me to be necessary to study the nature of human transactions in their essence, in their origin, in their consequences, and in the consequences of these consequences, down to the final result; and this apart from the consideration of contingent2 disturbances3 which might engender4 injustice5; for it will be readily granted that injustice is not of the essence of free and voluntary transactions.
That the entry of Injustice into the world was inevitable6, and that society cannot get rid of it, may be argued plausibly7, and I think even conclusively8, if we take man as he exists, with his passions, his egotism, his ignorance, and his original improvidence9. We must also, therefore, direct our attention to the origin and effects of Injustice.
But it is not the less true that economical science must set out by explaining the theory of human transactions, assuming them to be free and voluntary, just as physiology11 explains the nature and relations of our organs, apart from the consideration of the disturbing causes which modify these relations.
Services, as we have seen, are exchanged for services, and the great desideratum is the equivalence of the services thus exchanged.
The best chance, it would seem, of arriving at this equivalence, is that it should be produced under the influence of Liberty, and that every man should be allowed to judge for himself. [p447]
We know that men may be mistaken; but we know also that they have the power given them of rectifying13 their mistakes; and the longer, as it appears to us, that error is persisted in, the nearer we approximate to its rectification16.
Everything which restrains liberty would seem to disturb the equivalence of services, and everything which disturbs the equivalence of services engenders17 inequality in an exaggerated degree, endowing some with unmerited opulence18, entailing19 on others poverty equally unmerited, together with the destruction of national wealth, and an attendant train of evils, heartburnings, disturbances, convulsions, and revolutions.
We shall not go the length of saying that Liberty—or the equivalence of services—produces absolute equality; for we believe in nothing absolute in what concerns man. But we think that Liberty tends to make men approximate towards a common level, which is movable and always rising.
We think also that the inequality which may still remain under a free régime is either the result of accidental circumstances, or the chastisement20 of faults and vices12, or the compensation of other advantages set opposite to those of wealth; and, consequently, that this inequality ought not to introduce among men any feeling of irritation21.
In a word, we believe that Liberty is Harmony. . . . .
But in order to discover whether this harmony exists in reality, or only in our own imagination, whether it be in us a perception or only an aspiration22, we must subject free transactions to the test of scientific inquiry23; we must study facts, with their relations and consequences.
This is what we have endeavoured to do.
We have seen that although countless24 obstacles are interposed between the wants of man and his satisfactions, so that in a state of isolation25 he could not exist—yet by the union of forces, the separation of occupations, in a word, by exchange, his faculties26 are developed to such an extent as to enable him gradually to overcome the first obstacles, to encounter the second and overcome them also, and so on in a progression as much more rapid as exchange is rendered more easy by the increasing density27 of population.
We have seen that his intelligence places at his disposal means of action more and more numerous, energetic, and perfect, that in proportion as capital increases, his absolute share in the produce increases, and his relative share diminishes, while both the absolute and relative share falling to the labourer goes on [p448] constantly increasing. This is the primary and most powerful cause of equality.
We have seen that that admirable instrument of production called land, that marvellous laboratory in which are prepared all things necessary for the food, clothing, and shelter of man, has been given him gratuitously29 by the Creator; that although the land is nominally30 appropriated, its productive action cannot be so, but remains31 gratuitous28 throughout the whole range of human transactions.
We have seen that Property has not only this negative effect of not encroaching on community; but that it works directly and constantly in enlarging its domain32; and this is a second cause of equality, seeing that the more abundant the common fund becomes, the more is the inequality of property effaced33.
We have seen that under the influence of liberty services tend to acquire their normal value, that is to say, a value proportionate to the labour. This is a third cause of equality.
For these reasons we conclude that there is a tendency to the establishment among men of a natural level, not by bringing them back to a retrograde position, or allowing them to remain stationary34, but urging them on to a state which is constantly progressive.
In fine, we have seen that it is not the tendency of the laws of Value, of Interest, of Rent, of Population, or any other great natural law, to introduce dissonance into the beautiful order of society, as crude science has endeavoured to persuade us, but, on the contrary, that all these laws lead to harmony.
Having reached this point, I think I hear the reader cry out, “The Economists35 are optimists36 with a vengeance37! It is in vain that suffering, poverty, inadequate38 wages, pauperism39, the desertion of children, starvation, crime, rebellion, inequality, are before their eyes; they chant complacently40 the harmony of the social laws, and turn away from a hideous41 spectacle which mars their enjoyment42 of the theory in which they are wrapt up. They shun43 the region of realities, in order to take refuge, like the Utopian dreamers whom they blame, in a region of chimeras44. More illogical than the Socialists45 or the Communists themselves—who confess the existence of suffering, feel it, describe it, abhor46 it, and only commit the error of prescribing ineffectual, impracticable, and empirical remedies—the Economists either deny the existence of suffering, or are insensible to it, if, indeed, they do not engender it, calling out to diseased and distempered society, ‘Laissez faire, laissez passer; all is for the best in this best of all possible worlds.’” [p449]
In the name of science, I repel47, I repudiate48 with all my might, such reproaches and such interpretations49 of our words. We see the existence of suffering as clearly as our opponents. Like them, we deplore50 it, like them we endeavour to discover its causes, like them we are ready to combat them. But we state the question differently. “Society,” say they, “such as liberty of labour and commercial transactions (that is to say, the free play of natural laws) has made it, is detestable. Break, then, the wheels of this ill-going machine, liberty (which they take care to nickname competition, or oftener anarchical competition), and substitute for them, by force, new wheels of our invention.” No sooner said than done. Millions of inventions are paraded; and this we might naturally expect, for to imaginary space there are no limits.
As for us, after having studied the natural and providential laws of society, we affirm that these laws are harmonious51. These laws admit the existence of evil, for they are brought into play by men,—by beings subject to error and to suffering. But in this mechanism52 evil has itself a function to perform, which is to circumscribe53 more and more its own limits, and ultimately to check its own action, by preparing for man warnings, corrections, experience, knowledge; all things which are comprehended and summed up in the word, Improvement.
We add that it is not true that liberty prevails among men, nor is it true that the providential laws exert all their action. If they do act, at least, it is to repair slowly and painfully the disturbing action of ignorance and error. Don’t arraign54 us, then, for using the words laissez faire, let alone; for we do not mean by that, let man alone when he is doing wrong. What we mean is this: Study the providential laws, admire them, and allow them to operate. Remove the obstacles which they encounter from abuses arising from force and fraud, and you will see accomplished55 in human society this double manifestation56 of progress—equalization in amelioration.
For, in short, of two things one: either the interests of men are, in their own nature, concordant, or they are in their nature discordant57. When we talk of one’s Interest, we talk of a thing towards which a man gravitates necessarily, unavoidably; otherwise it would cease to be called interest. If men gravitated towards something else, that other thing would be termed their interest. If men’s interests, then, are concordant, all that is necessary in order to the realization58 of harmony and happiness is that these interests should be understood, since men naturally [p450] pursue their interest. This is all we contend for; and this is the reason why we say, Eclairez et laissez faire, Enlighten men, and let them alone. If men’s interests are in their nature and essence discordant, then you are right, and there is no other way of producing harmony, but by forcing, thwarting59, and running counter to these interests. A whimsical harmony, truly, which can result only from an external and despotic action directed against the interests of all! For you can easily understand that men will not tamely allow themselves to be thwarted60; and in order to obtain their acquiescence62 in your inventions, you must either begin by being stronger than the whole human family, or else you must be able to succeed in deceiving them with reference to their true interests. In short, on the hypothesis that men’s interests are naturally discordant, the best thing which could happen would be their being all deceived in this respect.
Force and imposture63, these are your sole resources. I defy you to find another, unless you admit that men’s interests are harmonious,—and if you grant that, you are with us, and will say, as we say, Allow the providential laws to act.
Now, this you will not do; and therefore. I must repeat that your starting-point is the antagonism64 of interests. This is the reason why you will not allow these interests to come to a mutual65 arrangement and understanding freely and voluntarily; this is the reason why you advocate arbitrary measures, and repudiate liberty; and you are consistent.
But take care. The struggle which is approaching will not be exclusively between you and society. Such a struggle you lay your account with, the thwarting of men’s interests being the very object you have in view. The battle will also rage among you, the inventors and organizers of artificial societies, yourselves; for there are thousands of you, and there will soon be tens of thousands, all entertaining and advocating different views. What will you do? I see very clearly what you will do,—you will endeavour to get possession of the Government. That is the only force capable of overcoming all resistance. Will some one among you succeed? While he is engaged in thwarting and opposing the Government, he will find himself set upon by all the other inventors, equally desirous to seize upon the Government; and their chances of success will be so much the greater, seeing that they will be aided by that public disaffection which has been stirred up by the previous opposition66 to their interests. Here, then, we are launched into a stormy sea of eternal revolutions, and with no other object than the solution of this question: [p451] How, and by whom, can the interests of mankind be most effectually thwarted?
Let me not be accused of exaggeration. All this is forced upon us if men’s interests are naturally discordant, for on this hypothesis you never can get out of the dilemma67, that either these interests will be left to themselves, and then disorder68 will follow, or some one must be strong enough to run counter to them, and in that case we shall still have disorder.
It is true that there is a third course, as I have already indicated. It consists in deceiving men with reference to their true interests; and this course being above the power of a mere69 mortal, the shortest way is for the organisateur to erect70 himself into an oracle71. This is a part which these Utopian dreamers, when they dare, never fail to play, until they become Ministers of State. They fill their writings with mystical cant72; and it is with these paper kites that they find out how the wind sits, and make their first experiments on public credulity. But, unfortunately for them, success in such experiments is not very easily achieved in the nineteenth century.
We confess, then, frankly73 that, in order to get rid of these inextricable difficulties, it is much to be desired that, having studied human interests, we should find them harmonious. The duty of writers and that of governments become in that case rational and easy.
As mankind frequently mistake their true interests, our duty as writers ought to be to explain these interests, to describe them, to make them understood, for we may be quite certain that if men once see their interest, they will follow it. As a man who is mistaken with reference to his own interests injures those of the public (this results from their harmony), the duty of Government will be to bring back the small body of dissentients and violators of the providential laws into the path of justice, which is identical with that of utility. In other words, the single mission of Government will be to establish the dominion74 of justice; and it will no longer have to embarrass itself with the painful endeavour to produce, at great cost, and by encroaching on individual liberty, a Harmony which is self-created, and which Government action never fails to destroy.
After what has been said, we shall not be regarded as such fanatical advocates of social harmony as to deny that it may be, and frequently is, disturbed. I will even add that, in my opinion, the disturbances of the social order, which are caused by blind passions, ignorance, and error, are infinitely75 greater and more pro10 [p452] longed than are generally supposed; and it is these disturbing causes which we are about to make the subject of our inquiry.
Man comes into the world having implanted in him ineradicably the desire of happiness and aversion from pain. Seeing that he acts in obedience76 to this impulse, we cannot deny that personal interest is the moving spring of the individual, of all individuals, and, consequently, of society. And seeing that personal interest, in the economic sphere, is the motive77 of human actions and the mainspring of society, Evil must proceed from it as well as Good; and it is in this motive power that we must seek to discover harmony and the causes by which that harmony is disturbed.
The constant aspiration of self-interest is to silence want, or, to speak more generally, desire, by satisfaction.
Between these two terms, which are essentially78 personal and intransmissible, want and satisfaction, there is interposed a mean term which is transmissible and exchangeable,—effort.
Over all this mechanism we have placed the faculty79 of comparing, of judging—mind, intelligence. But human intelligence is fallible. We may be mistaken. That is beyond dispute; for were any one to assert that man cannot err15, we should at once conclude that it was unnecessary to hold any farther argument with him.
We may be mistaken in many ways. We may, for instance, form a wrong appreciation80 of the relative importance of our wants. In this case, were we living in a state of isolation, we should give to our efforts a direction not in accordance with our true interests. In a state of society, and under the operation of the law of exchange, the effect would be the same; for then we should direct demand and remuneration to services of a kind either frivolous81 or hurtful, and so give a wrong direction to labour.
We may also err, from being ignorant that a satisfaction which we ardently82 seek for can only remove a suffering by becoming the source of still greater sufferings. There is scarcely any effect which may not in its turn become a cause. Foresight83 has been given us to enable us to observe the concatenation of effects, so that we may not sacrifice the future to the present; but we are frequently deficient84 in foresight.
Here, then, is the first source of evil, error arising from the feebleness of our judgment85 or the force of our passions; and it belongs principally to the domain of morals. In this case, as the error and the passion are individual, the resulting evil must, to a [p453] certain extent, be individual also; and reflection, experience, and the feeling of responsibility are its proper correctives.
Errors of this class, however, may assume a social character, and, when erected86 into a system, may give rise to widespread suffering. There are countries, for example, in which the governing power is strongly convinced that the prosperity of nations is measured, not by the amount of wants which are satisfied, but by the amount of efforts, whatever may be their results. The division of labour assists powerfully this illusion. When we observe that each profession sets itself to overcome a certain species of obstacle, we imagine that the existence of that obstacle is the source of wealth. In such countries, when vanity, frivolity87, or a false love of glory are predominant passions, and provoke corresponding desires, and determine a portion of the national industry in that direction, Governments believe that all will be over with them if their subjects come to be reformed and rendered more moral. What will become now, they say, of milliners, cooks, grooms88, embroiderers, dancers, lace-manufactures, etc.? They do not reflect that the human heart is always large enough to contain enough of honest, reasonable, and legitimate89 desires to afford employment and support to labour; that the business is not to suppress desires, but to rectify14 and purify them; and that labour, consequently, following the same evolution, may have its direction changed and still be carried on to the same extent as before. In countries where these melancholy90 doctrines91 prevail, we hear it frequently said, “It is unfortunate that morals and industry cannot march side by side. We should desire, indeed, that the citizens should be moral, but we cannot allow them to become idle and poor. This is the reason why we must continue to make laws which are favourable92 to luxury. If necessary, we impose taxes on the people; and for the sake of the people, and to ensure them employment, we charge Kings, Presidents, Ambassadors, Ministers, with the duty of representing them.” All this is said and done in the best possible faith; and the people themselves acquiesce61 in it with a good grace. It is very clear that when luxury and frivolity thus become a legislative93 affair, regulated, decreed, imposed, systematized, by public force, the law of Responsibility loses all its moral power.
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1
inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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contingent
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| adj.视条件而定的；n.一组，代表团，分遣队 | |
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disturbances
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| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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engender
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| v.产生，引起 | |
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injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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plausibly
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| 似真地 | |
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conclusively
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| adv.令人信服地，确凿地 | |
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improvidence
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| n.目光短浅 | |
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pro
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| n.赞成，赞成的意见，赞成者 | |
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physiology
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| n.生理学，生理机能 | |
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vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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rectifying
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| 改正，矫正( rectify的现在分词 )； 精馏； 蒸流； 整流 | |
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rectify
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| v.订正，矫正，改正 | |
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err
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| vi.犯错误，出差错 | |
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rectification
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| n. 改正, 改订, 矫正 | |
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engenders
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| v.产生（某形势或状况），造成，引起( engender的第三人称单数 ) | |
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opulence
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| n.财富，富裕 | |
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entailing
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| 使…成为必要( entail的现在分词 )； 需要； 限定继承； 使必需 | |
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chastisement
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| n.惩罚 | |
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irritation
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| n.激怒，恼怒，生气 | |
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aspiration
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| n.志向，志趣抱负；渴望；(语)送气音；吸出 | |
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inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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countless
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| adj.无数的，多得不计其数的 | |
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isolation
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| n.隔离，孤立，分解，分离 | |
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faculties
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| n.能力( faculty的名词复数 )；全体教职员；技巧；院 | |
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density
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| n.密集，密度，浓度 | |
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gratuitous
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| adj.无偿的，免费的；无缘无故的，不必要的 | |
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gratuitously
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| 平白 | |
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nominally
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| 在名义上，表面地； 应名儿 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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effaced
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| v.擦掉( efface的过去式和过去分词 )；抹去；超越；使黯然失色 | |
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stationary
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| adj.固定的，静止不动的 | |
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economists
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| n.经济学家，经济专家( economist的名词复数 ) | |
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optimists
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| n.乐观主义者( optimist的名词复数 ) | |
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vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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inadequate
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| adj.(for,to)不充足的，不适当的 | |
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pauperism
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| n.有被救济的资格，贫困 | |
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complacently
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| adv. 满足地, 自满地, 沾沾自喜地 | |
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hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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shun
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| vt.避开，回避，避免 | |
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chimeras
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| n.（由几种动物的各部分构成的）假想的怪兽( chimera的名词复数 )；不可能实现的想法；幻想；妄想 | |
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socialists
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| 社会主义者( socialist的名词复数 ) | |
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abhor
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| v.憎恶；痛恨 | |
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repel
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| v.击退，抵制，拒绝，排斥 | |
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repudiate
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| v.拒绝，拒付，拒绝履行 | |
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interpretations
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| n.解释( interpretation的名词复数 )；表演；演绎；理解 | |
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deplore
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| vt.哀叹，对...深感遗憾 | |
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harmonious
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| adj.和睦的，调和的，和谐的，协调的 | |
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mechanism
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| n.机械装置；机构，结构 | |
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circumscribe
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| v.在...周围划线，限制，约束 | |
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arraign
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| v.提讯；控告 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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manifestation
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| n.表现形式；表明；现象 | |
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discordant
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| adj.不调和的 | |
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realization
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| n.实现；认识到，深刻了解 | |
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thwarting
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| 阻挠( thwart的现在分词 )； 使受挫折； 挫败； 横过 | |
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thwarted
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| 阻挠( thwart的过去式和过去分词 )； 使受挫折； 挫败； 横过 | |
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acquiesce
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| vi.默许，顺从，同意 | |
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acquiescence
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| n.默许；顺从 | |
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imposture
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| n.冒名顶替，欺骗 | |
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antagonism
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| n.对抗，敌对，对立 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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dilemma
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| n.困境，进退两难的局面 | |
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disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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erect
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| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
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oracle
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| n.神谕，神谕处，预言 | |
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cant
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| n.斜穿，黑话，猛扔 | |
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frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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79
faculty
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| n.才能；学院，系；(学院或系的)全体教学人员 | |
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80
appreciation
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| n.评价；欣赏；感谢；领会，理解；价格上涨 | |
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81
frivolous
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| adj.轻薄的；轻率的 | |
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82
ardently
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| adv.热心地，热烈地 | |
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83
foresight
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| n.先见之明，深谋远虑 | |
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84
deficient
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| adj.不足的，不充份的，有缺陷的 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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86
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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87
frivolity
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| n.轻松的乐事，兴高采烈；轻浮的举止 | |
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88
grooms
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| n.新郎( groom的名词复数 )；马夫v.照料或梳洗（马等）( groom的第三人称单数 )；使做好准备；训练；（给动物）擦洗 | |
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legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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