The question is a proper one. All labor1 is so repugnant in its nature that one has the right to ask of what use it is.
Let us examine and see.
I do not address myself to those philosophers who, if not in their own names, at least in the name of humanity, profess2 to adore poverty.
I speak to those who hold wealth in esteem—and understand by this word, not the opulence3 of the few, but the comfort, the well-being4, the security, the independence, the instruction, the dignity of all.
There are only two ways by which the means essential to the preservation5, the adornment6 and the perfection of life may be obtained—production and spoliation. Some persons may say: "Spoliation is an accident, a local and transient abuse, denounced by morality, punished by the law, and unworthy the attention of political economy."
Still, however benevolent7 or optimistic one may be, he is compelled to admit that spoliation is practiced on so vast a scale in this world, and is so generally connected with all great human events, that no social science, and, least of all, political economy, can refuse to consider it.
I go farther. That which prevents the perfection of the social system (at least in so far as it is capable of perfection) is the constant effort of its members to live and prosper8 at the expense of each other. So that, if spoliation did not exist, society being perfect, the social sciences would be without an object.
I go still farther. When spoliation becomes a means of subsistence for a body of men united by social ties, in course of time they make a law which sanctions it, a morality which glorifies9 it.
It is enough to name some of the best defined forms of spoliation to indicate the position it occupies in human affairs.
First comes war. Among savages10 the conqueror11 kills the conquered, to obtain an uncontested, if not incontestable, right to game.
Next slavery. When man learns that he can make the earth fruitful by labor, he makes this division with his brother: "You work and I eat."
Then comes superstition12. "According as you give or refuse me that which is yours, I will open to you the gates of heaven or of hell."
Finally, monopoly appears. Its distinguishing characteristic is to allow the existence of the grand social law—service for service—while it brings the element of force into the discussion, and thus alters the just proportion between service received and service rendered.
Spoliation always bears within itself the germ of its own destruction. Very rarely the many despoil13 the few. In such a case the latter soon become so reduced that they can no longer satisfy the cupidity14 of the former, and spoliation ceases for want of sustenance15.
Almost always the few oppress the many, and in that case spoliation is none the less undermined, for, if it has force as an agent, as in war and slavery, it is natural that force in the end should be on the side of the greater number. And if deception16 is the agent, as with superstition and monopoly, it is natural that the many should ultimately become enlightened.
Another law of Providence17 wars against spoliation. It is this:
Spoliation not only displaces wealth, but always destroys a portion.
War annihilates18 values.
Monopoly transfers wealth from one pocket to another, but it always occasions the loss of a portion in the transfer.
This is an admirable law. Without it, provided the strength of oppressors and oppressed were equal, spoliation would have no end.
A moment comes when the destruction of wealth is such that the despoiler20 is poorer than he would have been if he had remained honest.
So it is with a people when a war costs more than the booty is worth; with a master who pays more for slave labor than for free labor; with a priesthood which has so stupefied the people and destroyed its energy that nothing more can be gotten out of it; with a monopoly which increases its attempts at absorption as there is less to absorb, just as the difficulty of milking increases with the emptiness of the udder.
Monopoly is a species of the genus spoliation. It has many varieties, among them sinecure21, privilege, and restriction22 upon trade.
Some of the forms it assumes are simple and naive23, like feudal24 rights. Under this regime the masses are despoiled25, and know it.
Other forms are more complicated. Often the masses are plundered26, and do not know it. It may even happen that they believe that they owe every thing to spoliation, not only what is left them but what is taken from them, and what is lost in the operation. I also assert that, in the course of time, thanks to the ingenious machinery27 of habit, many people become spoilers without knowing it or wishing it. Monopolies of this kind are begotten28 by fraud and nurtured29 by error. They vanish only before the light.
I have said enough to indicate that political economy has a manifest practical use. It is the torch which, unveiling deceit and dissipating error, destroys that social disorder30 called spoliation. Some one, a woman I believe, has correctly defined it as "the safety-lock upon the property of the people."
COMMENTARY.
If this little book were destined31 to live three or four thousand years, to be read and re-read, pondered and studied, phrase by phrase, word by word, and letter by letter, from generation to generation, like a new Koran; if it were to fill the libraries of the world with avalanches32 of annotations33, explanations and paraphrases34, I might leave to their fate, in their rather obscure conciseness35, the thoughts which precede. But since they need a commentary, it seems wise to me to furnish it myself.
The true and equitable36 law of humanity is the free exchange of service for service. Spoliation consists in destroying by force or by trickery the freedom of exchange, in order to receive a service without rendering37 one.
Forcible spoliation is exercised thus: Wait till a man has produced something; then take it from him by violence.
When practiced by one individual on another, it is called robbery, and leads to the prison; when practiced among nations, it takes the name of conquest, and leads to glory.
Why this difference? It is worth while to search for the cause. It will reveal to us an irresistible39 power, public opinion, which, like the atmosphere, envelopes us so completely that we do not notice it. Rousseau never said a truer thing than this: "A great deal of philosophy is needed to understand the facts which are very near to us."
The robber, for the reason that he acts alone, has public opinion against him. He terrifies all who are about him. Yet, if he has companions, he plumes40 himself before them on his exploits, and here we may begin to notice the power of public opinion, for the approbation41 of his band serves to obliterate42 all consciousness of his turpitude43, and even to make him proud of it. The warrior44 lives in a different atmosphere. The public opinion which would rebuke45 him is among the vanquished46. He does not feel its influence. But the opinion of those by whom he is surrounded approves his acts and sustains him. He and his comrades are vividly47 conscious of the common interest which unites them. The country which has created enemies and dangers, needs to stimulate48 the courage of its children. To the most daring, to those who have enlarged the frontiers, and gathered the spoils of war, are given honors, reputation, glory. Poets sing their exploits. Fair women weave garlands for them. And such is the power of public opinion that it separates the idea of injustice49 from spoliation, and even rids the despoiler of the consciousness of his wrong-doing.
The public opinion which reacts against military spoliation, (as it exists among the conquered and not among the conquering people), has very little influence. But it is not entirely50 powerless. It gains in strength as nations come together and understand one another better. Thus, it can be seen that the study of languages and the free communication of peoples tend to bring about the supremacy51 of an opinion opposed to this sort of spoliation.
Unfortunately, it often happens that the nations adjacent to a plundering52 people are themselves spoilers when opportunity offers, and hence are imbued53 with the same prejudices.
Then there is only one remedy—time. It is necessary that nations learn by harsh experience the enormous disadvantage of despoiling54 each other.
You say there is another restraint—moral influences. But moral influences have for their object the increase of virtuous55 actions. How can they restrain these acts of spoliation when these very acts are raised by public opinion to the level of the highest virtues56? Is there a more potent57 moral influence than religion? Has there ever been a religion more favorable to peace or more universally received than Christianity? And yet what has been witnessed during eighteen centuries? Men have gone out to battle, not merely in spite of religion, but in the very name of religion.
A conquering nation does not always wage offensive war. Its soldiers are obliged to protect the hearthstones, the property, the families, the independence and liberty of their native land. At such a time war assumes a character of sanctity and grandeur59. The flag, blessed by the ministers of the God of Peace, represents all that is sacred on earth; the people rally to it as the living image of their country and their honor; the warlike virtues are exalted60 above all others. When the danger is over, the opinion remains61, and by a natural reaction of that spirit of vengeance62 which confounds itself with patriotism63, they love to bear the cherished flag from capital to capital. It seems that nature has thus prepared the punishment of the aggressor.
It is the fear of this punishment, and not the progress of philosophy, which keeps arms in the arsenals64, for it cannot be denied that those people who are most advanced in civilization make war, and bother themselves very little with justice when they have no reprisals65 to fear. Witness the Himalayas, the Atlas66, and the Caucasus.
If religion has been impotent, if philosophy is powerless, how is war to cease?
Political economy demonstrates that even if the victors alone are considered, war is always begun in the interest of the few, and at the expense of the many. All that is needed, then, is that the masses should clearly perceive this truth. The weight of public opinion, which is yet divided, would then be cast entirely on the side of peace.
Forcible spoliation also takes another form. Without waiting for a man to produce something in order to rob him, they take possession of the man himself, deprive him of his freedom, and force him to work. They do not say to him, "If you will do this for me, I will do that for you," but they say to him, "You take all the troubles; we all the enjoyments67." This is slavery.
Now it is important to inquire whether it is not in the nature of uncontrolled power always to abuse itself.
For my part I have no doubt of it, and should as soon expect to see the power that could arrest a stone in falling proceed from the stone itself, as to trust force within any defined limits.
I should like to be shown a country where slavery has been abolished by the voluntary action of the masters.
Slavery furnishes a second striking example of the impotence of philosophical68 and religious sentiments in a conflict with the energetic activity of self-interest.
This may seem sad to some modern schools which seek the reformation of society in self-denial. Let them begin by reforming the nature of man.
In the Antilles the masters, from father to son, have, since slavery was established, professed69 the Christian58 religion. Many times a day they repeat these words: "All men are brothers. Love thy neighbor as thyself; in this are the law and the prophets fulfilled." Yet they hold slaves, and nothing seems to them more legitimate70 or natural. Do modern reformers hope that their moral creed71 will ever be as universally accepted, as popular, as authoritative72, or as often on all lips as the Gospel? If that has not passed from the lips to the heart, over or through the great barrier of self-interest, how can they hope that their system will work this miracle?
Well, then, is slavery invulnerable? No; self-interest, which founded it, will one day destroy it, provided the special interests which have created it do not stifle73 those general interests which tend to overthrow74 it.
Another truth demonstrated by political economy is, that free labor is progressive, and slave labor stationary75. Hence the triumph of the first over the second is inevitable76. What has become of the cultivation77 of indigo78 by the blacks?
Free labor, applied79 to the production of sugar, is constantly causing a reduction in the price. Slave property is becoming proportionately less valuable to the master. Slavery will soon die out in America unless the price of sugar is artificially raised by legislation. Accordingly we see to-day the masters, their creditors80 and representatives, making vigorous efforts to maintain these laws, which are the pillars of the edifice81.
Unfortunately they still have the sympathy of people among whom slavery has disappeared, from which circumstance the sovereignty of public opinion may again be observed. If public opinion is sovereign in the domain82 of force, it is much more so in the domain of fraud. Fraud is its proper sphere. Stratagem83 is the abuse of intelligence. Imposture84 on the part of the despoiler implies credulity on the part of the despoiled, and the natural antidote85 of credulity is truth. It follows that to enlighten the mind is to deprive this species of spoliation of its support.
I will briefly86 pass in review a few of the different kinds of spoliation which are practiced on an exceedingly large scale. The first which presents itself is spoliation through the avenue of superstition. In what does it consist? In the exchange of food, clothing, luxury, distinction, influence, power—substantial services for fictitious87 services. If I tell a man: "I will render you an immediate88 service," I am obliged to keep my word, or he would soon know what to depend upon, and my trickery would be unmasked.
But if I should tell him, "In exchange for your services I will do you immense service, not in this world but in another; after this life you may be eternally happy or miserable89, and that happiness or misery90 depends upon me; I am a vicar between God and man, and can open to you the gates of heaven or of hell;" if that man believes me he is at my mercy.
This method of imposture has been very extensively practiced since the beginning of the world, and it is well known to what omnipotence91 the Egyptian priests attained92 by such means.
It is easy to see how impostors proceed. It is enough to ask one's self what he would do in their place.
If I, entertaining views of this kind, had arrived in the midst of an ignorant population, and were to succeed by some extraordinary act or marvelous appearance in passing myself off as a supernatural being, I would claim to be a messenger from God, having an absolute control over the future destinies of men.
Then I would forbid all examination of my claims. I would go still further, and, as reason would be my most dangerous enemy, I would interdict93 the use of reason—at least as applied to this dangerous subject. I would taboo94, as the savages say, this question, and all those connected with it. To agitate95 them, discuss them, or even think of them, should be an unpardonable crime.
Certainly it would be the acme96 of art thus to put the barrier of the taboo upon all intellectual avenues which might lead to the discovery of my imposture. What better guarantee of its perpetuity than to make even doubt sacrilege?
However, I would add accessory guarantees to this fundamental one. For instance, in order that knowledge might never be disseminated98 among the masses, I would appropriate to myself and my accomplices99 the monopoly of the sciences. I would hide them under the veil of a dead language and hieroglyphic100 writing; and, in order that no danger might take me unawares, I would be careful to invent some ceremony which day by day would give me access to the privacy of all consciences.
It would not be amiss for me to supply some of the real wants of my people, especially if by doing so I could add to my influence and authority. For instance, men need education and moral teaching, and I would be the source of both. Thus I would guide as I pleased the minds and hearts of my people. I would join morality to my authority by an indissoluble chain, and I would proclaim that one could not exist without the other, so that if any audacious individual attempted to meddle101 with a tabooed question, society, which cannot exist without morality, would feel the very earth tremble under its feet, and would turn its wrath102 upon the rash innovator103.
When things have come to this pass, it is plain that these people are more mine than if they were my slaves. The slave curses his chain, but my people will bless theirs, and I shall succeed in stamping, not on their foreheads, but in the very centre of their consciences, the seal of slavery.
Public opinion alone can overturn such a structure of iniquity104; but where can it begin, if each stone is tabooed? It is the work of time and the printing press.
God forbid that I should seek to disturb those consoling beliefs which link this life of sorrows to a life of felicity. But, that the irresistible longing105 which attracts us toward religion has been abused, no one, not even the Head of Christianity, can deny. There is, it seems to me, one sign by which you can know whether the people are or are not dupes. Examine religion and the priest, and see whether the priest is the instrument of religion, or religion the instrument of the priest.
If the priest is the instrument of religion, if his only thought is to disseminate97 its morality and its benefits on the earth, he will be gentle, tolerant, humble106, charitable, and full of zeal107; his life will reflect that of his divine model; he will preach liberty and equality among men, and peace and fraternity among nations; he will repel108 the allurements109 of temporal power, and will not ally himself with that which, of all things in this world, has the most need of restraint; he will be the man of the people, the man of good advice and tender consolations110, the man of public opinion, the man of the Evangelist.
If, on the contrary, religion is the instrument of the priest, he will treat it as one does an instrument which is changed, bent111 and twisted in all ways so as to get out of it the greatest possible advantage for one's self. He will multiply tabooed questions; his morality will be as flexible as seasons, men, and circumstances. He will seek to impose on humanity by gesticulations and studied attitudes; an hundred times a day he will mumble112 over words whose sense has evaporated and which have become empty conventionalities. He will traffic in holy things, but just enough not to shake faith in their sanctity, and he will take care that the more intelligent the people are, the less open shall the traffic be. He will take part in the intrigues113 of the world, and he will always side with the powerful, on the simple condition that they side with him. In a word, it will be easy to see in all his actions that he does not desire to advance religion by the clergy114, but the clergy by religion, and as so many efforts indicate an object, and as this object, according to the hypothesis, can be only power and wealth, the decisive proof that the people are dupes is when the priest is rich and powerful.
It is very plain that a true religion can be abused as well as a false one. The higher its authority the greater the fear that it may be severely115 tested. But there is much difference in the results. Abuse always stirs up to revolt the sound, enlightened, intelligent portion of a people. This inevitably116 weakens faith, and the weakening of a true religion is far more lamentable117 than of a false one. This kind of spoliation, and popular enlightenment, are always in an inverse118 ratio to one another, for it is in the nature of abuses to go as far as possible. Not that pure and devoted119 priests cannot be found in the midst of the most ignorant population, but how can the knave120 be prevented from donning the cassock and nursing the ambitious hope of wearing the mitre? Despoilers obey the Malthusian law; they multiply with the means of existence, and the means of existence of knaves121 is the credulity of their dupes. Turn whichever way you please, you always find the need of an enlightened public opinion. There is no other cure-all.
Another species of spoliation is commercial fraud, a term which seems to me too limited because the tradesman who changes his weights and measures is not alone culpable122, but also the physician who receives a fee for evil counsel, the lawyer who provokes litigation, etc. In the exchange of two services one may be of less value than the other, but when the service received is that which has been agreed upon, it is evident that spoliation of that nature will diminish with the increase of public intelligence.
The next in order is the abuse in the public service—an immense field of spoliation, so immense that we can give it but partial consideration.
If God had made man a solitary123 animal, every one would labor for himself. Individual wealth would be in proportion to the services each one rendered to himself. But since man is a social animal, one service is exchanged for another. A proposition which you can transpose if it suits you.
In society there are certain requirements so general, so universal in their nature, that provision has been made for them in the organizing of the public service. Among these is the necessity of security. Society agrees to compensate124 in services of a different nature those who render it the service of guarding the public safety. In this there is nothing contrary to the principles of political economy. Do this for me, I will do that for you. The principle of the transaction is the same, although the process is different, but the circumstance has great significance.
In private transactions each individual remains the judge both of the service which he renders and of that which he receives. He can always decline an exchange, or negotiate elsewhere. There is no necessity of an interchange of services, except by previous voluntary agreement. Such is not the case with the State, especially before the establishment of representative government. Whether or not we require its services, whether they are good or bad, we are obliged to accept such as are offered and to pay the price.
It is the tendency of all men to magnify their own services and to disparage125 services rendered them, and private matters would be poorly regulated if there was not some standard of value. This guarantee we have not, (or we hardly have it,) in public affairs. But still society, composed of men, however strongly the contrary may be insinuated126, obeys the universal tendency. The government wishes to serve us a great deal, much more than we desire, and forces us to acknowledge as a real service that which sometimes is widely different, and this is done for the purpose of demanding contributions from us in return.
The State is also subject to the law of Malthus. It is continually living beyond its means, it increases in proportion to its means, and draws its support solely127, from the substance of the people. Woe128 to the people who are incapable129 of limiting the sphere of action of the State. Liberty, private activity, riches, well-being, independence, dignity, depend upon this.
There is one circumstance which must be noticed: Chief among the services which we ask of the State is security. That it may guarantee this to us it must control a force capable of overcoming all individual or collective domestic or foreign forces which might endanger it. Combined with that fatal disposition130 among men to live at the expense of each other, which we have before noticed, this fact suggests a danger patent to all.
You will accordingly observe on what an immense scale spoliation, by the abuses and excesses of the government, has been practiced.
If one should ask what service has been rendered the public, and what return has been made therefor, by such governments as Assyria, Babylon, Egypt, Rome, Persia, Turkey, China, Russia, England, Spain and France, he would be astonished at the enormous disparity.
At last representative government was invented, and, a priori, one might have believed that the disorder would have ceased as if by enchantment131.
The principle of these governments is this:
"The people themselves, by their representatives, shall decide as to the nature and extent of the public service and the remuneration for those services."
The tendency to appropriate the property of another, and the desire to defend one's own, are thus brought in contact. One might suppose that the latter would overcome the former. Assuredly I am convinced that the latter will finally prevail, but we must concede that thus far it has not.
Why? For a very simple reason. Governments have had too much sagacity; people too little.
Governments are skillful. They act methodically, consecutively132, on a well concerted plan, which is constantly improved by tradition and experience. They study men and their passions. If they perceive, for instance, that they have warlike instincts, they incite133 and inflame134 this fatal propensity135. They surround the nation with dangers through the conduct of diplomats136, and then naturally ask for soldiers, sailors, arsenals and fortifications. Often they have but the trouble of accepting them. Then they have pensions, places, and promotions137 to offer. All this calls for money. Hence loans and taxes.
If the nation is generous, the government proposes to cure all the ills of humanity. It promises to increase commerce, to make agriculture prosperous, to develop manufactures, to encourage letters and arts, to banish138 misery, etc. All that is necessary is to create offices and to pay public functionaries139.
In other words, their tactics consist in presenting as actual services things which are but hindrances140; then the nation pays, not for being served, but for being subservient141. Governments assuming gigantic proportions end by absorbing half of all the revenues. The people are astonished that while marvelous labor-saving inventions, destined to infinitely142 multiply productions, are ever increasing in number, they are obliged to toil143 on as painfully as ever, and remain as poor as before.
This happens because, while the government manifests so much ability, the people show so little. Thus, when they are called upon to choose their agents, those who are to determine the sphere of, and compensation for, governmental action, whom do they choose? The agents of the government. They entrust144 the executive power with the determination of the limit of its activity and its requirements. They are like the Bourgeois145 Gentilhomme, who referred the selection and number of his suits of clothes to his tailor.
However, things go from bad to worse, and at last the people open their eyes, not to the remedy, for there is none as yet, but to the evil.
Governing is so pleasant a trade that everybody desires to engage in it. Thus the advisers146 of the people do not cease to say: "We see your sufferings, and we weep over them. It would be otherwise if we governed you."
This period, which usually lasts for some time, is one of rebellions and insurrections. When the people are conquered, the expenses of the war are added to their burdens. When they conquer, there is a change of those who govern, and the abuses remain.
This lasts until the people learn to know and defend their true interests. Thus we always come back to this: there is no remedy but in the progress of public intelligence.
Certain nations seem remarkably147 inclined to become the prey148 of governmental spoliation. They are those where men, not considering their own dignity and energy, would believe themselves lost, if they were not governed and administered upon in all things. Without having traveled much, I have seen countries where they think agriculture can make no progress unless the State keeps up experimental farms; that there will presently be no horses if the State has no stables; and that fathers will not have their children educated, or will teach them only immoralities, if the State does not decide what it is proper to learn. In such a country revolutions may rapidly succeed one another, and one set of rulers after another be overturned. But the governed are none the less governed at the caprice and mercy of their rulers, until the people see that it is better to leave the greatest possible number of services in the category of those which the parties interested exchange after a fair discussion of the price.
We have seen that society is an exchange of services, and should be but an exchange of good and honest ones. But we have also proven that men have a great interest in exaggerating the relative value of the services they render one another. I cannot, indeed, see any other limit to these claims than the free acceptance or free refusal of those to whom these services are offered.
Hence it comes that certain men resort to the law to curtail149 the natural prerogatives150 of this liberty. This kind of spoliation is called privilege or monopoly. We will carefully indicate its origin and character.
Every one knows that the services which he offers in the general market are the more valued and better paid for, the scarcer they are. Each one, then, will ask for the enactment151 of a law to keep out of the market all who offer services similar to his.
This variety of spoliation being the chief subject of this volume, I will say little of it here, and will restrict myself to one remark:
When the monopoly is an isolated152 fact, it never fails to enrich the person to whom the law has granted it. It may then happen that each class of workmen, instead of seeking the overthrow of this monopoly, claim a similar one for themselves. This kind of spoliation, thus reduced to a system, becomes then the most ridiculous of mystifications for every one, and the definite result is that each one believes that he gains more from a general market impoverished153 by all.
It is not necessary to add that this singular regime also brings about an universal antagonism154 between all classes, all professions, and all peoples; that it requires the constant but always uncertain interference of government; that it swarms155 with the abuses which have been the subject of the preceding paragraph; that it places all industrial pursuits in hopeless insecurity; and that it accustoms156 men to place upon the law, and not upon themselves, the responsibility for their very existence. It would be difficult to imagine a more active cause of social disturbance157.
It may be asked, "Why this ugly word—spoliation? It is not only coarse, but it wounds and irritates; it turns calm and moderate men against you, and embitters159 the controversy160."
I earnestly declare that I respect individuals; I believe in the sincerity161 of almost all the friends of Protection, and I do not claim that I have any right to suspect the personal honesty, delicacy162 of feeling, or philanthropy of any one. I also repeat that Protection is the work, the fatal work, of a common error, of which all, or nearly all, are at once victims and accomplices. But I cannot prevent things being what they are.
Just imagine some Diogenes putting his head out of his tub and saying, "Athenians, you are served by slaves. Have you never thought that you practice on your brothers the most iniquitous163 spoliation?" Or a tribune speaking in the forum164, "Romans! you have laid the foundation of all your greatness on the pillage165 of other nations."
They would state only undeniable truths. But must we conclude from this that Athens and Rome were inhabited only by dishonest persons? that Socrates and Plato, Cato and Cincinnatus were despicable characters?
Who could harbor such a thought? But these great men lived amidst surroundings that relieved their consciences of the sense of this injustice. Even Aristotle could not conceive the idea of a society existing without slavery. In modern times slavery has continued to our own day without causing many scruples166 among the planters. Armies have served as the instruments of grand conquests—that is to say, of grand spoliations. Is this saying that they are not composed of officers and men as sensitive of their honor, even more so, perhaps, than men in ordinary industrial pursuits—men who would blush at the very thought of theft, and who would face a thousand deaths rather than stoop to a base action?
It is not individuals who are to blame, but the general movement of opinion which deludes167 and deceives them—a movement for which society in general is culpable.
Thus is it with monopoly. I accuse the system, and not individuals; society as a mass, and not this or that one of its members. If the greatest philosophers have been able to deceive themselves as to the iniquity of slavery, how much easier is it for farmers and manufacturers to deceive themselves as to the nature and effects of the protective system.
点击
收听单词发音
收听单词发音 |
1
labor
|
|
| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
2
profess
|
|
| v.声称，冒称，以...为业，正式接受入教，表明信仰 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
3
opulence
|
|
| n.财富，富裕 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
4
well-being
|
|
| n.安康，安乐，幸福 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
5
preservation
|
|
| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
6
adornment
|
|
| n.装饰；装饰品 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
7
benevolent
|
|
| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
8
prosper
|
|
| v.成功，兴隆，昌盛；使成功，使昌隆，繁荣 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
9
glorifies
|
|
| 赞美( glorify的第三人称单数 )； 颂扬； 美化； 使光荣 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
10
savages
|
|
| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
11
conqueror
|
|
| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
12
superstition
|
|
| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
13
despoil
|
|
| v.夺取，抢夺 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
14
cupidity
|
|
| n.贪心，贪财 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
15
sustenance
|
|
| n.食物，粮食；生活资料；生计 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
16
deception
|
|
| n.欺骗，欺诈；骗局，诡计 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
17
providence
|
|
| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
18
annihilates
|
|
| n.（彻底）消灭( annihilate的名词复数 )；使无效；废止；彻底击溃v.（彻底）消灭( annihilate的第三人称单数 )；使无效；废止；彻底击溃 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
19
faculties
|
|
| n.能力( faculty的名词复数 )；全体教职员；技巧；院 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
20
despoiler
|
|
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
|
21
sinecure
|
|
| n.闲差事，挂名职务 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
22
restriction
|
|
| n.限制，约束 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
23
naive
|
|
| adj.幼稚的，轻信的；天真的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
24
feudal
|
|
| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
25
despoiled
|
|
| v.掠夺，抢劫( despoil的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
26
plundered
|
|
| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
27
machinery
|
|
| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
28
begotten
|
|
| v.为…之生父( beget的过去分词 )；产生，引起 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
29
nurtured
|
|
| 养育( nurture的过去式和过去分词 )； 培育； 滋长； 助长 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
30
disorder
|
|
| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
31
destined
|
|
| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
32
avalanches
|
|
| n.雪崩( avalanche的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
33
annotations
|
|
| n.注释( annotation的名词复数 )；附注 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
34
paraphrases
|
|
| n.释义，意译( paraphrase的名词复数 )v.释义，意译( paraphrase的第三人称单数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
|
35
conciseness
|
|
| n.简洁，简短 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
36
equitable
|
|
| adj.公平的；公正的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
37
rendering
|
|
| n.表现，描写 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
38
condemned
|
|
| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
39
irresistible
|
|
| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
40
plumes
|
|
| 羽毛( plume的名词复数 )； 羽毛饰； 羽毛状物； 升上空中的羽状物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
41
approbation
|
|
| n.称赞；认可 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
42
obliterate
|
|
| v.擦去，涂抹，去掉...痕迹，消失，除去 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
43
turpitude
|
|
| n.可耻；邪恶 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
44
warrior
|
|
| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
45
rebuke
|
|
| v.指责，非难，斥责 [反]praise | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
46
vanquished
|
|
| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
47
vividly
|
|
| adv.清楚地，鲜明地，生动地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
48
stimulate
|
|
| vt.刺激，使兴奋；激励，使…振奋 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
49
injustice
|
|
| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
50
entirely
|
|
| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
51
supremacy
|
|
| n.至上；至高权力 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
52
plundering
|
|
| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
53
imbued
|
|
| v.使（某人/某事）充满或激起（感情等）( imbue的过去式和过去分词 )；使充满；灌输；激发（强烈感情或品质等） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
54
despoiling
|
|
| v.掠夺，抢劫( despoil的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
|
55
virtuous
|
|
| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
56
virtues
|
|
| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
57
potent
|
|
| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
58
Christian
|
|
| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
59
grandeur
|
|
| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
60
exalted
|
|
| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
61
remains
|
|
| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
62
vengeance
|
|
| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
63
patriotism
|
|
| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
64
arsenals
|
|
| n.兵工厂，军火库( arsenal的名词复数 )；任何事物的集成 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
65
reprisals
|
|
| n.报复（行为）( reprisal的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
66
atlas
|
|
| n.地图册，图表集 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
67
enjoyments
|
|
| 愉快( enjoyment的名词复数 )； 令人愉快的事物； 享有； 享受 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
68
philosophical
|
|
| adj.哲学家的，哲学上的，达观的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
69
professed
|
|
| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
70
legitimate
|
|
| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
71
creed
|
|
| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
72
authoritative
|
|
| adj.有权威的，可相信的；命令式的；官方的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
73
stifle
|
|
| vt.使窒息；闷死；扼杀；抑止，阻止 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
74
overthrow
|
|
| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
75
stationary
|
|
| adj.固定的，静止不动的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
76
inevitable
|
|
| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
77
cultivation
|
|
| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
78
indigo
|
|
| n.靛青，靛蓝 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
79
applied
|
|
| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
80
creditors
|
|
| n.债权人，债主( creditor的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
81
edifice
|
|
| n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿，教室) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
82
domain
|
|
| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
83
stratagem
|
|
| n.诡计，计谋 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
84
imposture
|
|
| n.冒名顶替，欺骗 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
85
antidote
|
|
| n.解毒药，解毒剂 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
86
briefly
|
|
| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
87
fictitious
|
|
| adj.虚构的，假设的；空头的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
88
immediate
|
|
| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
89
miserable
|
|
| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
90
misery
|
|
| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
91
omnipotence
|
|
| n.全能，万能，无限威力 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
92
attained
|
|
| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
93
interdict
|
|
| v.限制；禁止；n.正式禁止；禁令 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
94
taboo
|
|
| n.禁忌，禁止接近，禁止使用；adj.禁忌的；v.禁忌，禁制，禁止 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
95
agitate
|
|
| vi.(for,against)煽动，鼓动；vt.搅动 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
96
acme
|
|
| n.顶点，极点 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
97
disseminate
|
|
| v.散布；传播 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
98
disseminated
|
|
| 散布，传播( disseminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
99
accomplices
|
|
| 从犯，帮凶，同谋( accomplice的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
100
hieroglyphic
|
|
| n.象形文字 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
101
meddle
|
|
| v.干预，干涉，插手 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
102
wrath
|
|
| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
103
innovator
|
|
| n.改革者；创新者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
104
iniquity
|
|
| n.邪恶；不公正 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
105
longing
|
|
| n.（for）渴望 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
106
humble
|
|
| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
107
zeal
|
|
| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
108
repel
|
|
| v.击退，抵制，拒绝，排斥 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
109
allurements
|
|
| n.诱惑( allurement的名词复数 )；吸引；诱惑物；有诱惑力的事物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
110
consolations
|
|
| n.安慰，慰问( consolation的名词复数 )；起安慰作用的人（或事物） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
111
bent
|
|
| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
112
mumble
|
|
| n./v.喃喃而语，咕哝 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
113
intrigues
|
|
| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
114
clergy
|
|
| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
115
severely
|
|
| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
116
inevitably
|
|
| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
117
lamentable
|
|
| adj.令人惋惜的，悔恨的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
118
inverse
|
|
| adj.相反的，倒转的，反转的；n.相反之物；v.倒转 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
119
devoted
|
|
| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
120
knave
|
|
| n.流氓；（纸牌中的）杰克 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
121
knaves
|
|
| n.恶棍，无赖( knave的名词复数 )；（纸牌中的）杰克 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
122
culpable
|
|
| adj.有罪的，该受谴责的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
123
solitary
|
|
| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
124
compensate
|
|
| vt.补偿，赔偿；酬报 vi.弥补；补偿；抵消 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
125
disparage
|
|
| v.贬抑，轻蔑 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
126
insinuated
|
|
| v.暗示( insinuate的过去式和过去分词 )；巧妙或迂回地潜入；（使）缓慢进入；慢慢伸入 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
127
solely
|
|
| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
128
woe
|
|
| n.悲哀，苦痛，不幸，困难；int.用来表达悲伤或惊慌 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
129
incapable
|
|
| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
130
disposition
|
|
| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
131
enchantment
|
|
| n.迷惑，妖术，魅力 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
132
consecutively
|
|
| adv.连续地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
133
incite
|
|
| v.引起，激动，煽动 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
134
inflame
|
|
| v.使燃烧；使极度激动；使发炎 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
135
propensity
|
|
| n.倾向；习性 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
136
diplomats
|
|
| n.外交官( diplomat的名词复数 )；有手腕的人，善于交际的人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
137
promotions
|
|
| 促进( promotion的名词复数 )； 提升； 推广； 宣传 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
138
banish
|
|
| vt.放逐，驱逐；消除，排除 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
139
functionaries
|
|
| n.公职人员，官员( functionary的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
140
hindrances
|
|
| 阻碍者( hindrance的名词复数 )； 障碍物； 受到妨碍的状态 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
141
subservient
|
|
| adj.卑屈的，阿谀的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
142
infinitely
|
|
| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
143
toil
|
|
| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
144
entrust
|
|
| v.信赖，信托，交托 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
145
bourgeois
|
|
| adj./n.追求物质享受的(人)；中产阶级分子 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
146
advisers
|
|
| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
147
remarkably
|
|
| ad.不同寻常地，相当地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
148
prey
|
|
| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
149
curtail
|
|
| vt.截短，缩短；削减 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
150
prerogatives
|
|
| n.权利( prerogative的名词复数 )；特权；大主教法庭；总督委任组成的法庭 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
151
enactment
|
|
| n.演出，担任…角色；制订，通过 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
152
isolated
|
|
| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
153
impoverished
|
|
| adj.穷困的，无力的，用尽了的v.使（某人）贫穷( impoverish的过去式和过去分词 )；使（某物）贫瘠或恶化 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
154
antagonism
|
|
| n.对抗，敌对，对立 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
155
swarms
|
|
| 蜂群，一大群( swarm的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
156
accustoms
|
|
| v.（使）习惯于( accustom的第三人称单数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
157
disturbance
|
|
| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
158
justification
|
|
| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
159
embitters
|
|
| v.使怨恨，激怒( embitter的第三人称单数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
|
160
controversy
|
|
| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
161
sincerity
|
|
| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
162
delicacy
|
|
| n.精致，细微，微妙，精良；美味，佳肴 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
163
iniquitous
|
|
| adj.不公正的；邪恶的；高得出奇的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
164
forum
|
|
| n.论坛，讨论会 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
165
pillage
|
|
| v.抢劫；掠夺；n.抢劫，掠夺；掠夺物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
166
scruples
|
|
| n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
167
deludes
|
|
| v.欺骗，哄骗( delude的第三人称单数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
| 欢迎访问英文小说网 |