While I was thus occupied in witnessing upon the private stage of Germany one act of the great drama of the European Revolution, my attention was suddenly drawn1 towards France and fixed2 upon our affairs by unexpected and alarming news. I heard of the almost incredible check received by our army beneath the walls of Rome, the violent debates which followed in the Constituent3 Assembly, the excitement produced throughout the country by these two causes, and lastly, the General Election, whose result deceived the expectations of both parties and brought over one hundred and fifty Montagnards into the new Assembly. However, the demagogic wind which had suddenly blown over a part of France had not prevailed in the Department of la Manche. All the former members for the department who had separated from the Conservative Party in the Assembly had gone under in the scrutin. Of thirteen representatives only four had survived; as for me, I had received more votes than all the others, although I was absent and silent, and although I had openly voted for Cavaignac in the previous[264] month of December. Nevertheless, I was almost unanimously elected, less because of my opinions than of the great personal consideration which I enjoyed outside politics, an honourable4 position no doubt, but difficult to retain in the midst of parties, and destined5 to become very precarious6 on the day when the latter should themselves become exclusive as they became violent.
I set out as soon as I received this news. At Bonn a sudden indisposition obliged Madame de Tocqueville to stop. She herself urged me to leave her and to continue my journey, and I did so, although with regret; for I was leaving her alone in a country still agitated7 by civil war; and moreover, it is in moments of difficulty or peril8 that her courage and her great sense are so helpful to me.
I arrived in Paris, if I am not mistaken, on the 25th of May 1849, four days before the meeting of the Legislative9, and during the last convulsions of the Constituent Assembly. A few weeks had sufficed to make the aspect of the political world entirely10 unrecognizable, owing less to the changes which had taken place in outside facts, than to the prodigious11 revolution which had in a few days taken place in men's minds.
The party which was in power at my departure was so still, and the material result of the elections should, I thought, have strengthened its hands. This party, composed of so many different parties,[265] and wishing either to stop or drive back the Revolution, had obtained an enormous majority in the electoral colleges, and would command more than two-thirds of the new Assembly. Nevertheless, I found it seized with so profound a terror that I can only compare it with that which followed February: so true is it that in politics one must argue as in war, and never forget that the effect of events should be measured less by what they are in themselves than by the impressions they give.
The Conservatives, who for six months had seen all the bye-elections invariably turning to their advantage, who filled and dominated almost all the local councils, had placed an almost unlimited13 confidence in the system of universal suffrage14, after professing15 unbounded distrust of it. In the General Election which was just decided16, they had expected not only to conquer but to annihilate17, so to speak, their adversaries18, and they were as much cast down at not attaining19 the absolute triumph which they had dreamt of as though they had really been beaten. On the other hand, the Montagnards, who had thought themselves lost, were as intoxicated20 with joy and mad audacity21 as though the elections had assured them a majority in the new Assembly. Why had the event thus at the same time deceived the hopes and fears of both parties? It is difficult to say for certain, for great masses of men move by virtue22 of causes almost as unknown to humanity itself as those which rule the movements of the sea.[266] In both cases the reasons of the phenomenon are concealed23 and, in a sense, lost in the midst of its immensity.
We are, at any rate, entitled to believe that the Conservatives owed their rebuff mainly to the faults which they themselves committed. Their intolerance, when they thought their triumph assured, of those who, without sharing their ideas, had assisted them in fighting the Montagnards; the violent administration of the new Minister of the Interior, M. Faucher; and more than all, the poor success of the Roman expedition prejudiced against them a portion of the people who were naturally disposed to follow them, and threw these into the arms of the agitators25.
One hundred and fifty Montagnards, as I said, had been elected. A part of the peasantry and the majority of the army had voted for them: it was the two anchors of mercy which had snapped in the midst of the tempest. Terror was universal: it taught anew to the various monarchical26 parties the tolerance24 and modesty27 which they had practised immediately after February, but which they had to a great extent forgotten during the past six months. It was recognized on every hand that there could no longer be any question, for the present, of emerging from the Republic, and that all that remained to be done was to oppose the moderate Republicans to the Montagnards.
The same ministers whom they had created and[267] instigated29 they now accused, and a modification30 of the Cabinet was loudly demanded. The Cabinet itself saw that it was insufficient31, and implored32 to be replaced. At the time of my departure I had seen the committee of the Rue12 de Poitiers refuse to admit the name of M. Dufaure to its lists; I now saw every glance directed towards M. Dufaure and his friends, who were called upon in the most pathetic manner to take office and save society.
On the night of my arrival, I heard that some of my friends were dining together at a little restaurant in the Champs-Elysées. I hastened to join them, and found Dufaure, Lanjuinais, Beaumont, Corcelles, Vivien, Lamoricière, Bedeau, and one or two more whose names are not so well known. I was informed in a few words of the position of affairs. Barrot, who had been invited by the President to form a cabinet, had for some days been exhausting himself in vain efforts to do so. M. Thiers, M. Molé and the more important of their friends had refused to undertake the government. They had made up their minds, nevertheless, as will be seen, to remain its masters, but without becoming ministers. The uncertainty33 of the future, the general instability, the difficulties and perhaps the dangers of the moment kept them aloof34. They were eager enough for power, but not for responsibility. Barrot, repulsed35 on that side, had come to us. He asked us, or rather he besought36 us, to become his colleagues. But which among us to[268] choose? What ministries37 to allot38 to us? What colleagues to give us? What general policy to adopt? From all these questions had arisen difficulties in execution which, till then, seemed insurmountable. Already, more than once, Barrot had returned towards the natural chiefs of the majority; and repelled40 by them, had fallen back upon us.
Time passed amid these sterile41 labours; the dangers and difficulties increased; the news became each day more alarming, and the Ministry42 were liable at any moment to be impeached43 by the dying but furious Assembly.
I returned home greatly preoccupied44, as will be believed, by what I had heard. I was convinced that it only depended upon the wishes of myself and my friends to become ministers. We were the necessary and obvious men. I knew the leaders of the majority well enough to be sure that they would never commit themselves to taking charge of affairs under a government which seemed to them so ephemeral, and that, even if they had the disinterestedness45, they would not have the courage to do so. Their pride and their timidity assured me of their abstention. It was enough for us, therefore, to stand firm on our ground to compel them to come and fetch us. But ought we to wish to become ministers? I asked myself this very seriously. I think I may do myself the justice to say that I did not indulge in the smallest illusion respecting the true difficulties of the enterprise, and that I looked upon the future[269] with a clearness of view which we rarely possess except when we consider the past.
Everybody expected to see fighting in the streets. I myself regarded it as imminent46; the furious audacity which the result of the elections had imparted to the Mountain and the opportunity afforded to it by the Rome affair seemed to make an event of this kind inevitable47. I was not, however, very anxious about the issue. I was convinced that, although the majority of the soldiers had voted for the Mountain, the army would fight against it without hesitation48. The soldier who individually votes for a candidate at an election and the soldier acting50 under pressure of esprit de corps51 and military discipline are two different men. The thoughts of the one do not regulate the actions of the other. The Paris garrison52 was very numerous, well commanded, experienced in street warfare53, and still filled with the memory of the passions and examples which had been left to it by the days of June. I therefore felt certain of victory. But I was very anxious as to the eventual54 results of this victory: what seemed to others the end of the difficulties I regarded as their commencement. I considered them almost insurmountable, as I believe they really were.
Public opinion looked to us, but it would have been unsafe to rely upon it for support; fear drove[270] the country in our direction, but its memories, its secret instincts, its passions could scarcely fail soon to withdraw it from us, so soon as the fear should have vanished. Our object was, if possible, to found the Republic, or at least to maintain it for some time, by governing it in a regular, moderate, conservative, and absolutely constitutional way; and this could not allow us to remain popular for long, since everybody wanted to evade56 the Constitution. The Mountain wanted more, the Monarchists much less.
In the Assembly it was much worse still. The same general causes were aggravated57 by a thousand accidents arising from the interests and vanities of the party leaders. The latter were quite content to allow us to assume the government, but we must not expect them to allow us to govern. So soon as the crisis was passed, we might expect every sort of ambush58 on their part.
As to the President, I did not know him yet, but it was evident that we could not rely upon him to support us in his Council, except where the jealousy59 and hatred60 were concerned with which our common adversaries inspired him. His sympathies must always lie in an opposite direction; for our views were not only different, but naturally opposed to one another. We wanted to make the Republic live: he longed for its inheritance. We only supplied him with ministers where he wanted accomplices61.
To these difficulties, which were in a sense in[271]herent to the situation and consequently permanent, were added passing ones which it was not at all easy to surmount39: the revolutionary agitation62 revived in part of the country; the spirit and habits of exclusion63 spread and already rooted in the public administration; the Roman expedition, so badly conceived and so badly conducted that it was now as difficult to bring it to an end as to get out of it; in fact, the whole legacy64 of mistakes committed by our predecessors65.
There were reasons enough for hesitation; and yet I did not hesitate. The idea of taking a post from which fear kept so many people off, and of relieving society from the bad pass in which it had been involved, flattered at the same time my sense of honour and my pride. I was quite aware that I should only be passing through power, and that I should not stay there; but I hoped to stay long enough to be able to render some signal service to my country and to raise myself. This was enough to attract me.
I at once took three resolutions:
First, not to refuse office if an opportunity offered;
Second, only to enter the Government together with my principal friends, directing the principal offices, so that we might always remain the masters of the Cabinet;
Third and last, to behave every day when in office as though I was to be out of it the next day, that is to say, without ever subordinating to the necessity[272] of maintaining my position that of remaining true to myself.
The next five or six days were wholly taken up in fruitless endeavours to form a ministry. The attempts made were so numerous, so overlapping66, so full of small incidents—great events of one day forgotten the next—that I find it difficult to retrace67 them in my memory, in spite of the prominent part which I myself played in some of them. The problem was undoubtedly68 a difficult one to solve under its given conditions. The President was willing enough to change the appearance of his ministry, but he was determined69 to retain in it the men whom he considered his principal friends. The leaders of the Monarchical parties refused themselves to take the responsibility of government; but they were not willing either that it should be entrusted70 entirely to men over whom they had no hold. If they consented to admit us, it was only in a very small number and in second-rate offices. We were looked upon as a necessary but disagreeable remedy, which it was preferable only to administer in very small doses.
Dufaure was first asked to join alone, and to be satisfied with the Public Works. He refused, demanded the Interior, and two other offices for his friends. After much difficulty they agreed to give him the Interior, but they refused the rest. I have reason to believe that he was at one time on the point of accepting this proposal and of again leaving me[273] in the lurch71, as he had done six months ago. Not that he was treacherous72 or indifferent in his friendships; but the sight of this important office almost within reach, which he could honestly accept, possessed73 a strange attraction for him. It did not precisely74 cause him to abandon his friends, but it distracted his thoughts from them, and made him ready to forget them. He was firm, however, this time; and not being able to get him by himself, they offered to take me with him. I was most in view at that time, because the new Legislative Assembly had just elected me one of its vice-presidents.[14] But what office to give me? I only thought myself fit to fill the Ministry of Public Instruction. Unfortunately that was in the hands of M. de Falloux, an indispensable man, whom it was equally important to the Legitimists to retain, of whom he was one of the leaders; to the religious party, who saw in him a protector; and finally to the President, of whom he had become the friend. I was offered Agriculture, and refused it. At last, in despair, Barrot came and asked me to accept the Foreign Office. I myself had made great efforts to persuade M. de Rémusat to accept this office, and what happened on this occasion between him and me is so characteristic that it is worthy75 of being retold. I was very anxious that M. de Rémusat should join the ministry with us. He was at once a friend of M. Thiers and a man of honour, a rather unusual combination; he[274] alone was able to assure us, if not the support, at least the neutrality of that statesman, without infesting76 us with his spirit. Overcome by the insistency77 of Barrot and the rest of us, Rémusat one evening yielded. He had pledged us his word, but the next morning he came to withdraw it. I knew for certain that he had seen M. Thiers in the interval78, and he confessed to me himself that M. Thiers, who was then loudly proclaiming the necessity of our accepting office, had dissuaded79 him from joining us. "I fully80 saw," he said, "that to become your colleague would not be to give you his assistance, but only to expose myself to be quarrelling with him before long." Those were the sort of men we had to deal with.
I had never thought of the Foreign Office, and my first impulse was to refuse it. I thought myself unsuited to fill an office for which nothing had prepared me. Among my papers I have found a trace of these hesitations81, in the notes of a conversation which took place at a dinner which some of my friends and I had at that time....
I decided at last, however, to accept the Foreign Office, but I made it a condition that Lanjuinais should enter the Council at the same time as myself. I had many very strong reasons for acting as I did. In the first place, I thought that three ministers were indispensable to us in order to acquire the preponderance in the Cabinet which we needed in order to do any good. I thought,[275] moreover, that Lanjuinais would be very useful to keep Dufaure himself within the lines I wished to follow. I did not consider myself to have enough hold over him. Above all, I wanted to have near me a friend with whom I could talk openly of all things: a great advantage at any time, but especially in such times of suspicion and variableness as ours, and for a work as hazardous82 as that which I was undertaking83.
From all these different points of view Lanjuinais suited me admirably, although we were of very dissimilar natures. His humour was as calm and placid84 as mine was restless and anxious. He was methodical, slow, indolent, prudent85, and even over-scrupulous, and he was very backward to enter upon any undertaking; but having once entered upon it he never drew back, and showed himself until the end as resolved and stubborn as a Breton of the true stamp. He was very slow in giving his opinion, and very explicit86, and even candid49 to the verge87 of rudeness, when he did give it. One could not expect from his friendship either enthusiasm, ardour, or abandon; on the other hand, one need not dread88 either faint-heartedness, treachery, or after-thoughts. In short, he was a very safe associate, and taken all round, the most honourable man I ever met in public life. Of all of us, it was he who seemed to me least to mix his private or interested views with his love of the public good.
No one objected to the name of Lanjuinais; but[276] the difficulty was to find him a portfolio89. I asked for him that of Commerce and Agriculture, which had been held since the 20th of December by Buffel, a friend of Falloux. The latter refused to let his colleague go; I insisted; and the new Cabinet, which was almost complete, remained for twenty-four hours as though dissolved. To conquer my resolution, Falloux attempted a direct measure: he came to my house, where I lay confined to my bed, urged me, begged me to give up Lanjuinais and to leave his friend Buffel at the Ministry of Agriculture. I had made up my mind, and I closed my ears. Falloux was vexed90, but retained his self-control and rose to go. I thought everything had gone wrong: on the contrary, everything had gone right.
"You are determined," he said, with that aristocratic good grace with which he was able to cover all his feelings, even the bitterest; "you are determined, and so I must yield. It shall not be said that a private consideration has, at so difficult and critical a period, made me break off so necessary a combination. I shall remain alone in the midst of you. But I hope you will not forget that I shall be not only your colleague but your prisoner!"
One hour later the Cabinet was formed,[15] and Dufaure, who told me of it, invited me to take immediate28 possession of the Foreign Office.
Thus was born this Ministry which was so painfully and slowly formed and which was destined to[277] have so short an existence. During the long childbirth that preceded it, the man who was at the greatest trouble in France was certainly Barrot: his sincere love for the public weal inclined him to desire a change of cabinet, and his ambition, which was more intimately and narrowly bound up with his honesty than might have been believed, made him long with unequalled ardour to remain at the head of the new Cabinet. He therefore went incessantly91 to and fro from one to the other, addressing very pathetic and sometimes very eloquent92 objurations to every one, now turning to the leaders of the majority, now to us, now again to the new Republicans, whom he regarded as more moderate than the others. And for that matter, he was equally inclined to carry either one or the other with him; for in politics he was incapable93 of either hatred or friendship. His heart is an evaporating vase, in which nothing remains94.
FOOTNOTES:
[14] 1 June 1849, by 336 votes to 261.
[15] The Presidential decree is dated 2 June 1849.
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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constituent
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| n.选民；成分，组分；adj.组成的，构成的 | |
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honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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precarious
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| adj.不安定的，靠不住的；根据不足的 | |
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agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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prodigious
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| adj.惊人的，奇妙的；异常的；巨大的；庞大的 | |
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rue
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| n.懊悔，芸香，后悔；v.后悔，悲伤，懊悔 | |
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unlimited
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| adj.无限的，不受控制的，无条件的 | |
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suffrage
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| n.投票，选举权，参政权 | |
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professing
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| 声称( profess的现在分词 )； 宣称； 公开表明； 信奉 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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annihilate
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| v.使无效；毁灭；取消 | |
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adversaries
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| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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attaining
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的现在分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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intoxicated
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| 喝醉的，极其兴奋的 | |
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audacity
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| n.大胆，卤莽，无礼 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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tolerance
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| n.宽容；容忍，忍受；耐药力；公差 | |
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agitators
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| n.（尤指政治变革的）鼓动者( agitator的名词复数 )；煽动者；搅拌器；搅拌机 | |
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monarchical
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| adj. 国王的，帝王的，君主的，拥护君主制的 =monarchic | |
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modesty
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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instigated
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| v.使（某事物）开始或发生，鼓动( instigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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modification
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| n.修改，改进，缓和，减轻 | |
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insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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implored
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| 恳求或乞求（某人）( implore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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uncertainty
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| n.易变，靠不住，不确知，不确定的事物 | |
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aloof
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| adj.远离的；冷淡的，漠不关心的 | |
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repulsed
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| v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 )；驳斥；拒绝 | |
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besought
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| v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的过去式和过去分词 )；(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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ministries
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| （政府的）部( ministry的名词复数 )； 神职； 牧师职位； 神职任期 | |
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allot
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| v.分配；拨给；n.部分；小块菜地 | |
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surmount
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| vt.克服；置于…顶上 | |
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repelled
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| v.击退( repel的过去式和过去分词 )；使厌恶；排斥；推开 | |
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sterile
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| adj.不毛的，不孕的，无菌的，枯燥的，贫瘠的 | |
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ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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impeached
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| v.控告（某人）犯罪( impeach的过去式和过去分词 )；弹劾；对（某事物）怀疑；提出异议 | |
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preoccupied
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| adj.全神贯注的，入神的；被抢先占有的；心事重重的v.占据（某人）思想，使对…全神贯注，使专心于( preoccupy的过去式) | |
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disinterestedness
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imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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candid
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| adj.公正的，正直的；坦率的 | |
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acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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eventual
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| adj.最后的，结局的，最终的 | |
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lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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evade
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| vt.逃避，回避；避开，躲避 | |
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aggravated
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| 使恶化( aggravate的过去式和过去分词 )； 使更严重； 激怒； 使恼火 | |
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ambush
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| n.埋伏(地点)；伏兵；v.埋伏；伏击 | |
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jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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accomplices
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| 从犯，帮凶，同谋( accomplice的名词复数 ) | |
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agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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exclusion
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| n.拒绝，排除，排斥，远足，远途旅行 | |
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legacy
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| n.遗产，遗赠；先人(或过去)留下的东西 | |
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predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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overlapping
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| adj./n.交迭（的） | |
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retrace
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| v.折回；追溯，探源 | |
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undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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lurch
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| n.突然向前或旁边倒；v.蹒跚而行 | |
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treacherous
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| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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infesting
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| v.害虫、野兽大批出没于( infest的现在分词 )；遍布于 | |
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insistency
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| 强迫，坚决要求 | |
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interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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dissuaded
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| 劝（某人）勿做某事，劝阻( dissuade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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hesitations
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| n.犹豫( hesitation的名词复数 )；踌躇；犹豫（之事或行为）；口吃 | |
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hazardous
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| adj.(有)危险的，冒险的；碰运气的 | |
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undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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placid
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| adj.安静的，平和的 | |
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prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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explicit
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| adj.详述的，明确的；坦率的；显然的 | |
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verge
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| n.边，边缘；v.接近，濒临 | |
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dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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portfolio
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| n.公事包；文件夹；大臣及部长职位 | |
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vexed
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| adj.争论不休的；（指问题等）棘手的；争论不休的问题；烦恼的v.使烦恼( vex的过去式和过去分词 )；使苦恼；使生气；详细讨论 | |
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incessantly
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| ad.不停地 | |
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eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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