Two questions had thus far divided all classes—that of the reduplication of the commons, and that of the voting of the Orders in one body: the first was settled, the second was postponed1. That great Assembly which every man had regarded in his own heart as the fulfilment of his hopes, and which all had demanded with equal fervour, was about to meet. The event had long been anticipated. To the last it seemed doubtful. It came at length. Preparation was passing into reality, speech into action. At that solemn moment all paused to consider the greatness of the undertaking—near enough to discern the bearing of what was to be done, and to measure the effort which the work required. Nobles, clergy2, and citizens alike distinctly perceived that the object was not to modify this or that law, but to remodel3 all laws, to breathe a new spirit into them, to impart to all of them new purposes and a new course. No one knew as yet exactly what would be destroyed, or what would be created; but all felt that immense ruins would be made, and immense structures raised. Nor was this the limit of public confidence. None doubted that the destiny of mankind was engaged in the work about to be accomplished4.
Nowadays when the calamity5 of revolutions has rendered us so humble6 that we scarcely believe ourselves worthy7 of the freedom enjoyed by other nations, it is difficult to form a conception of the proud anticipations8 of our sires. The literature of the time shows to our amazement9 the vast opinions which the French of all ranks had at that time conceived of their country and of their race. Amongst the schemes of reform just brought to light, hardly any were formed on the model of foreign imitation. They were not received as lessons from the British constitution, or borrowed from the experience of American democracy. Nothing was to be copied; nothing was to be done that was not new. Everything was to be[244] different and more perfect than had been seen before. The confidence of the French in themselves and in the superiority of their own reason was unbounded—a great cause of their mistakes, but also of their inimitable energy. What was applicable to themselves alone would be equally applicable to all men. Not a Frenchman but was convinced that not only was the government of France to be changed, but new principles of government were to be introduced into the world, applicable to all the nations of the earth, and destined11 to regenerate12 the sum of human affairs. Every man imagined that he held in his hand not only the fate of his country, but that of his species. All believed that there existed for mankind, whatever might be their condition, but one sovereign method of government, dictated13 by reason. The same institutions were held to be good for all countries and for any people. Whatever government was not approved by the human reason was to be destroyed and superseded14 by the logical institutions to be adopted, first by the French, and afterwards by the human race.
The magnitude, the beauty, and the risks of such an enterprise captivated and ravished the imagination of the whole French people. In presence of this immense design, each individual completely forgot himself. The illusion lasted but for a moment, but that moment was perhaps unexampled in the existence of any people. The educated classes had nothing of the timorous15 and servile spirit which they have since learnt from revolutions. For some time past they had ceased to fear the power of the Crown; they had not yet learned to dread16 the power of the people. The grandeur17 of their design rendered them intrepid18. Reforms already accomplished had caused a certain amount of private suffering; to this they were resigned. The reforms which were inevitable19 must alter the condition of thousands of human beings: that was not thought of. The uncertainty20 of the future had already checked the course of trade and paralysed the exertions21 of industry: neither privations nor suffering extinguished their ardour. All these private calamities22 disappeared, in the eyes even of those who suffered by them, in the splendour of the common enterprise. The love of well-being23, which was one day to reign10 supreme24 over all other passions, was then but a subordinate and feeble predilection25. Men aimed at loftier pleasures. Every man was resolved, in his heart, to sacrifice himself for so great a cause, and to grudge26 neither his time, nor his property, nor his life. I hasten to record these virtues27 of our forefathers28, for the present age, which is already incapable29 of imitating them, will soon be incapable of understanding them.
[245]
At that time, the nation, in every rank, sought to be free. To doubt its ability for self-government would have seemed a strange impertinence, and no phrase-maker of that day would have dared to tell the people that, for their own happiness and safety, their hands must be tied and their authority placed in leading-strings. Ere they can listen to such language, nations must be reduced to think more humbly30 of themselves.
The passions which had just been so violently excited between the various classes of society seemed of themselves to cool down at the moment when for the first time in two centuries these classes were about to act together. All had demanded with equal fervour the restoration of the great Assembly then new born. Each of them saw in that event the means of realising its fondest hopes. The States-General were to meet at last! A common gladness filled those divided hearts, and knit them together for an instant before they separated for ever.
All minds were struck by the peril31 of disunion. A sovereign effort was made to agree. Instead of dwelling32 on the causes of difference, men applied33 themselves to consider what all alike desired: the destruction of arbitrary power, the self-government of the nation, the recognition of the rights of every citizen, liberty of the press, personal freedom, the mitigation of the law, a stronger administration of justice, religious toleration, the abolition34 of restraint on labour and human industry—these were all things demanded by all. This, at least, was remembered: this was a ground of common rejoicing.
I think no epoch35 of history has seen, on any spot on the globe, so large a number of men so passionately36 devoted37 to the public good, so honestly forgetful of themselves, so absorbed in the contemplation of the common interest, so resolved to risk all they cherished in life to secure it. This it is which gave to the opening of the year 1789 an incomparable grandeur. This was the general source of passion, courage, and patriotism38, from which all the great deeds of the Revolution took their rise. The scene was a short one; but it will never depart from the memory of mankind. The distance from which we look back to it is not the only cause of its apparent greatness; it seemed as great to all those who lived in it. All foreign nations saw it, hailed it, were moved by it. There is no corner of Europe so secluded39 that the glow of admiration40 and of hope did not reach it. In the vast series of memoirs41 left to us by the contemporaries of the Revolution, I have met with none in which the recollection of the first days of 1789 has not left imperishable traces; everywhere it[246] kindled42 the freshness, clearness, and vivacity43 of the impressions of youth.
I venture to add that there is but one people on the earth which could have played this part. I know my country—I know but too well its mistakes, its faults, its foibles, and its sins. But I know, too, of what it is capable. There are undertakings44 which the French nation can alone accomplish; there are magnanimous resolutions which this nation can alone conceive. France alone may, on some given day, take in hand the common cause and stand up in defence of it; and if she be subject to awful reverses, she has also moments of sublime45 enthusiasm which bear her aloft to heights which no other people will ever reach.
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1
postponed
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| vt.& vi.延期，缓办，（使）延迟vt.把…放在次要地位；[语]把…放在后面（或句尾）vi.（疟疾等）延缓发作（或复发） | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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3
remodel
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| v.改造，改型，改变 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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6
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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anticipations
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| 预期( anticipation的名词复数 )； 预测； （信托财产收益的）预支； 预期的事物 | |
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amazement
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| n.惊奇，惊讶 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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regenerate
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| vt.使恢复，使新生；vi.恢复，再生；adj.恢复的 | |
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13
dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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14
superseded
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| [医]被代替的，废弃的 | |
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15
timorous
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| adj.胆怯的，胆小的 | |
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dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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intrepid
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| adj.无畏的，刚毅的 | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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uncertainty
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| n.易变，靠不住，不确知，不确定的事物 | |
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exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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calamities
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| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
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23
well-being
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| n.安康，安乐，幸福 | |
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24
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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predilection
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| n.偏好 | |
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grudge
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| n.不满，怨恨，妒嫉；vt.勉强给，不情愿做 | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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forefathers
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| n.祖先，先人；祖先，祖宗( forefather的名词复数 )；列祖列宗；前人 | |
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29
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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humbly
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| adv. 恭顺地，谦卑地 | |
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31
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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32
dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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33
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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34
abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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passionately
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| ad.热烈地，激烈地 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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39
secluded
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| adj.与世隔绝的；隐退的；偏僻的v.使隔开，使隐退( seclude的过去式和过去分词) | |
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40
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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41
memoirs
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| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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42
kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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43
vivacity
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| n.快活，活泼，精神充沛 | |
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44
undertakings
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| 企业( undertaking的名词复数 )； 保证； 殡仪业； 任务 | |
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45
sublime
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| adj.崇高的，伟大的；极度的，不顾后果的 | |
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