It is a serious national evil that any class of his Majesty's subjects should receive in return for their utmost exertions1 less than a living wage.
It was formerly2 supposed that the workings of the laws of supply and demand would in the regular and natural course of events, and by a steady progression, eliminate that evil, and achieve adequate minimum standards. Modern opinion has found it necessary greatly to refine upon these broad generalisations of the truth, and the first clear division that we make to-day in questions of wages, is that between a healthy and unhealthy condition of bargaining.
Where, as in the great staple3 trades of this country, you have powerful organisations on both sides, with responsible leaders [240]able to bind5 their constituents6 to their decisions, conjoined with automatic scales, or arbitration7 or conciliation8 in case of a deadlock9, there you have a healthy condition of bargaining, which increases the competitive power of the industry, which continually weaves more closely together the fortunes of Capital and Labour, and which enforces a constant progression in the standards of living and of productive power. But where, as in what we call "Sweated trades," you have no organisation4 at all on either side, no parity10 of bargaining between employers and employed, where the good employer is continually undercut by the bad, and the bad again by the worse; where the worker whose whole livelihood11 depends on the trade is undercut by the worker to whom it is only a second string; where the feebleness and ignorance of the workers and their isolation12 from each other render them an easy prey13 to the tyranny of bad masters, and middlemen one step above them upon the lowest rungs of the ladder, and themselves held in the grip of the same relentless14 forces—there you have a condition not of progress but of progressive degeneration. And just as in the former case the upward tendency will [241]be constant if it is not interrupted by external power, so in the latter case the demoralisation will continue in a squalid welter for periods which are quite indefinite so far as our brief lives are concerned.
We have seen from the investigations16 of the last twenty years, when the phenomena17 of sweating have been under close and scientific review, that there is no power of self-cure within the area of the evil. We have seen that while the general advance in the standards of work and wages has on the whole been constant, these morbid18 and diseased patches, which we call the Sweated Trades, have not shared in that improvement, but have remained in a state of chronic19 depression and degeneration. The same shocking facts, in some cases the same pitiful witnesses, were brought before the select Committee last year as before Lord Dunraven's Committee in 1888. Indeed I am advised that in some respects wages and conditions are worse than they were twenty years ago. Nor are these melancholy20 facts confined to any one country. Sweating is not a peculiarity21 of Great Britain. Practically the same trades experience the same evils in all other industrial countries. France, Germany, Austria, and America [242]reproduce with great exactness under similar economic conditions the same social evils, and in those countries, as in ours, Sweated Industries—by which I mean trades where there is no organisation, where wages are exceptionally low, and conditions subversive22 of physical health and moral welfare—cast dark shadows in what is, upon the whole, the growing and broadening light of civilisation23.
There is a clear reason for this, which is in itself at once a justification24 for the special treatment which we propose for these trades, and a means of marking them off more or less definitely from the ordinary trades. In the case of any great staple trade in this country, if the rate of wages became unnaturally25 low compared to other industries, and the workers could not raise it by any pressure on their part, the new generation at any rate would exercise a preference for better pay and more attractive forms of industry. The gradual correction of depressed26 conditions over large periods of time is thus possible. But in these sweated industries there is no new generation to come to the rescue. They are recruited from a class rather than from a section of the community. The widow, [243]the women folk of the poorest type of labourer, the broken, the weak, the struggling, the diseased—those are the people who largely depend upon these trades, and they have not the same mobility27 of choice, exerted, tardily28 though it be, by a new generation, but which is undoubtedly29 operative upon the great staple trades of the country. That is an explanation which accounts for the same evils being reproduced under similar conditions in different countries, separated widely from one another and marked by great differences of general conditions.
I ask the House to regard these industries as sick and diseased industries. I ask Parliament to deal with them exactly in the same mood and temper as we should deal with sick people. It would be cruel to prescribe the same law for the sick as for the sound. It would be absurd to apply to the healthy the restrictions30 required for the sick. Further, these sweated trades are not inanimate abstractions. They are living, almost sentient31, things. Let the House think of these sweated trades as patients in a hospital ward15. Each case must be studied and treated entirely32 by itself. No general rule can be applied33. [244]There is no regulation dose which will cure them all. You cannot effect quicker cures by giving larger doses. Different medicines, different diets, different operations are required for each; and consideration, encouragement, nursing, personal effort are necessary for all. Great flexibility34 and variety of procedure, and a wide discretionary power, entrusted35 to earnest and competent people, must characterise any attempt to legislate37 on this subject.
The central principle of this Bill is the establishment of Trade Boards, which will be charged with the duty of fixing a minimum wage. I am very anxious to give these Trade Boards the utmost possible substance and recognition. They will be formed on the principle of equality of representation for employers and employed, with a skilled official chairman or nucleus38. That is the principle I have adopted in the new Arbitration Court recently established. That is the principle which will govern the system of Labour Exchanges, shortly to be introduced, and other measures which may come to be associated with Labour Exchanges, and I think it is an excellent principle.
At the same time, do not let us suppose [245]that these Trade Boards will, in the first instance, be very strong or representative bodies. They are to be formed in trades mainly worked by women, where no organisation has ever yet taken root, where there are as yet no means of finding and focusing an effective trade opinion. Where possible, they will be partly elective; in many cases they will, I expect, have to begin by being almost entirely nominated. In some cases it will be upon the official members alone that the main burden will fall. I could not ask the House to confer upon bodies of this nebulous character, not representative, not elective in any democratic sense, responsible not to constituents, nor to a public department, nor to Parliament itself in any way, the absolute and final power of enforcing by the whole apparatus39 of the law any decision, whether wise or foolish, upon wage questions to which they may come by the narrowest majority. The work which we entrust36 to them wholly and finally is sufficiently40 difficult and important. We direct them by this Bill to prescribe minimum rates of wages. They are to find the minimum rate. For that purpose they are as well qualified41 as any body that we could devise. [246]In this sphere their jurisdiction42 will be complete. The Board of Trade will not retry the question of what is the right minimum rate. Another and quite different question will be decided43 by the Board of Trade. They will decide whether the minimum rate which has been prescribed by the Trade Board commands sufficient support in the trade to make its enforcement by inspection44 and prosecution45 likely to be effective.
That is the division between the responsibility which the Trade Boards will have and the responsibility which we shall reserve to ourselves. I shall be quite ready in Committee to express that intention, which is in the Bill, in a simpler and stronger manner, and to make the function of the Board of Trade a positive and not a negative one, so that when the Trade Board has fixed46 the minimum rate of wages it shall, after an interval47 of six months, acquire the force of law, and shall be enforced by compulsory48 powers, unless in the meanwhile the Board of Trade decides or rules otherwise. For my part, I gladly give an assurance that it is our intention to put the compulsory provisions of this Bill into full effect upon at least one of the trades in the schedule, [247]at as early a date as possible, in order to bring about the fulfilment of a much-needed and long-overdue experiment.
Now I come to the probationary49 period, and I know that there are a great many who have stated that it is mere50 waste of time. I, on the contrary, have been led to the opinion that it is vital to any practical or effective policy against sweating. It is no use to attempt, in trades as complex and obscure as these with which we are dealing51, to substitute outside authority for trade opinion. The only hope lies in the judicious52 combination of the two, each acting53 and reacting upon the other. A mere increase of the penal54 provisions and inspection would be a poor compensation for the active support of a powerful section within the trade itself. It is upon the probationary period that we rely to enable us to rally to the Trade Board and to its minimum wage the best employers in the trade. In most instances the best employers in the trade are already paying wages equal or superior to the probable minimum which the Trade Board will establish. The inquiries55 which I have set on foot in the various trades scheduled have brought to me most satisfactory assurances from nearly all the [248]employers to whom my investigators56 have addressed themselves.
For the enforcement of this Act, and for the prevention of evasion58 and collusion, I rely upon the factory inspectors59, who will report anything that has come to their notice on their rounds and who will make themselves a channel for complaints. I rely still more upon the special peripatetic60 inspectors and investigators who will be appointed under the Act by the Board of Trade, who will have to conduct prosecutions61 under the Act, and who will devote all their time to the purposes of the Act. These officers will incidentally clothe the Trade Boards with real authority, once the rate has been enforced, in that they will be responsible to the Trade Board, and not to some powerful Department of Government external to the Trade Board itself. I rely further upon the support of the members of the Trade Boards themselves, who will act as watch-dogs and propagandists. I rely upon the driving power of publicity62 and of public opinion. But most of all I put my faith in the practical effect of a powerful band of employers, perhaps a majority, who, whether from high motives63 or self-interest, or from a combination of the two—they are not [249]necessarily incompatible64 ideas—will form a vigilant65 and instructed police, knowing every turn and twist of the trade, and who will labour constantly to protect themselves from being undercut by the illegal competition of unscrupulous rivals.
An investigator57 in the East End of London writes:
"The people who can check evasion are the large firms. Their travellers form a magnificent body of inspectors, who ought to see that the Act is enforced. The checking of evasion will have to be carried out, not so much by visiting workshops and home-workers as by hearing where cheap, low-class goods are coming into the market, and tracing the goods back to the contractors66 who made them."
There are solid reasons on which we on this side of the House who are Free Traders rely with confidence, when we associate ourselves with this class of legislation. First of all, we must not imagine that this is the only European country which has taken steps to deal with sweating. The first exhibition of sweated products was held in Berlin, and it was from that exhibition that the idea was obtained of holding that most valuable series of exhibitions [250]throughout this country which created the driving power which renders this Bill possible. I am advised that German legislation on some of these questions has even anticipated us. In other countries legislation is pending67 on principles not dissimilar from those which we advocate. In Bavaria and Baden the latest reports are to the effect that the official Government Reports of Inquiries recommend almost the same and in some cases stronger provisions than those to which we now ask the assent68 of the House of Commons. This may be said in a different form of Austria. All this movement which is going on throughout Europe, and which is so pregnant with good, will be powerfully stimulated69 by our action in this country, and that stimulus70 will not only facilitate our work by removing the argument which causes hon. gentlemen opposite anxiety, but it will also, I think, redound71 to the credit of this country that it took a leading and prominent position in what is a noble and benignant work.
I was delighted to hear the Leader of the Opposition72 say, in a concise73 and cogent74 sentence, that he could easily conceive many sweated trades in which the wages of the workers could be substantially raised [251]without any other change except a diminution75 of price. Sir, the wages of a sweated worker bear no accurate relation to the ultimate price. Sometimes they vary in the same places for the same work done at the same time. And sometimes the worst sweating forms a part of the production of articles of luxury sold at the very highest price. We believe further, however, that decent conditions make for industrial efficiency and increase rather than diminish competitive power. "General low wages," said Mill, "never caused any country to undersell its rivals; nor did general high wages ever hinder it." The employers who now pay the best wages in these sweated trades maintain themselves not only against the comparatively small element of foreign competition in these trades, but against what is a far more formidable competition for this purpose—the competition of those employers who habitually76 undercut them by the worst processes of sweating. I cannot believe that the process of raising the degenerate77 and parasitical78 portion of these trades up to the level of the most efficient branches of the trade, if it is conducted by those conversant79 with the conditions of the trade and interested in it, will necessarily result [252]in an increase of the price of the ultimate product. It may, even as the right hon. gentleman has said, sensibly diminish it through better methods.
Sir, it is on these grounds, and within these limits, that I ask for a Second Reading for this Bill.
The principles and objects are scarcely disputed here. Let us go into Committee and set to work upon the details, actuated by a single-minded desire to produce a practical result. It is by the evidences of successful experiment that, more than any other way, we shall forward and extend the area of our operations; and in passing this Bill the House will not only deal manfully with a grave and piteous social evil, but it will also take another step along that path of social organisation into which we have boldly entered, and upon which the Parliaments of this generation, whatever their complexion80, will have to march.
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1
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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staple
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| n.主要产物，常用品，主要要素，原料，订书钉，钩环；adj.主要的，重要的；vt.分类 | |
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organisation
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| n.组织，安排，团体，有机休 | |
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bind
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| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
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constituents
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| n.选民( constituent的名词复数 )；成分；构成部分；要素 | |
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arbitration
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| n.调停，仲裁 | |
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conciliation
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| n.调解，调停 | |
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deadlock
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| n.僵局，僵持 | |
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parity
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| n.平价，等价，比价，对等 | |
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livelihood
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| n.生计，谋生之道 | |
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isolation
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| n.隔离，孤立，分解，分离 | |
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prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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relentless
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| adj.残酷的，不留情的，无怜悯心的 | |
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ward
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| n.守卫，监护，病房，行政区，由监护人或法院保护的人（尤指儿童）；vt.守护，躲开 | |
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investigations
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| （正式的）调查( investigation的名词复数 )； 侦查； 科学研究； 学术研究 | |
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phenomena
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| n.现象 | |
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morbid
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| adj.病的；致病的；病态的；可怕的 | |
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chronic
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| adj.(疾病)长期未愈的，慢性的；极坏的 | |
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melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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peculiarity
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| n.独特性，特色；特殊的东西；怪癖 | |
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subversive
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| adj.颠覆性的，破坏性的；n.破坏份子，危险份子 | |
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civilisation
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| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
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justification
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| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
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unnaturally
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| adv.违反习俗地；不自然地；勉强地；不近人情地 | |
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depressed
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| adj.沮丧的，抑郁的，不景气的，萧条的 | |
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mobility
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| n.可动性，变动性，情感不定 | |
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tardily
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| adv.缓慢 | |
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undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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sentient
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| adj.有知觉的，知悉的；adv.有感觉能力地 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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flexibility
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| n.柔韧性，弹性，（光的）折射性，灵活性 | |
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entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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entrust
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| v.信赖，信托，交托 | |
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legislate
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| vt.制定法律；n.法规，律例；立法 | |
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nucleus
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| n.核，核心，原子核 | |
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apparatus
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| n.装置，器械；器具，设备 | |
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sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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inspection
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| n.检查，审查，检阅 | |
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prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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46
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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compulsory
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| n.强制的，必修的；规定的，义务的 | |
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probationary
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| 试用的，缓刑的 | |
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50
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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51
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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52
judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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54
penal
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| adj.刑罚的；刑法上的 | |
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55
inquiries
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| n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 )；疑问；探究；打听 | |
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investigators
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| n.调查者，审查者( investigator的名词复数 ) | |
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investigator
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| n.研究者，调查者，审查者 | |
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evasion
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| n.逃避，偷漏(税) | |
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inspectors
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| n.检查员( inspector的名词复数 )；（英国公共汽车或火车上的）查票员；（警察）巡官；检阅官 | |
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peripatetic
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| adj.漫游的，逍遥派的，巡回的 | |
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prosecutions
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| 起诉( prosecution的名词复数 )； 原告； 实施； 从事 | |
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publicity
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| n.众所周知，闻名；宣传，广告 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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incompatible
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| adj.不相容的，不协调的，不相配的 | |
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vigilant
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| adj.警觉的，警戒的，警惕的 | |
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contractors
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| n.（建筑、监造中的）承包人( contractor的名词复数 ) | |
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pending
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| prep.直到，等待…期间；adj.待定的；迫近的 | |
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assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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stimulus
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| n.刺激，刺激物，促进因素，引起兴奋的事物 | |
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redound
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| v.有助于；提；报应 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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concise
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| adj.简洁的，简明的 | |
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cogent
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| adj.强有力的，有说服力的 | |
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diminution
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| n.减少；变小 | |
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habitually
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| ad.习惯地，通常地 | |
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degenerate
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| v.退步，堕落；adj.退步的，堕落的；n.堕落者 | |
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parasitical
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| adj. 寄生的(符加的) | |
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conversant
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| adj.亲近的，有交情的，熟悉的 | |
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complexion
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| n.肤色；情况，局面；气质，性格 | |
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