The Egyptian frontier force had always been kept in a condition of immediate7 readiness by the restless activity of the enemy. The beginning of the long-expected advance was hailed with delight by the British officers sweltering at Wady Halfa and Sarras. On Sunday, the 15th of March, three days after the Sirdar had received his orders, and before the first reinforcements had started from Cairo, Colonel Hunter, who commanded on the frontier, formed a small column of all arms to seize and hold Akasha. At dawn on the 18th the column started, and the actual invasion of the territory which for ten years had been abandoned to the Dervishes began. The route lay through a wild and rocky country—the debatable ground, desolated8 by years of war—and the troops straggled into a long procession, and had several times for more than an hour to move in single file over passes and through narrow defiles11 strewn with the innumerable boulders12 from which the 'Belly13 of Stones' has derived14 its name. The right of their line of march was protected by the Nile, and although it was occasionally necessary to leave the bank, to avoid difficult ground, the column camped each night by the river. The cavalry15 and the Camel Corps16 searched the country to the south and east; for it was expected that the Dervishes would resist the advance. Creeping along the bank, and prepared at a moment's notice to stand at bay at the water's edge, the small force proceeded on its way. Wady Atira was reached on the 18th, Tanjore on the 19th, and on the 20th the column marched into Akasha.
The huts of the mud village were crumbling17 back into the desert sand. The old British fort and a number of storehouses—relics of the Gordon Relief Expedition—were in ruins. The railway from Sarras had been pulled to pieces. Most of the sleepers18 had disappeared, but the rails lay scattered19 along the track. All was deserted20: yet one grim object proclaimed the Dervish occupation. Beyond the old station and near the river a single rail had been fixed21 nearly upright in the ground. From one of the holes for the fishplate bolts there dangled22 a rotten cord, and on the sand beneath this improvised23 yet apparently24 effective gallows25 lay a human skull26 and bones, quite white and beautifully polished by the action of sun and wind. Half-a-dozen friendly Arabs, who had taken refuge on the island below the cataract27, were the only inhabitants of the district.
The troops began to place themselves in a defensive28 position without delay. On the 22nd the cavalry and Camel Corps returned with the empty convoy29 to Sarras to escort to the front a second and larger column, under the command of Major MacDonald, and consisting of the XIth and XIIth Soudanese, one company of the 3rd Egyptians (dropped as a garrison at Ambigole Wells), and a heavy convoy of stores numbering six hundred camels. Starting from Sarras on the 24th, the column, after four days' marching, arrived without accident or attack, and MacDonald assumed command of the whole advanced force.
Akasha was now converted into a strong entrenched30 camp, in which an advanced base was formed. Its garrison of three battalions, a battery, and the mounted troops, drew their supplies by camel transport from Sarras. The country to the south and east was continually patrolled, to guard against a turning movement, and the communications were further strengthened by the establishment of fortified31 posts at Semna, Wady Atira, and Tanjore. The friendly Arab tribes—Bedouin, Kabbabish, and Foggara—ranged still more widely in the deserts and occupied the scattered wells. All this time the Dervishes watched supinely from their position at Fuket, and although they were within a single march of Akasha they remained inactive and made no attempt to disturb the operations.
Meanwhile the concentration of the Egyptian army on the frontier was proceeding33. The reservists obeyed the summons to the colours of their own free will and with gratifying promptness, instead of being tardily34 dragged from their homes in chains as in the days of Ismail. All the battalions of the army were brought up to war strength. Two new battalions of reservists were formed, the 15th and 16th. The 15th was placed at Assuan and Korosko on the line of communications. The 16th was despatched to Suakin to release the two battalions in garrison there for service on the Nile. The 1st Battalion5 of the North Staffordshire Regiment36 was moved up the river from Cairo to take the place of the Wady Halfa garrison of six battalions, which had moved on to Sarras and Akasha. A Maxim37 battery of four guns was formed from the machine-gun sections of the Staffordshires and Connaught Rangers38 and hurried south. The 2nd, 4th, 5th, and 6th Egyptian Battalions from Cairo were passed in a continual succession along the railway and river to the front. In all this busy and complicated movement of troops the Egyptian War Office worked smoothly39, and clearly showed the ability with which it was organised.
The line of communications from Cairo, the permanent base, to the advanced post at Akasha was 825 miles in length. But of this distance only the section lying south of Assuan could be considered as within the theatre of war. The ordinary broad-gauge railway ran from Cairo to Balliana, where a river base was established. From Balliana to Assuan reinforcements and supplies were forwarded by Messrs. Cook's fleet of steamers, by barges40 towed by small tugs41, and by a number of native sailing craft. A stretch of seven miles of railway avoids the First Cataract, and joins Assuan and Shellal. Above Shellal a second flotilla of gunboats, steamers, barges, and Nile boats was collected to ply42 between Shellal and Halfa. The military railway ran from Halfa to Sarras. South of Sarras supplies were forwarded by camels. To meet the increased demands of transport, 4,500 camels were purchased in Egypt and forwarded in boats to Assuan, whence they marched via Korosko to the front. The British Government had authorised the construction of the military railway to Akasha, and a special railway battalion was collected at Assuan, through which place sleepers and other material at once began to pass to Sarras. The strategic railway construction will, however, form the subject of a later chapter, which I shall not anticipate.
By the 1st of April, less than three weeks from the commencement of the advance, the whole line of communications had been organised and was working efficiently43, although still crowded with the concentrating troops.
As soon as the 16th Battalion of reservists arrived at Suakin, the IXth Soudanese were conveyed by transports to Kossier, and marched thence across the desert to Kena. The distance was 120 miles, and the fact that in spite of two heavy thunderstorms—rare phenomena44 in Egypt—it was covered in four days is a notable example of the marching powers of the black soldiers. It had been determined45 that the Xth Soudanese should follow at once, but circumstances occurred which detained them on the Red Sea littoral46 and must draw the attention of the reader thither47.
The aspect and history of the town and port of Suakin might afford a useful instance to a cynical48 politician. Most of the houses stand on a small barren island which is connected with the mainland by a narrow causeway. At a distance the tall buildings of white coral, often five storeys high, present an imposing49 appearance, and the prominent chimneys of the condensing machinery—for there is scarcely any fresh water—seem to suggest manufacturing activity. But a nearer view reveals the melancholy50 squalor of the scene. A large part of the town is deserted. The narrow streets wind among tumbled-down and neglected houses. The quaintly51 carved projecting windows of the facades52 are boarded up. The soil exhales53 an odour of stagnation54 and decay. The atmosphere is rank with memories of waste and failure. The scenes that meet the eye intensify55 these impressions. The traveller who lands on Quarantine Island is first confronted with the debris56 of the projected Suakin-Berber Railway. Two or three locomotives that have neither felt the pressure of steam nor tasted oil for a decade lie rusting57 in the ruined workshops. Huge piles of railway material rot, unguarded and neglected, on the shore. Rolling stock of all kinds—carriages, trucks, vans, and ballast waggons—are strewn or heaped near the sheds. The Christian58 cemetery59 alone shows a decided60 progress, and the long lines of white crosses which mark the graves of British soldiers and sailors who lost their lives in action or by disease during the various campaigns, no less than the large and newly enclosed areas to meet future demands, increase the depression of the visitor. The numerous graves of Greek traders—a study of whose epitaphs may conveniently refresh a classical education—protest that the climate of the island is pestilential. The high loopholed walls declare that the desolate9 scrub of the mainland is inhabited only by fierce and valiant61 savages62 who love their liberty.
For eleven years all trade had been practically stopped, and the only merchants remaining were those who carried on an illicit64 traffic with the Arabs or, with Eastern apathy65, were content to wait for better days. Being utterly66 unproductive, Suakin had been wisely starved by the Egyptian Government, and the gloom of the situation was matched by the poverty of its inhabitants.
The island on which the town stands is joined to the mainland by a causeway, at the further end of which is an arched gateway67 of curious design called 'the Gate of the Soudan.' Upon the mainland stands the crescent-shaped suburb of El Kaff. It comprises a few mean coral-built houses, a large area covered with mud huts inhabited by Arabs and fishermen, and all the barracks and military buildings. The whole is surrounded by a strong wall a mile and a half long, fifteen feet high, six feet thick, with a parapet pierced for musketry and strengthened at intervals68 by bastions armed with Krupp guns.
Three strong detached posts complete the defences of Suakin. Ten miles to the northward69, on the scene of Sir H. Kitchener's unfortunate enterprise, is the fort of Handub. Tambuk is twenty-five miles inland and among the hills. Situate upon a high rock, and consisting only of a store, a formidable blockhouse, and a lookout70 tower, this place is safe from any enemy unprovided with artillery71. Both Handub and Tambuk were at the outset of the campaign provisioned for four months. The third post, Tokar Fort, lies fifty miles along the coast to the south. Its function is to deprive the Arabs of a base in the fertile delta72 of the Tokar river. The fort is strong, defended by artillery, and requires for its garrison an entire battalion of infantry73.
No description of Suakin would be complete without some allusion74 to the man to whom it owes its fame. Osman Digna had been for many years a most successful and enterprising Arab slave dealer75. The attempted suppression of his trade by the Egyptian Government drove him naturally into opposition76. He joined in the revolt of the Mahdi, and by his influence roused the whole of the Hadendoa and other powerful tribes of the Red Sea shore. The rest is upon record. Year after year, at a horrid77 sacrifice of men and money, the Imperial Government and the old slaver fought like wolves over the dry bone of Suakin. Baker's Teb, El Teb, Tamai, Tofrek, Hashin, Handub, Gemaiza, Afafit—such were the fights of Osman Digna, and through all he passed unscathed. Often defeated, but never crushed, the wily Arab might justly boast to have run further and fought more than any Emir in the Dervish armies.
It had scarcely seemed possible that the advance on Dongola could influence the situation around Kassala, yet the course of events encouraged the belief that the British diversion in favour of Italy had been effective; for at the end of March—as soon, that is to say, as the news of the occupation of Akasha reached him—Osman Digna separated himself from the army threatening Kassala, and marched with 300 cavalry, 70 camelry, and 2,500 foot towards his old base in the Tokar Delta. On the first rumour78 of his advance the orders of the Xth Soudanese to move via Kossier and Kena to the Nile were cancelled, and they remained in garrison at Tokar. At home the War Office, touched in a tender spot, quivered apprehensively79, and began forthwith to make plans to strengthen the Suakin garrison with powerful forces.
The state of affairs in the Eastern Soudan has always been turbulent. The authority of the Governor of the Red Sea Littoral was not at this time respected beyond the extreme range of the guns of Suakin. The Hadendoa and other tribes who lived under the walls of the town professed80 loyalty81 to the Egyptian Government, not from any conviction that their rule was preferable to that of Osman Digna, but simply for the sake of a quiet life. As their distance from Suakin increased, the loyalty of the tribesmen became even less pronounced, and at a radius82 of twenty miles all the Sheikhs oscillated alternately between Osman Digna and the Egyptian Government, and tried to avoid open hostilities83 with either. Omar Tita, Sheikh of the district round about Erkowit, found himself situated84 on this fringe of intriguing85 neutrality. Although he was known to have dealings with Osman, it was believed that if he had the power to choose he would side with the Egyptian Government. Early in April Omar Tita reported that Osman Digna was in the neighbourhood of Erkowit with a small force, and that he, the faithful ally of the Government, had on the 3rd of the month defeated him with a loss of four camels. He also said that if the Egyptian Government would send up a force to fight Osman, he, the aforesaid ally, would keep him in play until it arrived.
After a few days of hesitation86 and telegraphic communication with the Sirdar, Colonel Lloyd, the Governor of Suakin, who was then in very bad health, decided that he had not enough troops to justify87 him in taking the risk of going up to Erkowit to fight Osman. Around Suakin, as along the Indian frontier, a battle was always procurable88 on the shortest notice. When a raid has taken place, the Government may choose the scale of their reprisals89. If they are poor, they will arrange a counter-raid by means of 'friendlies,' and nothing more will be heard of the affair. If they are rich, they will mobilise two or three brigades, and make an expedition or fight a pitched battle, so that another glory may be added to the annals of the British army. In the present instance the Egyptian Government were poor, and as the British Government did not desire to profit by the opportunity it was determined to have only a small-scale operation. The Governor therefore arranged a plan for a demonstration90 at the foot of the hills near Khor Wintri by means of combined movements from Suakin and Tokar. The garrison of Suakin consisted of the 1st and half the 5th Egyptian Battalions; the 16th Egyptian reservists, who had just replaced the IXth Soudanese, and were as yet hardly formed into a military body; one squadron of cavalry, one company of Camel Corps, and some detachments of artillery. The garrison of Tokar consisted of the Xth Soudanese and a few gunners. From these troops there was organised in the second week in April, with all due ceremony, a 'Suakin Field Force.'
The plan of campaign was simple. Colonel Lloyd was to march out from Suakin and effect a junction91 with the 'Tokar Column' at Khor Wintri, where the Erkowit road enters the hills. It was then hoped that Osman Digna would descend92 and fight a battle of the required dimensions in the open; after which, if victorious93, the force would return to Suakin and Tokar.
In order to make the Suakin Column as mobile as possible, the whole force was mounted on camels, of which more than 1,000 were requisitioned, as well as 60 mules94 and 120 donkeys. Two hundred Arabs accompanied the column to hold these beasts when necessary. Six days' forage95 and rations32, one day's reserve of water, 200 rounds per man, and 100 shell per gun were carried. At five o'clock on the afternoon of Tuesday, the 14th of April, the troops paraded outside the walls of Suakin, and bivouacked in the open ready to march at daylight.
The next morning the column, which numbered about 1,200 men of all arms, started. After marching for four or five hours in the direction of Khor Wintri the cavalry, who covered the advance, came in contact with the Dervish scouts97. The force thereupon assumed an oblong formation: the mixed Soudanese company and the two guns in front, three Egyptian companies on each flank, the Camel Corps company in the rear, and the transport in the centre. The pace was slow, and, since few of the camels had ever been saddled or ridden, progress was often interrupted by their behaviour and by the broken and difficult nature of the country. Nevertheless at about four o'clock in the afternoon, Teroi Wells, eight miles from Khor Wintri, were reached; and here, having marched nineteen miles, Colonel Lloyd determined to halt. While the infantry were making the zeriba, the cavalry were sent on under Captain Fenwick (an infantry officer employed on the Staff) to gain touch with the Tokar force, who were expected to have already reached the rendezvous98. Apparently under the belief that Omar Tita and his Arabs would give timely notice of an attack, the cavalry seem to have neglected many of the usual precautions, and in consequence at about five o'clock, when approaching Khor Wintri, they found themselves suddenly confronted with a force of about 200 Dervish horsemen supported by a large body of infantry. The squadron wheeled about with promptitude, and began to retire at a trot99. The Dervish horsemen immediately pursued. The result was that the Egyptians began a disorderly flight at a gallop100 through the thick and treacherous101 scrub and over broken, dangerous ground. Sixteen horses fell; their riders were instantly speared by the pursuers. Rallying thirty-eight troopers, Captain Fenwick seized a rocky hillock, and dismounting with the natural instinct of an infantry soldier, prepared to defend himself to the last. The remainder of the squadron continued their flight, and thirty-two troopers, under an Egyptian officer (whose horse is said to have bolted), arrived at the Teroi zeriba with the news that their comrades had been destroyed, or had perhaps 'returned to Suakin,' and that they themselves had been closely followed by the enemy. The news caused the gravest anxiety, which was not diminished when it was found that the bush around the zeriba was being strongly occupied by Dervish spearmen. Two mounted men, who volunteered for the perilous102 duty, were sent to make their way through this savage63 cordon103, and try to find either the remainder of the cavalry or the Tokar Column. Both were hunted down and killed. The rest of the force continued in hourly expectation of an attack.
Their suspense104 was aggravated105 towards midnight, when the Dervishes began to approach the zeriba. In the darkness what was thought to be a body of horsemen was seen moving along a shallow khor opposite the right face of the defence. At the same moment a loud yell was raised by the enemy on the other side. An uncontrolled musketry fire immediately broke out. The guns fired blindly up the valley; the infantry wildly on all sides. The fusillade continued furiously for some time, and when by the efforts of the British officers the troops were restrained, it was found that the Dervishes had retired106, leaving behind them a single wounded man. Occasional shots were fired from the scrub until the morning, but no fresh attack was attempted by the Dervishes.
Meanwhile Captain Fenwick maintained his solitary107 and perilous position on the hillock. He was soon surrounded by considerable bodies of the enemy, and as soon as it became dark he was sharply attacked. But the Dervishes fortunately possessed108 few rifles, and the officers and troopers, by firing steady volleys, succeeded in holding their ground and repulsing109 them. The sound of the guns at Teroi encouraged the Egyptians and revealed the direction of their friends. With the daylight the Dervishes, who seem throughout the affair to have been poor-spirited fellows, drew off, and the detachment, remounting, made haste to rejoin the main body.
The force, again united, pursued their way to Khor Wintri, where they found the column from Tokar already arrived. Marching early on the 15th, Major Sidney with 250 men of the Xth Soudanese, the only really trustworthy troops in the force, had reached Khor Wintri the same afternoon. He drove out the small Dervish post occupying the khor, and was about to bivouac, when he was sharply attacked by a force of Arabs said to have numbered 80 horsemen and 500 foot. The Soudanese fought with their usual courage, and the Dervishes were repulsed110, leaving thirty dead upon the ground. The regulars had three men wounded.
Up to this point Colonel Lloyd's plan had been successfully carried out. The columns from Suakin and Tokar had effected a junction at Khor Wintri on the Erkowit road. It now remained to await the attack of Osman Digna, and inflict112 a heavy blow upon him. It was decided, however, in view of what had occurred, to omit this part of the scheme, and both forces returned together without delay to Suakin, which they reached on the 18th, having lost in the operations eighteen Egyptian soldiers killed and three wounded.
Their arrival terminated a period of anxious doubt as to their fate. The town, which had been almost entirely113 denuded114 of troops, was left in charge of Captain Ford-Hutchinson. At about two o'clock in the afternoon of the 16th a few stragglers from the Egyptian cavalry with half-a-dozen riderless horses knocked at the gates, and vague but sinister115 rumours116 spread on all sides. The belief that a disaster had overtaken the Egyptian force greatly excited the Arabs living within the walls, and it appeared that they were about to rise, plunder117 the town, and massacre118 the Christians119. Her Majesty's ship Scout96 was, however, by good fortune in the harbour. Strong parties of bluejackets were landed to patrol the streets. The guns of the warship120 were laid on the Arab quarter. These measures had a tranquillising effect, and order reigned121 in Suakin until the return of the Field Force, when their victory was celebrated122 with appropriate festivities.
It was announced that as a result of the successful operations the Dervish enterprise against the Tokai Delta had collapsed123, and that Osman Digna's power was for ever broken. In order, however, that no unfortunate incident should mar1 the triumph, the Xth Soudanese were sent back to Tokar by sea via Trinkitat, instead of marching direct and the garrison of Suakin confined themselves henceforward strictly124 to their defences. Osman Digna remained in the neighbourhood and raided the friendly villages. On the arrival of the Indian contingent125 he was supposed to be within twelve miles of the town, but thereafter he retired to Adarama on the Atbara river, where he remained during the Dongola campaign. The fact that no further offensive operations were undertaken in the Eastern Soudan prevented all fighting, for the Dervishes were, of course, unable to assail126 the strong permanent fortifications behind which the Egyptians took shelter. They nevertheless remained in actual possession of the surrounding country, until the whole situation was altered by the successful advance of powerful forces behind them along the Nile and by the occupation of Berber.
After the affair of Khor Wintri it was evident that it would not be possible to leave Suakin to the defence only of the 16th Battalion of reservists. On the other hand, Sir H. Kitchener required every soldier the Egyptian army could muster127 to carry out the operations on the Nile. It was therefore determined to send Indian troops to Suakin to garrison the town and forts, and thus release the Xth Soudanese and the Egyptian battalions for the Dongola Expedition. Accordingly early in the month of May the Indian Army authorities were ordered to prepare a brigade of all arms for service in Egypt.
The troops selected were as follow: 26th Bengal Infantry, 35th Sikhs, 1st Bombay Lancers, 5th Bombay Mountain Battery, two Maxim guns, one section Queen's Own (Madras) Sappers and Miners—in all about 4,000 men. The command was entrusted128 to Colonel Egerton, of the Corps of Guides.
On the 30th of May the dreary129 town of Suakin was enlivened by the arrival of the first detachments, and during the following week the whole force disembarked at the rotten piers130 and assumed the duties of the defence. It is mournful to tell how this gallant131 brigade, which landed so full of high hope and warlike enthusiasm, and which was certainly during the summer the most efficient force in the Soudan, was reduced in seven months to the sullen132 band who returned to India wasted by disease, embittered133 by disappointment, and inflamed134 by feelings of resentment135 and envy.
The Indian contingent landed in the full expectation of being immediately employed against the enemy. After a week, when all the stores had been landed, officers and men spent their time speculating when the order to march would come. It was true that there was no transport in Suakin, but that difficulty was easily overcome by rumours that 5,000 camels were on their way from the Somali coast to enable the force to move on Kassala or Berber. As these did not arrive, General Egerton sent in a proposed scheme to the Sirdar, in which he undertook to hold all the advanced posts up to the Kokreb range, if he were supplied with 1,000 camels for transport. A characteristic answer was returned, to the effect that it was not intended to use the Indian contingent as a mobile force. They had come as a garrison for Suakin, and a garrison for Suakin they should remain. This information was not, however, communicated to the troops, who continued to hope for orders to advance until the fall of Dongola.
The heat when the contingent arrived was not great, but as the months wore on the temperature rose steadily136, until in August and September the thermometer rarely fell below 103° during the night, and often rose to 115° by day. Dust storms were frequent. A veritable plague of flies tormented137 the unhappy soldiers. The unhealthy climate, the depressing inactivity, and the scantiness138 of fresh meat or the use of condensed water, provoked an outbreak of scurvy139. At one time nearly all the followers140 and 50 per cent of the troops were affected141. Several large drafts were invalided142 to India. The symptoms were painful and disgusting—open wounds, loosening of the teeth, curious fungoid growths on the gums and legs. The cavalry horses and transport animals suffered from bursati, and even a pinprick expanded into a large open sore. It is doubtful whether the brigade could have been considered fit for active service after September. All the Europeans suffered acutely from prickly heat. Malarial143 fever was common. There were numerous cases of abscess on the liver. Twenty-five per cent of the British officers were invalided to England or India, and only six escaped a stay in hospital. The experiences of the battalion holding Tokar Fort were even worse than those of the troops in Suakin. At length the longed-for time of departure arrived. With feelings of relief and delight the Indian contingent shook the dust of Suakin off their feet and returned to India. It is a satisfaction to pass from the dismal144 narrative145 of events in the Eastern Soudan to the successful campaign on the Nile.
By the middle of April the concentration on the frontier was completed. The communications were cleared of their human freight, and occupied only by supplies and railway material, which continued to pour south at the utmost capacity of the transport. Eleven thousand troops had been massed at and beyond Wady Halfa. But no serious operations could take place until a strong reserve of stores had been accumulated at the front. Meanwhile the army waited, and the railway grew steadily. The battalions were distributed in three principal fortified camps—Halfa, Sarras, and Akasha—and detachments held the chain of small posts which linked them together.
Including the North Staffordshire Regiment, the garrison of Wady Halfa numbered about 3,000 men. The town and cantonment, nowhere more than 400 yards in width, straggle along the river-bank, squeezed in between the water and the desert, for nearly three miles. The houses, offices, and barracks are all built of mud, and the aspect of the place is brown and squalid. A few buildings, however, attain146 to the dignity of two storeys. At the northern end of the town a group of fairly well-built houses occupy the river-front, and a distant view of the clusters of palm-trees, of the white walls, and the minaret147 of the mosque148 refreshes the weary traveller from Korosko or Shellal with the hopes of civilised entertainment. The whole town is protected towards the deserts by a ditch and mud wall; and heavy Krupp field-pieces are mounted on little bastions where the ends of the rampart rest upon the river. Five small detached forts strengthen the land front, and the futility149 of an Arab attack at this time was evident. Halfa had now become the terminus of a railway, which was rapidly extending; and the continual arrival and despatch35 of tons of material, the building of sheds, workshops, and storehouses lent the African slum the bustle150 and activity of a civilised city.
Sarras Fort is an extensive building, perched on a crag of black rock rising on the banks of the Nile about thirty miles south of Halfa. During the long years of preparation it had been Egypt's most advanced outpost and the southern terminus of the military railway. The beginning of the expedition swelled151 it into an entrenched camp, holding nearly 6,000 men. From each end of the black rock on which the fort stood a strong stone wall and wire entanglement152 ran back to the river. The space thus enclosed was crowded with rows of tents and lines of animals and horses; and in the fort Colonel Hunter, commanding the district known as 'Sarras and the South,' had his headquarters.
From Sarras the army seemed to have chosen a double line of advance. The railway reconstruction153 followed the old track which had been prepared through the desert in 1885. The convoy route wound along by the river. Both were protected from attack. The 7th Egyptians guarded Railhead, while the chain of small posts secured the road by the Nile to Akasha. The advanced base grew during the months of April and May into a strong position. Only once did the Arabs venture to approach within artillery range. A small body of horse and camel men made a sort of haphazard154 reconnaissance, and, being seen from the outpost line, were fired on at a great distance by a field-gun. They fell back immediately, but it was believed that the range was too great for the projectile155 to have harmed them; and it was not until two days later that the discovery on the spot of a swollen156, blistering157 corpse158, clad in bright jibba, apprised159 the delighted gunners of the effect of their fire. Warned by this lucky shot the Dervishes came no more, or came unseen.
The Sirdar, accompanied by Colonel Bundle, his Chief of Staff, had left Cairo on the 22nd of March, and after a short stay at Assuan reached Wady Halfa on the 29th. Here he remained during the month of April, superintending and pressing the extension of the railroad and the accumulation of supplies. On the 1st of May he arrived at Akasha, with a squadron of cavalry, under Major Burn-Murdoch, as his escort. It happened that a convoy had come in the previous day, so that there were two extra cavalry squadrons at the advanced post. Almost at the same moment that Sir H. Kitchener entered the camp, a party of friendly Arabs came in with the news that they had been surprised some four miles to the eastward160 by a score of Dervish camel-men, and had only succeeded in escaping with the loss of two of their number. In the belief that the enemy in the immediate vicinity were not in force, the Sirdar ordered the three squadrons of Egyptian cavalry, supported by the XIth Soudanese, to go out and reconnoitre towards Firket and endeavour to cut off any hostile patrols that might be found.
At ten o'clock Major Burn-Murdoch started with four British officers and 240 lances. After moving for seven or eight miles among the hills which surround Akasha, the cavalry passed through a long, sandy defile10, flanked on either side by rocky peaks and impracticable ravines. As the head of the column was about to debouch161 from this, the advanced scouts reported that there was a body of Dervishes in the open ground in front of the defile. The cavalry commander rode forward to look at them, and found himself confronted, not, as he had expected, by a score of camel-men, but by a strong force of Dervishes, numbering at least 1,500 foot and 250 horse. The cavalry, by trotting162, had left the supporting infantry some distance behind them. The appearance of the enemy was threatening. The horsemen, who were drawn163 up scarcely 300 yards away, were already advancing to the attack, their right flank protected by a small force of camelry; and behind was the solid array of the spearmen.
Major Burn-Murdoch determined to fall back on his infantry support and escape from the bad ground. He gave the order, and the squadrons wheeled about by troops and began to retire. Forthwith the Dervish horse charged, and, galloping164 furiously into the defile, attacked the cavalry in rear. Both sides were crowded in the narrow space. The wildest confusion followed, and the dust raised by the horses' hoofs165 hung over all like a yellow London fog, amid which the bewildered combatants discharged their pistols and thrust at random166. The Egyptian cavalry, thus highly tried, showed at first no disposition167 to turn to meet the attack. The tumult168 drowned all words of command. A disaster appeared imminent169. But the British officers, who had naturally been at the head of the column during its advance, were now at the rear and nearest the enemy. Collecting a score of troopers, they made such resistance with their swords and revolvers that they actually held the defile and beat back the Dervish horse, who retired on their infantry, leaving a dozen dead upon the ground. Two of the Egyptian squadrons continued to retreat until clear of the defile, a distance of 700 yards; but the third and rearmost was compelled by the British officers to face about, and, galloping with this force down the ravine, Major Burn-Murdoch drove the Arabs pell-mell out of it. The other two squadrons had now returned, and the whole force dismounted, and, taking up a position among the sandhills near the mouth of the defile, opened fire with their carbines. The repulse111 of their cavalry seemed to have disheartened the Dervishes, for they made no attempt to attack the dismounted troopers, and contented170 themselves with maintaining a desultory171 fire, which was so ill-aimed that but little loss was caused. The heat of the weather was terrific, and both men and horses suffered acutely from thirst. The squadron which had escorted the Sirdar had performed a long march before the reconnaissance and was exhausted172. The cavalry, however, held their position among the sandhills and easily defeated a feeble attempt to turn their right. At a quarter past twelve the Dervishes began to retire slowly and deliberately173, and by one o'clock, when the XIth Soudanese arrived, eager and agog174, the last Arab had disappeared. The force then returned to camp, bearing many spears and leading six captured horses as trophies175 of victory. The intensity176 of the heat may be gauged177 by the fact that one of the Soudanese soldiers—that is to say, an African negro—died of sunstroke. Such was the affair of the 1st of May, and it is pleasing to relate that in this fierce fight the loss was not severe. One British officer, Captain Fitton, was slightly wounded. One native soldier was killed; one was mortally and eight severely178 wounded.
During May the preparations for the advance on the Dervish position at Firket continued, and towards the end of the month it became evident that they were nearly complete. The steady accumulation of stores at Akasha had turned that post into a convenient base from which the force might operate for a month without drawing supplies of any kind from the north. The railway, which had progressed at the rate of about half a mile a day, had reached and was working to Ambigole Wells, where a four-gun fort and entrenchment179 had been built. The distance over which convoys180 must plod181 was reduced by half, and the business of supply was doubly accelerated. By degrees the battalions and squadrons began to move forward towards Akasha. Sarras, deprived of its short-lived glory, became again the solitary fort on a crag. Wady Halfa was also deserted, and, except for the British battalion in garrison, could scarcely boast a soldier. Both the Egyptian battalions from Suakin had arrived on the Nile. The Xth Soudanese were on their way. The country beyond Akasha had been thoroughly182 reconnoitred and mapped to within three miles of the Dervish position. Everything was ready.
The actual concentration may be said to have begun on the 1st of June, when the Sirdar started for the front from Halfa, whither he had returned after the cavalry skirmish. Construction work on the railway came to a full stop. The railway battalions, dropping their picks and shovels183, shouldered their Remington rifles and became the garrisons184 of the posts on the line of communications. On the 2nd of June the correspondents were permitted to proceed to Akasha. On the 3rd the Xth Soudanese passed through Ambigole and marched south. The Horse battery from Halfa followed. The Egyptian battalions and squadrons which had been camped along the river at convenient spots from Ambigole to Akasha marched to a point opposite Okma. Between this place and the advanced post an extensive camp, stretching three miles along the Nile bank, arose with magic swiftness. On the 4th the 7th Egyptians moved from Railhead, and with these the last battalion reached the front. Nine thousand men, with ample supplies, were collected within striking distance of the enemy.
All this time the Dervishes at Firket watched in senseless apathy the deliberate, machine-like preparations for their destruction. They should have had good information, for although the Egyptian cavalry patrolled ceaselessly, and the outpost line was impassable to scouts, their spies, as camel-drivers, water-carriers, and the like, were in the camp. They may not, perhaps, have known the exact moment of the intended blow, for the utmost secrecy185 was observed. But though they must have realised that it was imminent, they did nothing. There was, indeed, no course open to them but retreat. Once the army was concentrated with sufficient supplies at Akasha, their position was utterly untenable. The Emir-in-Chief, Hammuda, then had scarcely 3,000 men around his flag. Their rifles and ammunition186 were bad; their supplies scanty187. Nor could the valour of fifty-seven notable Emirs sustain the odds188 against them. There was still time to fall back on Kosheh, or even on Suarda—anywhere outside the sweep of their terrible enemy's sword. They would not budge189. Obstinate190 and fatuous191 to the last, they dallied192 and paltered on the fatal ground, until sudden, blinding, inevitable193 catastrophe194 fell upon them from all sides at once, and swept them out of existence as a military force.
点击收听单词发音
1 mar | |
vt.破坏,毁坏,弄糟 | |
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2 convened | |
召开( convene的过去式 ); 召集; (为正式会议而)聚集; 集合 | |
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3 assent | |
v.批准,认可;n.批准,认可 | |
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4 garrison | |
n.卫戍部队;驻地,卫戍区;vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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5 battalion | |
n.营;部队;大队(的人) | |
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6 battalions | |
n.(陆军的)一营(大约有一千兵士)( battalion的名词复数 );协同作战的部队;军队;(组织在一起工作的)队伍 | |
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7 immediate | |
adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
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8 desolated | |
adj.荒凉的,荒废的 | |
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9 desolate | |
adj.荒凉的,荒芜的;孤独的,凄凉的;v.使荒芜,使孤寂 | |
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10 defile | |
v.弄污,弄脏;n.(山间)小道 | |
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11 defiles | |
v.玷污( defile的第三人称单数 );污染;弄脏;纵列行进 | |
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12 boulders | |
n.卵石( boulder的名词复数 );巨砾;(受水或天气侵蚀而成的)巨石;漂砾 | |
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13 belly | |
n.肚子,腹部;(像肚子一样)鼓起的部分,膛 | |
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14 derived | |
vi.起源;由来;衍生;导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 );(从…中)得到获得;源于;(从…中)提取 | |
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15 cavalry | |
n.骑兵;轻装甲部队 | |
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16 corps | |
n.(通信等兵种的)部队;(同类作的)一组 | |
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17 crumbling | |
adj.摇摇欲坠的 | |
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18 sleepers | |
n.卧铺(通常以复数形式出现);卧车( sleeper的名词复数 );轨枕;睡觉(呈某种状态)的人;小耳环 | |
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19 scattered | |
adj.分散的,稀疏的;散步的;疏疏落落的 | |
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20 deserted | |
adj.荒芜的,荒废的,无人的,被遗弃的 | |
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21 fixed | |
adj.固定的,不变的,准备好的;(计算机)固定的 | |
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22 dangled | |
悬吊着( dangle的过去式和过去分词 ); 摆动不定; 用某事物诱惑…; 吊胃口 | |
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23 improvised | |
a.即席而作的,即兴的 | |
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24 apparently | |
adv.显然地;表面上,似乎 | |
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25 gallows | |
n.绞刑架,绞台 | |
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26 skull | |
n.头骨;颅骨 | |
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27 cataract | |
n.大瀑布,奔流,洪水,白内障 | |
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28 defensive | |
adj.防御的;防卫的;防守的 | |
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29 convoy | |
vt.护送,护卫,护航;n.护送;护送队 | |
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30 entrenched | |
adj.确立的,不容易改的(风俗习惯) | |
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31 fortified | |
adj. 加强的 | |
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32 rations | |
定量( ration的名词复数 ); 配给量; 正常量; 合理的量 | |
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33 proceeding | |
n.行动,进行,(pl.)会议录,学报 | |
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34 tardily | |
adv.缓慢 | |
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35 despatch | |
n./v.(dispatch)派遣;发送;n.急件;新闻报道 | |
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36 regiment | |
n.团,多数,管理;v.组织,编成团,统制 | |
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37 maxim | |
n.格言,箴言 | |
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38 rangers | |
护林者( ranger的名词复数 ); 突击队员 | |
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39 smoothly | |
adv.平滑地,顺利地,流利地,流畅地 | |
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40 barges | |
驳船( barge的名词复数 ) | |
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41 tugs | |
n.猛拉( tug的名词复数 );猛拖;拖船v.用力拉,使劲拉,猛扯( tug的第三人称单数 ) | |
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42 ply | |
v.(搬运工等)等候顾客,弯曲 | |
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43 efficiently | |
adv.高效率地,有能力地 | |
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44 phenomena | |
n.现象 | |
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45 determined | |
adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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46 littoral | |
adj.海岸的;湖岸的;n.沿(海)岸地区 | |
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47 thither | |
adv.向那里;adj.在那边的,对岸的 | |
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48 cynical | |
adj.(对人性或动机)怀疑的,不信世道向善的 | |
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49 imposing | |
adj.使人难忘的,壮丽的,堂皇的,雄伟的 | |
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50 melancholy | |
n.忧郁,愁思;adj.令人感伤(沮丧)的,忧郁的 | |
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51 quaintly | |
adv.古怪离奇地 | |
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52 facades | |
n.(房屋的)正面( facade的名词复数 );假象,外观 | |
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53 exhales | |
v.呼出,发散出( exhale的第三人称单数 );吐出(肺中的空气、烟等),呼气 | |
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54 stagnation | |
n. 停滞 | |
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55 intensify | |
vt.加强;变强;加剧 | |
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56 debris | |
n.瓦砾堆,废墟,碎片 | |
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57 rusting | |
n.生锈v.(使)生锈( rust的现在分词 ) | |
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58 Christian | |
adj.基督教徒的;n.基督教徒 | |
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59 cemetery | |
n.坟墓,墓地,坟场 | |
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60 decided | |
adj.决定了的,坚决的;明显的,明确的 | |
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61 valiant | |
adj.勇敢的,英勇的;n.勇士,勇敢的人 | |
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62 savages | |
未开化的人,野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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63 savage | |
adj.野蛮的;凶恶的,残暴的;n.未开化的人 | |
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64 illicit | |
adj.非法的,禁止的,不正当的 | |
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65 apathy | |
n.漠不关心,无动于衷;冷淡 | |
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66 utterly | |
adv.完全地,绝对地 | |
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67 gateway | |
n.大门口,出入口,途径,方法 | |
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68 intervals | |
n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 );间隔时间;[数学]区间;(戏剧、电影或音乐会的)幕间休息 | |
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69 northward | |
adv.向北;n.北方的地区 | |
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70 lookout | |
n.注意,前途,瞭望台 | |
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71 artillery | |
n.(军)火炮,大炮;炮兵(部队) | |
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72 delta | |
n.(流的)角洲 | |
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73 infantry | |
n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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74 allusion | |
n.暗示,间接提示 | |
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75 dealer | |
n.商人,贩子 | |
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76 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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77 horrid | |
adj.可怕的;令人惊恐的;恐怖的;极讨厌的 | |
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78 rumour | |
n.谣言,谣传,传闻 | |
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79 apprehensively | |
adv.担心地 | |
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80 professed | |
公开声称的,伪称的,已立誓信教的 | |
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81 loyalty | |
n.忠诚,忠心 | |
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82 radius | |
n.半径,半径范围;有效航程,范围,界限 | |
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83 hostilities | |
n.战争;敌意(hostility的复数);敌对状态;战事 | |
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84 situated | |
adj.坐落在...的,处于某种境地的 | |
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85 intriguing | |
adj.有趣的;迷人的v.搞阴谋诡计(intrigue的现在分词);激起…的好奇心 | |
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86 hesitation | |
n.犹豫,踌躇 | |
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87 justify | |
vt.证明…正当(或有理),为…辩护 | |
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88 procurable | |
adj.可得到的,得手的 | |
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89 reprisals | |
n.报复(行为)( reprisal的名词复数 ) | |
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90 demonstration | |
n.表明,示范,论证,示威 | |
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91 junction | |
n.连接,接合;交叉点,接合处,枢纽站 | |
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92 descend | |
vt./vi.传下来,下来,下降 | |
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93 victorious | |
adj.胜利的,得胜的 | |
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94 mules | |
骡( mule的名词复数 ); 拖鞋; 顽固的人; 越境运毒者 | |
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95 forage | |
n.(牛马的)饲料,粮草;v.搜寻,翻寻 | |
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96 scout | |
n.童子军,侦察员;v.侦察,搜索 | |
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97 scouts | |
侦察员[机,舰]( scout的名词复数 ); 童子军; 搜索; 童子军成员 | |
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98 rendezvous | |
n.约会,约会地点,汇合点;vi.汇合,集合;vt.使汇合,使在汇合地点相遇 | |
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99 trot | |
n.疾走,慢跑;n.老太婆;现成译本;(复数)trots:腹泻(与the 连用);v.小跑,快步走,赶紧 | |
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100 gallop | |
v./n.(马或骑马等)飞奔;飞速发展 | |
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101 treacherous | |
adj.不可靠的,有暗藏的危险的;adj.背叛的,背信弃义的 | |
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102 perilous | |
adj.危险的,冒险的 | |
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103 cordon | |
n.警戒线,哨兵线 | |
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104 suspense | |
n.(对可能发生的事)紧张感,担心,挂虑 | |
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105 aggravated | |
使恶化( aggravate的过去式和过去分词 ); 使更严重; 激怒; 使恼火 | |
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106 retired | |
adj.隐退的,退休的,退役的 | |
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107 solitary | |
adj.孤独的,独立的,荒凉的;n.隐士 | |
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108 possessed | |
adj.疯狂的;拥有的,占有的 | |
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109 repulsing | |
v.击退( repulse的现在分词 );驳斥;拒绝 | |
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110 repulsed | |
v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 );驳斥;拒绝 | |
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111 repulse | |
n.击退,拒绝;vt.逐退,击退,拒绝 | |
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112 inflict | |
vt.(on)把…强加给,使遭受,使承担 | |
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113 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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114 denuded | |
adj.[医]变光的,裸露的v.使赤裸( denude的过去式和过去分词 );剥光覆盖物 | |
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115 sinister | |
adj.不吉利的,凶恶的,左边的 | |
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116 rumours | |
n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 );风闻;谣言;谣传 | |
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117 plunder | |
vt.劫掠财物,掠夺;n.劫掠物,赃物;劫掠 | |
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118 massacre | |
n.残杀,大屠杀;v.残杀,集体屠杀 | |
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119 Christians | |
n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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120 warship | |
n.军舰,战舰 | |
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121 reigned | |
vi.当政,统治(reign的过去式形式) | |
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122 celebrated | |
adj.有名的,声誉卓著的 | |
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123 collapsed | |
adj.倒塌的 | |
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124 strictly | |
adv.严厉地,严格地;严密地 | |
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125 contingent | |
adj.视条件而定的;n.一组,代表团,分遣队 | |
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126 assail | |
v.猛烈攻击,抨击,痛斥 | |
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127 muster | |
v.集合,收集,鼓起,激起;n.集合,检阅,集合人员,点名册 | |
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128 entrusted | |
v.委托,托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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129 dreary | |
adj.令人沮丧的,沉闷的,单调乏味的 | |
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130 piers | |
n.水上平台( pier的名词复数 );(常设有娱乐场所的)突堤;柱子;墙墩 | |
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131 gallant | |
adj.英勇的,豪侠的;(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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132 sullen | |
adj.愠怒的,闷闷不乐的,(天气等)阴沉的 | |
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133 embittered | |
v.使怨恨,激怒( embitter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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134 inflamed | |
adj.发炎的,红肿的v.(使)变红,发怒,过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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135 resentment | |
n.怨愤,忿恨 | |
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136 steadily | |
adv.稳定地;不变地;持续地 | |
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137 tormented | |
饱受折磨的 | |
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138 scantiness | |
n.缺乏 | |
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139 scurvy | |
adj.下流的,卑鄙的,无礼的;n.坏血病 | |
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140 followers | |
追随者( follower的名词复数 ); 用户; 契据的附面; 从动件 | |
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141 affected | |
adj.不自然的,假装的 | |
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142 invalided | |
使伤残(invalid的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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143 malarial | |
患疟疾的,毒气的 | |
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144 dismal | |
adj.阴沉的,凄凉的,令人忧郁的,差劲的 | |
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145 narrative | |
n.叙述,故事;adj.叙事的,故事体的 | |
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146 attain | |
vt.达到,获得,完成 | |
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147 minaret | |
n.(回教寺院的)尖塔 | |
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148 mosque | |
n.清真寺 | |
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149 futility | |
n.无用 | |
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150 bustle | |
v.喧扰地忙乱,匆忙,奔忙;n.忙碌;喧闹 | |
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151 swelled | |
增强( swell的过去式和过去分词 ); 肿胀; (使)凸出; 充满(激情) | |
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152 entanglement | |
n.纠缠,牵累 | |
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153 reconstruction | |
n.重建,再现,复原 | |
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154 haphazard | |
adj.无计划的,随意的,杂乱无章的 | |
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155 projectile | |
n.投射物,发射体;adj.向前开进的;推进的;抛掷的 | |
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156 swollen | |
adj.肿大的,水涨的;v.使变大,肿胀 | |
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157 blistering | |
adj.酷热的;猛烈的;使起疱的;可恶的v.起水疱;起气泡;使受暴晒n.[涂料] 起泡 | |
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158 corpse | |
n.尸体,死尸 | |
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159 apprised | |
v.告知,通知( apprise的过去式和过去分词 );评价 | |
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160 eastward | |
adv.向东;adj.向东的;n.东方,东部 | |
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161 debouch | |
v.流出,进入 | |
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162 trotting | |
小跑,急走( trot的现在分词 ); 匆匆忙忙地走 | |
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163 drawn | |
v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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164 galloping | |
adj. 飞驰的, 急性的 动词gallop的现在分词形式 | |
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165 hoofs | |
n.(兽的)蹄,马蹄( hoof的名词复数 )v.(兽的)蹄,马蹄( hoof的第三人称单数 ) | |
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166 random | |
adj.随机的;任意的;n.偶然的(或随便的)行动 | |
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167 disposition | |
n.性情,性格;意向,倾向;排列,部署 | |
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168 tumult | |
n.喧哗;激动,混乱;吵闹 | |
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169 imminent | |
adj.即将发生的,临近的,逼近的 | |
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170 contented | |
adj.满意的,安心的,知足的 | |
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171 desultory | |
adj.散漫的,无方法的 | |
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172 exhausted | |
adj.极其疲惫的,精疲力尽的 | |
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173 deliberately | |
adv.审慎地;蓄意地;故意地 | |
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174 agog | |
adj.兴奋的,有强烈兴趣的; adv.渴望地 | |
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175 trophies | |
n.(为竞赛获胜者颁发的)奖品( trophy的名词复数 );奖杯;(尤指狩猎或战争中获得的)纪念品;(用于比赛或赛跑名称)奖 | |
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176 intensity | |
n.强烈,剧烈;强度;烈度 | |
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177 gauged | |
adj.校准的;标准的;量规的;量计的v.(用仪器)测量( gauge的过去式和过去分词 );估计;计量;划分 | |
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178 severely | |
adv.严格地;严厉地;非常恶劣地 | |
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179 entrenchment | |
n.壕沟,防御设施 | |
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180 convoys | |
n.(有护航的)船队( convoy的名词复数 );车队;护航(队);护送队 | |
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181 plod | |
v.沉重缓慢地走,孜孜地工作 | |
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182 thoroughly | |
adv.完全地,彻底地,十足地 | |
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183 shovels | |
n.铲子( shovel的名词复数 );锹;推土机、挖土机等的)铲;铲形部份v.铲子( shovel的第三人称单数 );锹;推土机、挖土机等的)铲;铲形部份 | |
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184 garrisons | |
守备部队,卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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185 secrecy | |
n.秘密,保密,隐蔽 | |
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186 ammunition | |
n.军火,弹药 | |
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187 scanty | |
adj.缺乏的,仅有的,节省的,狭小的,不够的 | |
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188 odds | |
n.让步,机率,可能性,比率;胜败优劣之别 | |
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189 budge | |
v.移动一点儿;改变立场 | |
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190 obstinate | |
adj.顽固的,倔强的,不易屈服的,较难治愈的 | |
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191 fatuous | |
adj.愚昧的;昏庸的 | |
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192 dallied | |
v.随随便便地对待( dally的过去式和过去分词 );不很认真地考虑;浪费时间;调情 | |
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193 inevitable | |
adj.不可避免的,必然发生的 | |
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194 catastrophe | |
n.大灾难,大祸 | |
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