The ninth chapter also introduces a new phase of the operations of the force. The Mohmands now become the enemy and the scene is changed from Swat to Bajaur. Before marching into their country, it will be desirable to consider briefly15 those causes and events which induced the Government of India to despatch16 an expedition against this powerful and warlike tribe.
The tidal wave of fanaticism17, which had swept the frontier, had influenced the Mohmands, as all other border peoples. Their situation was, however, in several important respects, different from that of the natives of the Swat Valley. These Mohmands had neither been irritated nor interfered18 with in any way. No military road ran through their territory. No fortified19 posts stirred their animosity or threatened their independence. Had they respected in others the isolation20 which they themselves have so long enjoyed, they might have remained for an indefinite period in that state of degraded barbarism which seems to appeal so strongly to certain people in England. They became, however, the aggressors.
In the heart of the wild and dismal21 mountain region, in which these fierce tribesmen dwell, are the temple and village of Jarobi: the one a consecrated22 hovel, the other a fortified slum. This obscure and undisturbed retreat was the residence of a priest of great age and of peculiar23 holiness, known to fame as the Hadda Mullah. His name is Najb-ud-din, but as respect has prevented it being mentioned by the tribesmen for nearly fifty years, it is only preserved in infidel memories and records. The Government of India have, however, had this man's personality brought vividly24 before them on several occasions. About thirteen years ago he quarrelled with the Amir and raised the Mohmands against him. The Amir replied by summoning his rebellious25 subject—for Hadda, the Mullah's home and birthplace, is a village of Afghanistan—to answer for his conduct at Cabul. But the crafty26 priest, who was well acquainted with Afghan legal procedure, declined the invitation, and retired27 to the independent Mohmand territory, where he has lived ever since.
Content with thus inflicting29 the punishment of exile, the Amir was disposed to forget the offence. In a letter to his Commander-in-Chief, the "Sipah Salar," a great friend of the Mullah, he described him as a "light of Islam." So powerful a light, indeed, he did not desire to have in his own dominions30; but across the border it was fitting that respect should be shown to so holy a man. He therefore directed his officials to cherish and honour him. Thus he retained a powerful weapon—to be used when desirable. Whether by instigation or from personal motives32, the Hadda Mullah has long been a bitter foe33 to the British power. In 1895 he sent the fighting men of the Mohmands to resist the Chitral Relief Force. Since then he has been actively34 engaged, by preaching and by correspondence with other Mullahs, in raising a great combination against the advancing civilisation35.
In 1896 he terminated a long religious controversy36 with the Manki Mullah of Nowshera and Spinkhara—a comparatively tame Mullah, who now supports the Indian Government—by publishing a book setting forth37 his views, and demolishing38 those of his antagonist39. This work was printed in Delhi and had an extensive sale among Mahommedans all over India. Complimentary40 copies were sent to the "Sipah Salar" and other Afghan notabilities, and the fame of the Hadda Mullah was known throughout the land. Besides increasing his influence, his literary success stimulated41 his efforts.
While the Mad Fakir was rousing Swat and Buner, this powerful priest incited43 the Mohmands. Though he was known to be a physical coward, his sanctity and the fact that he was their own particular holy man, not less than his eloquence44, powerfully moved this savage45 tribe. A Jehad was proclaimed. How long should Islam be insulted? How long should its followers46 lurk47 in the barren lands of the North? He urged them to rise and join in the destruction of the white invaders48. Those who fell should become saints; those who lived would be rich, for these Kafirs had money and many other things besides, for which a true believer might find a use.
The combined allurements49 of plunder50 and paradise proved irresistible51. On the 8th of August a great gathering52, nearly 6000 strong, crossed the frontier line, invaded British territory, burned the village of Shankargarh, and attacked the fort of Shabkadr. This place is an advanced post in the defensive53 system of the frontier, and is situated54 some nineteen miles to the north-west of Peshawar. Its ordinary garrison55 consists of about fifty Border Police. It is strongly built, and is intended to attract the attention and delay the advance of a raiding-party, until the Peshawar garrison has had time to take the field. Both of these objects it admirably fulfilled in this case.
As soon as the news of the incursion of the Mohmands was received in Peshawar, a flying column was mobilised and proceeded under the command of Lieut.-Colonel J.B. Woon, 20th Punjaub Infantry56, in the direction of the fort. At dawn on the 9th of August they found the tribesmen in force in a strong position near Shabdakr. The force at Colonel Woon's disposal was small. It consisted of:—
4 Guns 51st Field Battery.
2 squadrons 13th Bengal Lancers..... 151 lances.
2 Companies Somersetshire Light Infantry.. 186 rifles.
20th Punjaub Infantry ...... 400 "
As the action which followed is but remotely connected with the fortunes of the Malakand Field Force, I do not intend to describe it in detail. The infantry in advancing could only attack on a front of 600 yards. The enemy's line, being much longer, quickly turned both flanks. The fire became severe. Numerous casualties occurred. A retirement58 was ordered. As is usual in Asiatic warfare59, it was considerably60 pressed. The situation at about nine o'clock appeared critical. At this point Brigadier-General Ellis, commanding the Peshawar District, arrived on the field. He immediately ordered the two squadrons of the 13th Bengal Lancers to move well to the right flank, to charge across the front and check the enemy's advance. The "cease fire" sounded as on a field day. Then there was a pause. The movements of the cavalry were concealed62 from most of the troops, but suddenly all noticed the slackening of the enemy's fire. Then the tribesmen were seen to be in retreat and disorder63. The power of cavalry had been strikingly displayed. The two squadrons, ably led, had executed a fine charge over what theorists would call impossible ground for a distance of one and a half miles along the bed of a great nullah, and among rocks and stones that reduced the pace to a trot64. The enemy were driven from the field. Sixty were actually speared by the Lancers, and the rest retreated in gloom and disorder to their hills across the frontier.
The casualties were as follows:—
British Officers.
Wounded severely—Major A. Lumb, Somersetshire Light Infantry.
" " Captain S.W. Blacker, R.A.
" " 2nd Lieut. E Drummond, Somersetshire Light Infantry.
Wounded slightly—Lieut. A.V. Cheyne, 13th Bengal Lancers.
British N.C.O.'s and Soldiers.
Killed. Wounded.
51st Field Battery, R.A..... 0 2
Somersetshire Light Infantry... 3 9
Native Ranks.
13th Bengal Lancers ..... 1 12
20th Punjaub Infantry..... 5 35
Followers ....... 0 1
Total Casualties, all ranks—72.
That such an outrage65, as the deliberate violation66 of British territory by these savages67, should remain unpunished, "Forward Policy" or no "Forward Policy," was of course impossible. Yet the vacillation68 and hesitancy which the Government of India had displayed in the matter of the Bunerwals, and the shocking and disgraceful desertion of the forts in the Khyber Pass, were so fresh in all men's minds, that the order to advance against the Mohmands was received with feelings of the greatest relief throughout the forces. The general plan of the operations as arranged by the Commander-in-Chief was as follows:—
1. Sir Bindon Blood with two brigades of the Malakand Field Force and due proportions of cavalry and guns was to move through South Bajaur to Nawagai, and on the 15th of September invade the Mohmand country from that place.
2. On the same date Major-General Elles with an equal force would leave Shabkadr, and entering the mountains march northeast to effect a junction69.
3. This having been done, the combined forces under the supreme70 command of Sir Bindon Blood would be brought back through the Mohmands' territories to Shabkadr. Incidentally they would deal with the Hadda Mullah's village of Jarobi, and inflict28 such punishment on the tribesmen as might be necessary to ensure their submission71. The troops would then be available for the Tirah Expedition, which it had by this time been decided to organise72.
The fact that after leaving Nawagai, nothing was known of the configuration73 of the country, of which no maps existed; nor of the supplies of food, forage74 and water available by the way, made the preparations for, and the execution of, these operations somewhat difficult. Wide margins75 had to be allowed in the matter of rations14, and in order to be prepared for all contingencies76 and obstructions77 of ground, Sir Bindon Blood equipped his 2nd Brigade entirely78 with mule79 transport. The 3rd Brigade with camels would follow if the road was passable.
The following was the composition of the forces employed:—
I. MALAKAND FIELD FORCE.
Commanding—Major-General Sir Bindon Blood.
2nd Brigade.
Brigadier-General Jeffries, C.B.
The Buffs.
35th Sikhs.
38th Dogras.
Guides Infantry.
No.4 Company (Bengal) Sappers and Miners.
No.7 Mountain Battery.
3rd Brigade.
Brigadier-General Wodehouse.
The Queen's Regiment.[This regiment had replaced the Gordon
Highlanders in the 3rd Brigade.]
22nd Punjaub Infantry.
39th Punjaub Infantry.
No.3 Company (Bombay) Sappers and Miners.
No.1 Mountain Battery, R.A.
Cavalry—11th Bengal Lancers.
Line of Communications. 1st Brigade.
Brigadier-General Meiklejohn.
Royal West Kent.
31st Punjaub Infantry.
24th Punjaub Infantry.
45th Sikhs.
No.7 British Mountain Battery.
And the following additional troops:—
1 Squadron 10th Bengal Lancers.
2 Squadrons Guides Cavalry.
II.THE MOHMAND FIELD FORCE.
1st Brigade.
20th Punjaub Infantry.
2nd Battalion 1st Gurkhas.
Sections A and B No.5 British Field Hospital.
Three Sections No.31 Native " "
Section A No.45 " " "
2nd Brigade.
2nd Battalion Oxfordshire Light Infantry.
9th Gurkha Rifles.
37th Dogras.
Sections C and D No.5 British Field Hospital.
No.44 Native Field Hospital.
Divisional Troops.
13th Bengal Lancers.
No.5 (Bombay) Mountain Battery.
No.5 Company (Bengal) Sappers and Miners.
28th Bombay Pioneers.
1st Patiala Infantry.
Sections C and D No.63 Native Field Hospital.
To record the actual movements of troops in a campaign, is among the most important duties of one who undertakes to tell its tale. For the sake of clearness, of brevity, and that the reader who is not interested may find convenience in skipping, I shall at once describe the whole of the marches and manoeuvres, by which Sir Bindon Blood moved his brigades across the Panjkora River, and after the Malakand Field Force is safely camped at Ghosam, the reader will be invited to return to examine the scenery, and remark the incidents of the way.
During the end of August, the 2nd Brigade, equipped with mule transport, was at Khar in the Swat Valley. The 3rd Brigade was at Uch. On the 2nd of September, definite orders to advance were received from Simla. In pursuance of these instructions, Sir Bindon Blood ordered Brigadier-General Wodehouse with the 3rd Brigade, which in anticipation84 had been moved from Uch a few days previously85, to take over the bridge across the Panjkora from the Khan of Dir's Levies87, and secure the passage. On the 6th, the 3rd Brigade marched from Sarai to Panjkora, and obtained possession of the bridge just in time to prevent it falling into the hands of the enemy, who had already gathered to seize it. The 12-pounder guns of the 10th Field Battery were placed in a strong position commanding the passage, and the brigade camped on the left bank. On the same day, Brigadier-General Jeffries with headquarters marched from Khar to Chakdara. On the 7th he proceeded to Sarai, and on the 8th effected the passage of the Panjkora, and camped on the further bank at Kotkai. On the 10th, both brigades marched to Ghosam, where they concentrated. On the line of communications to the Malakand, stages were established at Chakdara and Sarai, with accommodation for sick and wounded. An advanced depot88 was formed behind the Panjkora, to guard which and to hold the passage, an additional force was moved from the Swat Valley.
This concentration at Ghosam, of which the details had worked out so mechanically, had been necessitated89 by the attitude of the tribesmen of Bajaur and the adjoining valleys. Great gatherings90 had collected, and up to the 7th of September there had been every sign of determined91 opposition92. So formidable did the combination appear, that Sir Bindon Blood arranged to have at his disposal a force of six squadrons, nine battalions93 and three batteries, in the expectation of an action at or near Ghosam, which would perhaps have been on a larger scale than any British engagement since Tel-el-Kebir. [As so many misconceptions exist as to the British casualties in this victory, it is necessary to state that in the twenty minutes' fighting 11 officers and 43 men were killed and 22 officers and 320 men were wounded.]
These anticipations94 were however doomed95 to disappointment. The methodical, remorseless advance of powerful forces filled the tribesmen with alarm. They made a half-hearted attempt to capture the Panjkora bridge, and finding themselves forestalled96, fell again to discussing terms. In this scene of indecision the political officers employed all their arts. And then suddenly the whole huge combination, which had been raised in our path, collapsed97 as an iceberg98, when southern waters have melted its base.
Whatever the philanthropist may say, it would appear to have been better policy to have encouraged the tribesmen to oppose the advance in the open, on some well-defined position. Had they done so, there can be no doubt that the two fine brigades, backed by a powerful artillery, and under a victorious99 commander, who knew and had fought over every inch of the ground, would have defeated them with severe loss. Bajaur would have been settled at a single blow and probably at a far less cost in lives than was afterwards incurred100. Instead of this, it was the aim of our diplomacy101 to dissipate the opposition. The inflammation, which should have been brought to a head and then operated on, was now dispersed102 throughout the whole system, with what results future chapters will show.
Having thus brought the brigades peacefully to Gosham, I ask the reader to return to the Malakand and ride thence with the Headquarters Staff along the line of march. On the 5th of September, Sir Bindon Blood and his staff, which I had the pleasure to accompany, started from the Kotal Camp and proceeded across the plain of Khar to Chakdara. Here we halted for the night, and as the scenery and situation of this picturesque103 fort have already been described, the march may be continued without delay next morning. From Chakdara to Sarai is a stage of twelve miles. The road runs steadily104 up the valley until the summit of the Catgalla Pass is reached. "Catgalla" means "Cut-throat," and, indeed, it is not hard to believe that this gloomy defile105 has been the scene of dark and horrid106 deeds. Thence a descent of two miles leads to Sarai. On the way, we fell in with the 2nd Brigade, and had to leave the road to avoid the long lines of mules107 and marching men who toiled108 along it.
The valley at Sarai is about two miles wide, and the mountains rise steeply from it. On every ridge86 it is possible to distinguish the red brick ruins which were the dwellings110 of the ancient Buddhists111. These relics112 of an early civilisation, long since overthrown113 and forgotten, cannot fail to excite interest and awaken114 reflection. They carry the mind back to the times "when the smoke of sacrifice rose from the Pantheon, and when camelopards and tigers bounded in the Flavian amphitheatre." And they also lead us to speculations115 of the future, till we wonder whether the traveller shall some day inspect, with unconcerned composure, the few scraps116 of stone and iron which may indicate the British occupation of India. Few, indeed, the remains117 would be—for we build for immediate61 use, not future ostentation118 in these days, and if we should ever cease to be a force in the world, all traces of us would soon be obliterated119 by time. Yet, perhaps, if that unborn critic of remote posterity120 would remember that "in the days of the old British," the rice crop had been more abundant, the number of acres under cultivation121 greater, the population larger and the death rate lower, than at any period in the history of India—we should not be without a monument more glorious than the pyramids.
We camped with the 2nd Brigade on the night of the 6th, and next morning, while the stars were still shining, resumed the march. Five miles from Sarai the road dwindles122 to a mule track, and henceforward is not fit for wheeled traffic. In spite of this, the 10th Field Battery had succeeded in getting their guns along it, and had brought them safely to Panjkora. But soldiers will accomplish a good deal to get nearer the enemy. The scenery before the gorge123 of the river is reached is gloomy, but grand. Great cliffs tower up precipitously on the further bank and the path is cut in the face of the rock. The river, which flows swiftly by, plunges124 into a narrow cleft125 about a mile below the bridge, and disappears among the mountains. It abounds126 in fish, but is rapid and dangerous, and while the troops were encamped near it, two gunners lost their lives by falling in, and being carried down. Indeed, watching the dead bodies of several camels being swept along, swirled127 around, and buffeted128 against the rocks, it was not hard to understand these accidents.
At length, the bridge is reached. It is a frail129 structure, supported on wire ropes. At each end are gates, flanked by little mud towers. The battery was established on a knoll130 to the right, and the long muzzles131 of the guns peered through stone embrasures at the opposite hills. It was round the bases of these hills that much hard fighting took place in the Chitral campaign. About half a mile beyond the bridge, I was shown the place where the Guides had been so hard pressed, and for a whole night had had to stand at bay, their colonel killed, the bridge broken, and the river in flood, against the tribesmen in overwhelming numbers.
The field telegraph stopped at the bridge-head, and a small tent with a half-dozen military operators marked the breaking of the slender thread that connected us, across thousands of miles of sea and land, with London. Henceforward a line of signal stations with their flickering132 helios would be the only links. We were at the end of the wire. I have often stood at the other and watched the tape machine click off the news as it arrives; the movements of the troops; the prospects133 of action; the fighting; the casualties. How different are the scenes. The club on an autumn evening—its members grouped anxiously around, discussing, wondering, asserting; the noise of the traffic outside; the cigarette smoke and electric lights within. And, only an hour away along the wire, the field, with the bright sunlight shining on the swirling134 muddy waters; the black forbidding rocks; the white tents of the brigade a mile up the valley; the long streak135 of vivid green rice crop by the river; and in the foreground the brown-clad armed men. I can never doubt which is the right end to be at. It is better to be making the news than taking it; to be an actor rather than a critic.
To cross the bridge, it was necessary to dismount and lead the horses over in single file. Even then the swinging of the whole structure made it difficult to walk. The passage of the transport under such conditions occupied all the day, and the unfortunate officers in charge of the mule trains were working incessantly136. The staff passed quickly, however, and riding on about a mile forded the tributary137 stream of the Jandol, and reached the camp at Kotkai about noon. Thence we proceeded on the following day to Ghosam, but as the road is uninteresting, and I am beginning to think the reader will readily excuse further description, we need not toil109 along it in the dust and the heat. The narration138 of the daily movements of troops, unmarked by variety of incident, is dull and wearying. Yet he who would obtain a true idea of the soldier's life on service, must mentally share the fatigues139 of the march and the monotony of the camp. The fine deeds, the thrilling moments of war, are but the high lights in a picture, of which the background is routine, hard work, and discomfort140.
At Ghosam the 2nd Brigade remained until joined by the 3rd and pending141 negotiations142 between the political officers and the tribal143 Jirgahs.
The use of purely144 local terms in all writing is to be deprecated. Perhaps the reason that no popular history of India exists, is to be found in the outlandish names of the characters, and the other expressions with which the pages are sprinkled. In this account I have zealously146 tried to avoid the ugly jargon147 of a degraded language, and to minimise the use of native names. The term just employed has, however, been so freely used in the newspapers recently, that it is perhaps as well to explain its meaning. A Jirgah is a deputation of tribesmen. It does not necessarily represent the tribe. It may present—and very often does—a minority report. Occasionally it expresses the opinion only of its own members. What has been settled one day is therefore very often overruled the next. The Jirgah may accept terms of peace in the morning, and the camp may be rushed that night. These were, however, genuine, and spoke148 in the name and with the authority of the tribes. All day they kept arriving and squatting149 in rows before Major Deane's tent, to hear the Government terms. The chief condition imposed, was the surrender of rifles. A fixed150 number, based on calculation of wealth and population, was demanded from each clan151. This method of punishment is peculiarly galling152 to people whose life is so full of war. No other course was, however, open but submission, and, promising153 that the terms should be complied with, the deputations departed. To stimulate42 their efforts and zeal145 in collecting their arms, the combined movements were delayed for three days, and the forces remained encamped at Ghosam, near Manda.
I avail myself of this halt to touch, albeit154 with no little trepidation155, the tangled156 and obscure subject of tribal politics in Dir and Bajaur. All the people, incited by their priests, are bitterly hostile to the British Government, except those benefited by the subsidies157 paid. They were now anxious to fight, and were only restrained by a fear which fury or fanaticism might at any moment overcome. Four principal khans exercise an authority which varies locally, from absolute dominion31 to a shadowy suzerainty, over the whole region. The Khan of Dir, the most important, is a Government nominee158. He is supported by the British influence, and is, as I have already noticed, entrusted159 with the raising of Levies to protect and keep in repair the Chitral road. For these services he receives pay, and a certain allowance of arms and ammunition160. His own subjects are strongly opposed to his rule from dislike of his British sympathies, and he only maintains himself by the assistance which the Government gives him in arms and money. In other words he is a puppet.
The Khan of Nawagai is constrained161 by fear to display a friendly attitude towards the Sirkar. His subjects resent this and his position is insecure. He receives some moral support from the British agents, and as his people are uncertain how far the Government would go to uphold him, and also as they partly realise his difficult position, they have hitherto submitted sullenly162 to his rule.
The position and attitude of the Khan of Jar are similar, but he is a less influential163 chief. The fourth potentate164, the Khan of Khar, is perhaps the most honest and trustworthy. He will appear in a later chapter, and the reader will have the opportunity of judging of his character from his conduct. Thus in these valleys, while the people are all hostile, their rulers find it expedient165 to preserve a friendly demeanour to the British, and for this they are hated by their subjects.
At this stage, the leader of the popular party claims attention. As is usual, he is out of office. After the Chitral expedition of 1895, Umra Khan was expelled from his territories, and escaped to Cabul. There he has remained. The Amir is under an obligation to the British Government to prevent his raising trouble in Bajaur. If the Amir desired war he would send Umra Khan back. This would create a strong faction166 throughout the whole country—but particularly in the Jandol, Salarzai and Mamund Valleys—hostile to the British and the friendly khans. The Amir hinted at this in a recent letter to the Government of India; and such a step would probably precede his declaration of war, or follow ours. The Afghan sovereign is, however, well aware that he has at present nothing to gain, and many things to lose, by provoking a war with the great power which gave him his throne and has since increased his revenue by subsidies. In the meanwhile, anxious to preserve his influence with the border tribes, and to impress the Indian Government with the fact that he could be a powerful foe, he keeps Umra Khan as a trump167 card, to be played when the occasion arises. That he may maintain his authority in Bajaur, the exiled khan is well supplied with funds, with which to arm and pay his retainers.
The situation I have thus briefly described has been little altered by the operations with which future chapters are concerned. The friendly khans have been fortified in their allegiance and position by the military demonstration168 and by the severe punishment inflicted169 on those tribes who resisted. On the other hand, the hostility170 of the people has been not unnaturally171 increased by war, and one tribe in particular has gained a reputation for courage, which will give them the power to cause trouble in the future. I shall not, however, anticipate the tale.
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1 impersonal | |
adj.无个人感情的,与个人无关的,非人称的 | |
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2 depreciate | |
v.降价,贬值,折旧 | |
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3 cavalry | |
n.骑兵;轻装甲部队 | |
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4 regiment | |
n.团,多数,管理;v.组织,编成团,统制 | |
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5 prone | |
adj.(to)易于…的,很可能…的;俯卧的 | |
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6 narrative | |
n.叙述,故事;adj.叙事的,故事体的 | |
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7 attained | |
(通常经过努力)实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 ); 达到; 获得; 达到(某年龄、水平、状况) | |
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8 adoption | |
n.采用,采纳,通过;收养 | |
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9 insignificant | |
adj.无关紧要的,可忽略的,无意义的 | |
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10 graphic | |
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11 imposing | |
adj.使人难忘的,壮丽的,堂皇的,雄伟的 | |
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adj.司法的,法庭的,审判的,明断的,公正的 | |
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13 descending | |
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14 rations | |
定量( ration的名词复数 ); 配给量; 正常量; 合理的量 | |
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15 briefly | |
adv.简单地,简短地 | |
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16 despatch | |
n./v.(dispatch)派遣;发送;n.急件;新闻报道 | |
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17 fanaticism | |
n.狂热,盲信 | |
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18 interfered | |
v.干预( interfere的过去式和过去分词 );调停;妨碍;干涉 | |
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19 fortified | |
adj. 加强的 | |
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20 isolation | |
n.隔离,孤立,分解,分离 | |
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21 dismal | |
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22 consecrated | |
adj.神圣的,被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣,给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 );奉献 | |
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23 peculiar | |
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adv.清楚地,鲜明地,生动地 | |
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25 rebellious | |
adj.造反的,反抗的,难控制的 | |
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26 crafty | |
adj.狡猾的,诡诈的 | |
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27 retired | |
adj.隐退的,退休的,退役的 | |
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28 inflict | |
vt.(on)把…强加给,使遭受,使承担 | |
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29 inflicting | |
把…强加给,使承受,遭受( inflict的现在分词 ) | |
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30 dominions | |
统治权( dominion的名词复数 ); 领土; 疆土; 版图 | |
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31 dominion | |
n.统治,管辖,支配权;领土,版图 | |
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32 motives | |
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33 foe | |
n.敌人,仇敌 | |
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34 actively | |
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35 civilisation | |
n.文明,文化,开化,教化 | |
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36 controversy | |
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37 forth | |
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38 demolishing | |
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39 antagonist | |
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40 complimentary | |
adj.赠送的,免费的,赞美的,恭维的 | |
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41 stimulated | |
a.刺激的 | |
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42 stimulate | |
vt.刺激,使兴奋;激励,使…振奋 | |
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43 incited | |
刺激,激励,煽动( incite的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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44 eloquence | |
n.雄辩;口才,修辞 | |
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45 savage | |
adj.野蛮的;凶恶的,残暴的;n.未开化的人 | |
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46 followers | |
追随者( follower的名词复数 ); 用户; 契据的附面; 从动件 | |
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47 lurk | |
n.潜伏,潜行;v.潜藏,潜伏,埋伏 | |
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48 invaders | |
入侵者,侵略者,侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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49 allurements | |
n.诱惑( allurement的名词复数 );吸引;诱惑物;有诱惑力的事物 | |
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50 plunder | |
vt.劫掠财物,掠夺;n.劫掠物,赃物;劫掠 | |
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51 irresistible | |
adj.非常诱人的,无法拒绝的,无法抗拒的 | |
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52 gathering | |
n.集会,聚会,聚集 | |
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53 defensive | |
adj.防御的;防卫的;防守的 | |
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54 situated | |
adj.坐落在...的,处于某种境地的 | |
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55 garrison | |
n.卫戍部队;驻地,卫戍区;vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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56 infantry | |
n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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57 decided | |
adj.决定了的,坚决的;明显的,明确的 | |
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58 retirement | |
n.退休,退职 | |
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59 warfare | |
n.战争(状态);斗争;冲突 | |
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60 considerably | |
adv.极大地;相当大地;在很大程度上 | |
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61 immediate | |
adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
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62 concealed | |
a.隐藏的,隐蔽的 | |
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63 disorder | |
n.紊乱,混乱;骚动,骚乱;疾病,失调 | |
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64 trot | |
n.疾走,慢跑;n.老太婆;现成译本;(复数)trots:腹泻(与the 连用);v.小跑,快步走,赶紧 | |
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65 outrage | |
n.暴行,侮辱,愤怒;vt.凌辱,激怒 | |
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66 violation | |
n.违反(行为),违背(行为),侵犯 | |
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67 savages | |
未开化的人,野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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68 vacillation | |
n.动摇;忧柔寡断 | |
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69 junction | |
n.连接,接合;交叉点,接合处,枢纽站 | |
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70 supreme | |
adj.极度的,最重要的;至高的,最高的 | |
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71 submission | |
n.服从,投降;温顺,谦虚;提出 | |
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72 organise | |
vt.组织,安排,筹办 | |
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73 configuration | |
n.结构,布局,形态,(计算机)配置 | |
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74 forage | |
n.(牛马的)饲料,粮草;v.搜寻,翻寻 | |
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75 margins | |
边( margin的名词复数 ); 利润; 页边空白; 差数 | |
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76 contingencies | |
n.偶然发生的事故,意外事故( contingency的名词复数 );以备万一 | |
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77 obstructions | |
n.障碍物( obstruction的名词复数 );阻碍物;阻碍;阻挠 | |
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78 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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79 mule | |
n.骡子,杂种,执拗的人 | |
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80 highland | |
n.(pl.)高地,山地 | |
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81 battalion | |
n.营;部队;大队(的人) | |
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82 maxim | |
n.格言,箴言 | |
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83 artillery | |
n.(军)火炮,大炮;炮兵(部队) | |
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84 anticipation | |
n.预期,预料,期望 | |
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85 previously | |
adv.以前,先前(地) | |
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86 ridge | |
n.山脊;鼻梁;分水岭 | |
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87 levies | |
(部队)征兵( levy的名词复数 ); 募捐; 被征募的军队 | |
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88 depot | |
n.仓库,储藏处;公共汽车站;火车站 | |
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89 necessitated | |
使…成为必要,需要( necessitate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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90 gatherings | |
聚集( gathering的名词复数 ); 收集; 采集; 搜集 | |
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91 determined | |
adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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92 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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93 battalions | |
n.(陆军的)一营(大约有一千兵士)( battalion的名词复数 );协同作战的部队;军队;(组织在一起工作的)队伍 | |
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94 anticipations | |
预期( anticipation的名词复数 ); 预测; (信托财产收益的)预支; 预期的事物 | |
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95 doomed | |
命定的 | |
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96 forestalled | |
v.先发制人,预先阻止( forestall的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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97 collapsed | |
adj.倒塌的 | |
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98 iceberg | |
n.冰山,流冰,冷冰冰的人 | |
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99 victorious | |
adj.胜利的,得胜的 | |
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100 incurred | |
[医]招致的,遭受的; incur的过去式 | |
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101 diplomacy | |
n.外交;外交手腕,交际手腕 | |
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102 dispersed | |
adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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103 picturesque | |
adj.美丽如画的,(语言)生动的,绘声绘色的 | |
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104 steadily | |
adv.稳定地;不变地;持续地 | |
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105 defile | |
v.弄污,弄脏;n.(山间)小道 | |
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106 horrid | |
adj.可怕的;令人惊恐的;恐怖的;极讨厌的 | |
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107 mules | |
骡( mule的名词复数 ); 拖鞋; 顽固的人; 越境运毒者 | |
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108 toiled | |
长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的过去式和过去分词 ); 艰难缓慢地移动,跋涉 | |
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109 toil | |
vi.辛劳工作,艰难地行动;n.苦工,难事 | |
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110 dwellings | |
n.住处,处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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111 Buddhists | |
n.佛教徒( Buddhist的名词复数 ) | |
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112 relics | |
[pl.]n.遗物,遗迹,遗产;遗体,尸骸 | |
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113 overthrown | |
adj. 打翻的,推倒的,倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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114 awaken | |
vi.醒,觉醒;vt.唤醒,使觉醒,唤起,激起 | |
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115 speculations | |
n.投机买卖( speculation的名词复数 );思考;投机活动;推断 | |
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116 scraps | |
油渣 | |
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117 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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118 ostentation | |
n.夸耀,卖弄 | |
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119 obliterated | |
v.除去( obliterate的过去式和过去分词 );涂去;擦掉;彻底破坏或毁灭 | |
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120 posterity | |
n.后裔,子孙,后代 | |
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121 cultivation | |
n.耕作,培养,栽培(法),养成 | |
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122 dwindles | |
v.逐渐变少或变小( dwindle的第三人称单数 ) | |
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123 gorge | |
n.咽喉,胃,暴食,山峡;v.塞饱,狼吞虎咽地吃 | |
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124 plunges | |
n.跳进,投入vt.使投入,使插入,使陷入vi.投入,跳进,陷入v.颠簸( plunge的第三人称单数 );暴跌;骤降;突降 | |
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125 cleft | |
n.裂缝;adj.裂开的 | |
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126 abounds | |
v.大量存在,充满,富于( abound的第三人称单数 ) | |
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127 swirled | |
v.旋转,打旋( swirl的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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128 buffeted | |
反复敲打( buffet的过去式和过去分词 ); 连续猛击; 打来打去; 推来搡去 | |
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129 frail | |
adj.身体虚弱的;易损坏的 | |
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130 knoll | |
n.小山,小丘 | |
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131 muzzles | |
枪口( muzzle的名词复数 ); (防止动物咬人的)口套; (四足动物的)鼻口部; (狗)等凸出的鼻子和口 | |
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132 flickering | |
adj.闪烁的,摇曳的,一闪一闪的 | |
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133 prospects | |
n.希望,前途(恒为复数) | |
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134 swirling | |
v.旋转,打旋( swirl的现在分词 ) | |
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135 streak | |
n.条理,斑纹,倾向,少许,痕迹;v.加条纹,变成条纹,奔驰,快速移动 | |
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136 incessantly | |
ad.不停地 | |
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137 tributary | |
n.支流;纳贡国;adj.附庸的;辅助的;支流的 | |
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138 narration | |
n.讲述,叙述;故事;记叙体 | |
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139 fatigues | |
n.疲劳( fatigue的名词复数 );杂役;厌倦;(士兵穿的)工作服 | |
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140 discomfort | |
n.不舒服,不安,难过,困难,不方便 | |
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141 pending | |
prep.直到,等待…期间;adj.待定的;迫近的 | |
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142 negotiations | |
协商( negotiation的名词复数 ); 谈判; 完成(难事); 通过 | |
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143 tribal | |
adj.部族的,种族的 | |
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144 purely | |
adv.纯粹地,完全地 | |
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145 zeal | |
n.热心,热情,热忱 | |
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146 zealously | |
adv.热心地;热情地;积极地;狂热地 | |
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147 jargon | |
n.术语,行话 | |
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148 spoke | |
n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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149 squatting | |
v.像动物一样蹲下( squat的现在分词 );非法擅自占用(土地或房屋);为获得其所有权;而占用某片公共用地。 | |
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150 fixed | |
adj.固定的,不变的,准备好的;(计算机)固定的 | |
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151 clan | |
n.氏族,部落,宗族,家族,宗派 | |
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152 galling | |
adj.难堪的,使烦恼的,使焦躁的 | |
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153 promising | |
adj.有希望的,有前途的 | |
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154 albeit | |
conj.即使;纵使;虽然 | |
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155 trepidation | |
n.惊恐,惶恐 | |
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156 tangled | |
adj. 纠缠的,紊乱的 动词tangle的过去式和过去分词 | |
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157 subsidies | |
n.补贴,津贴,补助金( subsidy的名词复数 ) | |
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158 nominee | |
n.被提名者;被任命者;被推荐者 | |
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159 entrusted | |
v.委托,托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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160 ammunition | |
n.军火,弹药 | |
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161 constrained | |
adj.束缚的,节制的 | |
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162 sullenly | |
不高兴地,绷着脸,忧郁地 | |
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163 influential | |
adj.有影响的,有权势的 | |
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164 potentate | |
n.统治者;君主 | |
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165 expedient | |
adj.有用的,有利的;n.紧急的办法,权宜之计 | |
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166 faction | |
n.宗派,小集团;派别;派系斗争 | |
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167 trump | |
n.王牌,法宝;v.打出王牌,吹喇叭 | |
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168 demonstration | |
n.表明,示范,论证,示威 | |
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169 inflicted | |
把…强加给,使承受,遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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170 hostility | |
n.敌对,敌意;抵制[pl.]交战,战争 | |
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171 unnaturally | |
adv.违反习俗地;不自然地;勉强地;不近人情地 | |
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