This simple form of government, while it marks a strict regard to that freedom so[78] delightful6 to the mind of man, was found sufficient, for the space of a hundred and fifty years, to maintain order in a small community, situated7 as this was. At length the bad administration of some of the tribunes, discord8 and animosity among others, and some suspicions that the Lombards promoted civil dissention, with a view to bring the republic under their dominion9, awakened10 the fears of the people, and made them listen to the opinions of those who thought a change in the form of government necessary.
After various debates and proposals, it was finally determined11, that a chief magistrate2 should be elected, as the centre of public authority, whose power might give such vigour12 and efficacy to the laws, as was absolutely necessary in times of danger, and whose duty should be, to direct the force of the resources of the state with promptitude; uncramped by that opposition,[79] and consequent dilatoriness13, which had been too apparent under the tribunes. This magistrate was not to be named King, but Duke, which has since been corrupted14 to Doge; the office was not to be hereditary15, but elective; and the Doge was to enjoy it for life. It was agreed that he should have the nomination16 of all the inferior magistrates, and the power of making peace, and declaring war, without consulting any but such of the citizens as he should think proper.
When the election took place, all the suffrages17 fell upon Paul Luc Anafeste, who entered into this new office in the year 697.
The Venetians must certainly have felt great inconveniences from their former government, or have been under great dread18 from domestic or foreign enemies,[80] before they could submit to such a fundamental change in the nature of their constitution. It is evident, that, on this occasion, they seem to have lost that jealous attention to liberty which they formerly19 possessed20; for while they withheld21 from their chief magistrate the name, they left him all the power, of a King. There is no period when real and enlightened patriots22 ought to watch with more vigilance over the rights of the people, than in times of danger from foreign enemies; for the public in general are then so much engrossed23 by the dangers from without, that they overlook the encroachments which are more apt, at those times than any other, to be made on their constitution from within: and it is of small importance that men defend their country from foreign foes24, unless they retain such a share of internal freedom, as renders a country worth the defending.
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It is highly probable, that the great degree of popularity which their first Doge had acquired before he arrived at that dignity, and the great confidence the people had in his public and private virtues25, rendered them unwilling26 to limit the power of a person who, they were convinced, would make a good use of it. If the man had been immortal27, and incorruptible, they would have been in the right: however, it must be confessed, that this Doge justified28 their good opinion more than favourites of the people generally do.
In the councils which he called on any matter of importance, he sent messages to those citizens, for whose judgment29 he had the greatest esteem30, praying, that they would come, and assist him with their advice. This method was observed afterwards by succeeding Doges, and the citizens so sent for were called Pregadi. The Doge’s council are still called Pregadi,[82] though they have long sat independent of his invitation.
The first, and second Doge, governed with moderation and ability; but the third gave the Venetians reason to repent31 that they had not confined the powers of their chief magistrate within narrower limits. After having served the state by his military talents, he endeavoured to enslave it; his projects were discovered; but as the improvident32 people, in the last arrangement of their constitution, had preserved no legal remedy for such an evil, they were obliged to use the only means now in their power. They assaulted the Doge in his palace, and put him to death without farther ceremony.
The people had conceived so much hatred33 for him, that, after his death, they resolved to abolish the office. In the general assembly it was agreed, that the chief magistrate,[83] for the future, should be elected every year; that he should have the same power as formerly, while he remained in office; but, as this was to be for a short time, they imagined he would behave with equity34 and moderation; and as they had an equal dislike to Doge and Tribune, he was called Master of the Militia35.
The form of government, introduced by this revolution, was but of short duration. Factions36 arose, and became too violent for the transient authority of the Masters of the Militia to restrain. The office expired five years after its institution; and, by one of those strange and unaccountable changes of sentiment, to which the multitude are so subject, the authority of the Doge was restored in the person of the son of their last Doge, whom, in a fit of furious discontent, they had assassinated37. This restoration happened about the year 730.
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For a long time after this, the Venetian annals display many dreadful scenes of cruelty, revolt, and assassination38; Doges abusing their power, endeavouring to establish a permanent and hereditary despotism, by having their eldest39 sons associated in the office with themselves, and then oppressing the people with double violence. The people, on the other hand, after bearing, with the most abject40 patience, the capricious cruelty of their tyrants41, rising at once, and murdering them, or driving them, with ignominy, out of their dominions43. Unable to bear either limited or absolute government, the impatient and capricious multitude wish for things which have always been found incompatible44: the secrecy45, promptitude, and efficacy, of a despotic government, with all the freedom and mildness of a legal and limited constitution.
It is remarkable46, that when the Doge was, even in a small degree, popular, he[85] seldom found any difficulty in getting his son elected his associate in the sovereign authority; and when that was not the case, there are many instances of the son being chosen directly on the death of his father.
Yet, about the middle of the tenth century, the son of the Doge, Peter Candiano, took arms, and rebelled against his father. Being soon after defeated, and brought in chains to Venice, he was condemned47 to banishment48, and declared incapable49 of being ever elected Doge. It appears, however, that this worthless person was a great favourite of the people; for no sooner was his father dead, than he was chosen to succeed him, and conducted, in great pomp, from Ravenna, the place of his exile, to Venice.
The Venetians were severely50 punished for this instance of levity51. Their new Doge[86] shewed himself as tyrannical in the character of a sovereign, as he had been undutiful in that of a son. He became a monster of pride and cruelty. The people began to murmur52, and he became susceptible53 of that terror which usually accompanies tyrants. He established a body of life-guards, to defend his person, and lodged54 them within the palace. This innovation filled the people with indignation, and awakened all their fury. They attack the palace, are repulsed55 by the guards, and set fire to the contiguous houses. The wretched Doge, in danger of being consumed by the flames, appears at the gate of the palace, with his infant son in his arms, imploring56 the compassion57 of the multitude: they, inexorable as demons58, tear in pieces both father and child. At such an instance of savage59 fury, the human affections revolt from the oppressed people, and take part with their oppressor. We[87] almost wish he had lived, that he might have swept from the earth a set of wretches60 more barbarous than himself.
Having spent their fury in the destruction of the tyrant42, they leave the tyranny as before. No measures are taken to limit the power of the Doge.
For some time after this, a spirit of superstition61 seemed to lay hold of those who filled that office, as if they had intended to expiate62 the pride of the late tyrant by their own humility63. His three immediate64 successors, after each of them had reigned65 a few years with applause, abandoned their dignity, shut themselves up in convents, and passed the latter years of their lives as Monks66.
Whatever contempt those pious67 Doges displayed for worldly things, their example made little impression on their subjects,[88] who, about this time, began to monopolize68 the trade and riches of Europe. And some years after, when all Christendom was seized with the religious phrenzy of recovering the Holy Land, the Venetians kept so perfectly69 free from the general infection, that they did not scruple70 to supply the Saracens with arms and ammunition71, in spite of the edicts of their Doges, and the remonstrances72 of the Pope, and other pious princes.
Those commercial casuists declared, that religion is one thing, and trade another; that, as children of the church, they were willing to believe all that their mother required; but, as merchants, they must carry their goods to the best market.
In my next, I shall proceed with my review of the Venetian government.
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1 purely | |
adv.纯粹地,完全地 | |
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2 magistrate | |
n.地方行政官,地方法官,治安官 | |
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3 magistrates | |
地方法官,治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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4 expiration | |
n.终结,期满,呼气,呼出物 | |
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5 annually | |
adv.一年一次,每年 | |
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6 delightful | |
adj.令人高兴的,使人快乐的 | |
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7 situated | |
adj.坐落在...的,处于某种境地的 | |
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8 discord | |
n.不和,意见不合,争论,(音乐)不和谐 | |
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9 dominion | |
n.统治,管辖,支配权;领土,版图 | |
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10 awakened | |
v.(使)醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 );(使)觉醒;弄醒;(使)意识到 | |
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11 determined | |
adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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12 vigour | |
(=vigor)n.智力,体力,精力 | |
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13 dilatoriness | |
n.迟缓,拖延 | |
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14 corrupted | |
(使)败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 ); (使)腐化; 引起(计算机文件等的)错误; 破坏 | |
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15 hereditary | |
adj.遗传的,遗传性的,可继承的,世袭的 | |
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16 nomination | |
n.提名,任命,提名权 | |
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17 suffrages | |
(政治性选举的)选举权,投票权( suffrage的名词复数 ) | |
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18 dread | |
vt.担忧,忧虑;惧怕,不敢;n.担忧,畏惧 | |
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19 formerly | |
adv.从前,以前 | |
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20 possessed | |
adj.疯狂的;拥有的,占有的 | |
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21 withheld | |
withhold过去式及过去分词 | |
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22 patriots | |
爱国者,爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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23 engrossed | |
adj.全神贯注的 | |
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24 foes | |
敌人,仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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25 virtues | |
美德( virtue的名词复数 ); 德行; 优点; 长处 | |
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26 unwilling | |
adj.不情愿的 | |
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27 immortal | |
adj.不朽的;永生的,不死的;神的 | |
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28 justified | |
a.正当的,有理的 | |
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29 judgment | |
n.审判;判断力,识别力,看法,意见 | |
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30 esteem | |
n.尊敬,尊重;vt.尊重,敬重;把…看作 | |
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31 repent | |
v.悔悟,悔改,忏悔,后悔 | |
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32 improvident | |
adj.不顾将来的,不节俭的,无远见的 | |
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33 hatred | |
n.憎恶,憎恨,仇恨 | |
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34 equity | |
n.公正,公平,(无固定利息的)股票 | |
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35 militia | |
n.民兵,民兵组织 | |
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36 factions | |
组织中的小派别,派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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37 assassinated | |
v.暗杀( assassinate的过去式和过去分词 );中伤;诋毁;破坏 | |
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38 assassination | |
n.暗杀;暗杀事件 | |
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39 eldest | |
adj.最年长的,最年老的 | |
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40 abject | |
adj.极可怜的,卑屈的 | |
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41 tyrants | |
专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 ); 暴君似的人; (古希腊的)僭主; 严酷的事物 | |
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42 tyrant | |
n.暴君,专制的君主,残暴的人 | |
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43 dominions | |
统治权( dominion的名词复数 ); 领土; 疆土; 版图 | |
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44 incompatible | |
adj.不相容的,不协调的,不相配的 | |
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45 secrecy | |
n.秘密,保密,隐蔽 | |
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46 remarkable | |
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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47 condemned | |
adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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48 banishment | |
n.放逐,驱逐 | |
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49 incapable | |
adj.无能力的,不能做某事的 | |
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50 severely | |
adv.严格地;严厉地;非常恶劣地 | |
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51 levity | |
n.轻率,轻浮,不稳定,多变 | |
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52 murmur | |
n.低语,低声的怨言;v.低语,低声而言 | |
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53 susceptible | |
adj.过敏的,敏感的;易动感情的,易受感动的 | |
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54 lodged | |
v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 );暂住;埋入;(权利、权威等)归属 | |
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55 repulsed | |
v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 );驳斥;拒绝 | |
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56 imploring | |
恳求的,哀求的 | |
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57 compassion | |
n.同情,怜悯 | |
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58 demons | |
n.恶人( demon的名词复数 );恶魔;精力过人的人;邪念 | |
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59 savage | |
adj.野蛮的;凶恶的,残暴的;n.未开化的人 | |
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60 wretches | |
n.不幸的人( wretch的名词复数 );可怜的人;恶棍;坏蛋 | |
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61 superstition | |
n.迷信,迷信行为 | |
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62 expiate | |
v.抵补,赎罪 | |
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63 humility | |
n.谦逊,谦恭 | |
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64 immediate | |
adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
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65 reigned | |
vi.当政,统治(reign的过去式形式) | |
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66 monks | |
n.修道士,僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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67 pious | |
adj.虔诚的;道貌岸然的 | |
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68 monopolize | |
v.垄断,独占,专营 | |
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69 perfectly | |
adv.完美地,无可非议地,彻底地 | |
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70 scruple | |
n./v.顾忌,迟疑 | |
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71 ammunition | |
n.军火,弹药 | |
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72 remonstrances | |
n.抱怨,抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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