England is perhaps the only nation in Europe where some individuals, of every profession, even of the lowest, find it possible to accumulate great fortunes; the effect of this very frequently is, that the son despises the profession of the father, commences gentleman, and dissipates, in a few years, what cost a life to gather. In the principal cities of Germany and Italy, we find, that the ancestors of many of those citizens who are the most eminent in their particular businesses, have transmitted the art to them through several generations. It is natural to imagine, that this will tend to the improvement of[157] the art, or science, or profession, as well as the family fortune; and that the third generation will acquire knowledge from the experience, as well as wealth from the industry, of the former two; whereas, in the cases alluded6 to above, the wheel of fortune moves differently. A man, by assiduity in a particular business, and by genius, acquires a great fortune and a high reputation; the son throws away the fortune, and ruins his own character by extravagance; and the grandson is obliged to recommence the business, unaided by the wealth or experience of his ancestors. This, however, is pointing out an evil which I should be sorry to see remedied; because it certainly originates in the riches and prosperity of the country in which it exists.
The number of priests, monks7, and ecclesiastics8 of all the various orders that swarm9 in this city, is prodigious10; and the provision appropriated for their use, is as[158] ample, I am assured, that the clergy11 are in possession of considerably12 above one-third of the revenue of the whole kingdom, over and above what some particular orders among them acquire by begging for the use of their convents, and what is gotten in legacies13 by the address and assiduity of the whole. The unproductive wealth, which is lodged14 in the churches and convents of this city, amounts also to an amazing value. Not to be compared in point of architecture to the churches and convents of Rome, those of Naples surpass them in riches, in the value of their jewels, and in the quantity of silver and golden crucifixes, vessels15, and implements16 of various kinds. I have often heard these estimated at a sum so enormous as to surpass all credibility; and which, as I have no opportunity of ascertaining17 with any degree of precision, I shall not mention. This wealth, whatever it amounts to, is of as little use to the kingdom, as if it still remained in the mines of Peru;[159] and the greater part of it, surely, affords as little comfort to the clergy and monks as to any other part of the community; for though it belongs to their church, or their convent, yet it can no more be converted to the use of the priests and monks of such churches and convents, than to the tradesmen who inhabit the adjacent streets. For this reason I am a good deal surprised, that no pretext18, or subterfuge19, has been found, no expedient20 fallen on, no treaty or convention made, for appropriating part of this at least, to the use of some set of people or other. If the clergy were to lay their hands on it, this might be found fault with by the King; if his Majesty21 dreamt of taking any part of it for the exigencies22 of the state, the clergy would undoubtedly23 raise a clamour; and if both united, the Pope would think he had a right to pronounce his veto; but if all these three powers could come to an understanding, and settle their proportions, I[160] am apt to think a partition might be made as quietly as that of Poland.
Whatever scruples24 the Neapolitan clergy may have to such a project, they certainly have none to the full enjoyment of their revenues. No class of men can be less disposed to offend Providence26 by a peevish27 neglect of the good things which the bounty28 of heaven has bestowed29. Self-denial is a virtue30, which I will not say they possess in a smaller degree, but which, I am sure, they affect less than any other ecclesiastics I know; they live very much in society, both with the nobles and citizens. All of them, the monks not excepted, attend the theatre, and seem to join most cordially in other diversions and amusements; the common people are no ways offended at this, or imagine that they ought to live in a more recluse31 manner. Some of the orders have had the address to make a concern for their temporal interest, and a desire of seeing them[161] live full, and in something of a jolly manner, be regarded by the common people as a proof of zeal32 for religion. I am informed, that a very considerable diminution33 in the number of monks has taken place in the kingdom of Naples since the suppression of the Jesuits, and since a liberty of quitting the cowl was granted by the late Pope; but still there is no reason to complain of a deficiency in this order of men. The richest and most commodious34 convents in Europe, both for male and female votaries35, are in this city; the most fertile and beautiful hills of the environs are covered with them; a small part of their revenue is spent in feeding the poor, the monks distributing bread and soup to a certain number every day before the doors of the convents. Some of the friars study physic and surgery, and practise these arts with great applause. Each convent has an apothecary’s shop belonging to it, where medicines are delivered gratis36 to the poor, and sold to those[162] who can afford to pay. On all these accounts the monks in general are greater favourites with the common people than even the secular37 clergy; all the charity of the friars, however, would not be able to cover their sins, if the stories circulated by their enemies were true,—by which they are represented as the greatest profligates and debauchees in the world. Without giving credit to all that is reported on this subject, as the Neapolitan monks are very well fed, as this climate is not the most favourable38 to continency (a virtue which in this place is by no means estimated in proportion to its rarity), it is most likely that the inhabitants of the convents, like the inhabitants in general, indulge in certain pleasures with less scruple25 or restraint than is usual in some other places. Be that as it may, it is certain that they are the most superstitious39 of mankind; a turn of mind which they communicate with equal zeal and success to a people remarkably40 ignorant, and remarkably[163] amorous41. The seeds of superstition42 thus zealously43 sown on such a warm and fertile, though uncultivated, soil, sometimes produce the most extraordinary crops of sensuality and devotion that ever were seen in any country.
The lazzaroni, or black-guards, as has been already observed, form a considerable part of the inhabitants of Naples; and have, on some well-known occasions, had the government for a short time in their own hands. They are computed44 at above thirty thousand; the greater part of them have no dwelling-houses, but sleep every night under porticos, piazzas45, or any kind of shelter they can find. Those of them who have wives and children, live in the suburbs of Naples near Pausilippo, in huts, or in caverns46 or chambers47 dug out of that mountain. Some gain a livelihood48 by fishing, others by carrying burdens to and from the shipping49; many walk about the[164] streets ready to run on errands, or to perform any labour in their power for a very small recompence. As they do not meet with constant employment, their wages are not sufficient for their maintenance; the soup and bread distributed at the door of the convents supply the deficiency. The lazzaroni are generally represented as a lazy, licentious50, and turbulent set of people; what I have observed gives me a very different idea of their character. Their idleness is evidently the effect of necessity, not of choice; they are always ready to perform any work, however laborious51, for a very reasonable gratification. It must proceed from the fault of Government, when such a number of stout52 active citizens remain unemployed53; and so far are they from being licentious and turbulent, that I cannot help thinking they are by much too tame and submissive. Though the inhabitants of the Italian cities were the first who shook off the feudal54 yoke,[165] and though in Naples they have long enjoyed the privilege of municipal jurisdiction55, yet the external splendour of the nobles, and the authority they still exercise over the peasants, impose upon the minds of the lazzaroni; and however bold and resentful they may be of injuries offered by others, they bear the insolence56 of the nobility as passively as peasants fixed57 to the soil. A coxcomb58 of a volanti tricked out in his fantastical dress, or any of the liveried slaves of the great, make no ceremony of treating these poor fellows with all the insolence and insensibility natural to their matters; and for no visible reason, but because he is dressed in lace, and the others in rags. Instead of calling to them to make way, when the noise in the streets prevents the common people from hearing the approach of the carriage, a stroke across the shoulders with the cane59 of the running footman, is the usual warning they receive. Nothing animates60 this people to insurrection, but[166] some very pressing and very universal cause; such as a scarcity61 of bread: every other grievance62 they bear as if it were their charter. When we consider thirty thousand human creatures without beds or habitations, wandering almost naked in search of food through the streets of a well built city; when we think of the opportunities they have of being together, of comparing their own destitute63 situation with the affluence64 of others, one cannot help being astonished at their patience.
Let the prince be distinguished65 by splendour and magnificence; let the great and the rich have their luxuries; but, in the name of humanity, let the poor, who are willing to labour, have food in abundance to satisfy the cravings of nature, and raiment to defend them from the inclemencies of the weather!
If their governors, whether from weakness or neglect, do not supply them with[167] these, they certainly have a right to help themselves.—Every law of equity66 and common sense will justify67 them, in revolting against such governors, and in satisfying their own wants from the superfluities of lazy luxury.
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1 perfectly | |
adv.完美地,无可非议地,彻底地 | |
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2 industrious | |
adj.勤劳的,刻苦的,奋发的 | |
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3 enjoyment | |
n.乐趣;享有;享用 | |
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4 exertion | |
n.尽力,努力 | |
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5 eminent | |
adj.显赫的,杰出的,有名的,优良的 | |
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6 alluded | |
提及,暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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7 monks | |
n.修道士,僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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8 ecclesiastics | |
n.神职者,教会,牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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9 swarm | |
n.(昆虫)等一大群;vi.成群飞舞;蜂拥而入 | |
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10 prodigious | |
adj.惊人的,奇妙的;异常的;巨大的;庞大的 | |
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11 clergy | |
n.[总称]牧师,神职人员 | |
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12 considerably | |
adv.极大地;相当大地;在很大程度上 | |
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13 legacies | |
n.遗产( legacy的名词复数 );遗留之物;遗留问题;后遗症 | |
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14 lodged | |
v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 );暂住;埋入;(权利、权威等)归属 | |
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15 vessels | |
n.血管( vessel的名词复数 );船;容器;(具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的)人 | |
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16 implements | |
n.工具( implement的名词复数 );家具;手段;[法律]履行(契约等)v.实现( implement的第三人称单数 );执行;贯彻;使生效 | |
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17 ascertaining | |
v.弄清,确定,查明( ascertain的现在分词 ) | |
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18 pretext | |
n.借口,托词 | |
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19 subterfuge | |
n.诡计;藉口 | |
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20 expedient | |
adj.有用的,有利的;n.紧急的办法,权宜之计 | |
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21 majesty | |
n.雄伟,壮丽,庄严,威严;最高权威,王权 | |
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22 exigencies | |
n.急切需要 | |
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23 undoubtedly | |
adv.确实地,无疑地 | |
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24 scruples | |
n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 );顾虑,顾忌v.感到于心不安,有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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25 scruple | |
n./v.顾忌,迟疑 | |
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26 providence | |
n.深谋远虑,天道,天意;远见;节约;上帝 | |
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27 peevish | |
adj.易怒的,坏脾气的 | |
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28 bounty | |
n.慷慨的赠予物,奖金;慷慨,大方;施与 | |
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29 bestowed | |
赠给,授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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30 virtue | |
n.德行,美德;贞操;优点;功效,效力 | |
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31 recluse | |
n.隐居者 | |
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32 zeal | |
n.热心,热情,热忱 | |
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33 diminution | |
n.减少;变小 | |
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34 commodious | |
adj.宽敞的;使用方便的 | |
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35 votaries | |
n.信徒( votary的名词复数 );追随者;(天主教)修士;修女 | |
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36 gratis | |
adj.免费的 | |
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37 secular | |
n.牧师,凡人;adj.世俗的,现世的,不朽的 | |
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38 favourable | |
adj.赞成的,称赞的,有利的,良好的,顺利的 | |
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39 superstitious | |
adj.迷信的 | |
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40 remarkably | |
ad.不同寻常地,相当地 | |
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41 amorous | |
adj.多情的;有关爱情的 | |
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42 superstition | |
n.迷信,迷信行为 | |
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43 zealously | |
adv.热心地;热情地;积极地;狂热地 | |
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44 computed | |
adj.[医]计算的,使用计算机的v.计算,估算( compute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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45 piazzas | |
n.广场,市场( piazza的名词复数 ) | |
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46 caverns | |
大山洞,大洞穴( cavern的名词复数 ) | |
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47 chambers | |
n.房间( chamber的名词复数 );(议会的)议院;卧室;会议厅 | |
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48 livelihood | |
n.生计,谋生之道 | |
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49 shipping | |
n.船运(发货,运输,乘船) | |
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50 licentious | |
adj.放纵的,淫乱的 | |
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51 laborious | |
adj.吃力的,努力的,不流畅 | |
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53 unemployed | |
adj.失业的,没有工作的;未动用的,闲置的 | |
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54 feudal | |
adj.封建的,封地的,领地的 | |
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55 jurisdiction | |
n.司法权,审判权,管辖权,控制权 | |
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56 insolence | |
n.傲慢;无礼;厚颜;傲慢的态度 | |
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57 fixed | |
adj.固定的,不变的,准备好的;(计算机)固定的 | |
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58 coxcomb | |
n.花花公子 | |
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59 cane | |
n.手杖,细长的茎,藤条;v.以杖击,以藤编制的 | |
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60 animates | |
v.使有生气( animate的第三人称单数 );驱动;使栩栩如生地动作;赋予…以生命 | |
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61 scarcity | |
n.缺乏,不足,萧条 | |
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62 grievance | |
n.怨愤,气恼,委屈 | |
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63 destitute | |
adj.缺乏的;穷困的 | |
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64 affluence | |
n.充裕,富足 | |
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65 distinguished | |
adj.卓越的,杰出的,著名的 | |
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66 equity | |
n.公正,公平,(无固定利息的)股票 | |
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67 justify | |
vt.证明…正当(或有理),为…辩护 | |
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