The original “Faust”—the “Faust” written at Frankfort—contains all that is most essential in the First Part as ultimately published.[1] The Faust legend served only{73} as a suggestion for Goethe’s drama. From being little more than a tale of magical wonders, it became, in passing through the alembic of his imagination, a conception pregnant with thought and passion—a conception in which were embodied2 all the most vital elements of the intellectual life of his century. Faust, as Goethe presents him, is a man of magnificent intellect, endowed originally with the purest and loftiest aspirations3 of humanity. When the drama opens, he has devoted4 many a year to study; but, sitting alone in his Gothic chamber5 at midnight, he feels sadly and bitterly that his labour has been in vain. Dry, abstract knowledge he has in abundance, but it does not satisfy him; it seems to him but a mockery of the knowledge for which he has always yearned6. He pants for something infinitely7 grander than his books can tell him of. A Titan of the spirit, he would mount the very heavens, and snatch from the universe its inmost secrets. And so, despairing of finding truth by ordinary means, he has recourse to supernatural methods. Opening his book of magic, he sees the symbol of the Macrocosmos; and at once the scales fall from his eyes; he is confronted directly by the secret forces of nature working together in glorious harmony. At last, for a moment, joy wells up in his heart; he asks himself whether he has not become a god. But suddenly it flashes upon him that he is but a spectator, and he longs{74} for so much more than can come to him by mere8 vision! To drink at the infinite sources of existence, to feel his soul quickened by contact with the very essence of life—nothing short of this can give him a rapture9 corresponding to his needs. Looking again into his book, he finds the symbol of the earth-spirit; and through all his being thrills a consciousness of energy and courage. There is no achievement of which he does not feel himself capable; he has an impulse to go out into the world, to experience all its delights and woes10, and even in the crash of shipwreck11 to exult12 in his strength and freedom. The earth-spirit itself he must see, and it responds to his summons. But it scoffs13 at his claim of equality, and, as it disappears, leaves him once more in despair.
Baffled in his ideal aspirations, Faust gives himself up to the enjoyment14 of such pleasures as may be accessible through the senses. After the first monologue15, and before the introduction of Gretchen, we find in the original “Faust” only Faust’s first dialogue with Wagner; the scene, afterwards considerably16 modified, in which Mephistopheles mystifies the ingenuous17 student; a draft, chiefly in prose, of the scene in Auerbach’s cellar; and a few lines, ultimately struck out, indicating the perplexity of Mephistopheles as he passes a cross by the wayside. Goethe was apparently18 in haste to reach the tale of love and sorrow, in which the destiny of Faust was to be interwoven with that of Gretchen, and the full meaning of his repudiation19 of the law of his spiritual being was to be disclosed in its tragic20 consequences.
After the accidental meeting of Faust and Gretchen in the street—when, struck by her beauty, he offers her his{75} arm, and she escapes from him—there are wanting “Wald und H?ble” and “Walpurgisnacht;” the part to be played by Gretchen’s brother, Valentin, is only indicated; immediately before “Trüber Tag” there is a dialogue between Faust and Mephistopheles which was afterwards omitted; and the last scene of all, the scene in the prison, is in prose. In other respects this part of the drama received at Frankfort what was essentially21 its final form. When the work was to be published, some lines and expressions were altered; but these changes did not vitally affect the conception as it had originally taken shape in Goethe’s mind.
Of all the products of Goethe’s genius, his presentation of the story of Gretchen is the finest; and, if we exclude Shakespeare, it would be hard to find anywhere in modern dramatic literature an equally noble achievement. The original of Gretchen, as a fresh, simple, happy maiden22, with a heart overflowing23 with love and confidence, was Frederika Brion; and it may be that in depicting24 the early scenes in which she talks with Faust Goethe was recalling what had actually happened at Sesenheim. Frederika, for instance, must often have been astonished and rather dismayed by strange opinions expressed by her lover, and it is likely enough that she questioned him about religion, and that his answer was in spirit akin25 to the matchless lines in which Faust makes confession26 of his faith. But Goethe never seeks in his poetry simply to reproduce his personal experience. He transports us into an ideal world in which all that he has to show us stands out clearly, stripped of the accidental qualities which in actual life so often obscure our vision and{76} disturb our judgment27. Gretchen is not merely Frederika; she is the living representative of an enduring type of character and feeling.
Unlike Frederika, Gretchen is tempted28 to stain the purity of her spirit, and is brought within the sweep of forces that work her destruction; but she is never allowed to pass beyond the range of our sympathies, and in the end we are made to feel that in a deeper sense than that of theological dogmas she is “saved.” The last scene, as afterwards rendered in verse, has a more ideal character than it possesses in the original prose, yet in the process of transformation29 it lost some elements of tragic depth and force. In this great scene Goethe concentrates, with absolute truth to nature, all that is saddest and most terrible in human destiny.
Faust, as Goethe conceives the character, retains our interest through all the phases of his development; for we are often reminded that his was originally a noble nature, and that at the bottom of his heart there are still many survivals of humane30 and generous impulse. He is never a merely vulgar sensualist; he is an idealist who, having demanded of the universe more than it is capable of yielding, has given way to a mood of bitter and reckless spiritual despair. Mephistopheles is a creation not less remarkable31 in his own way than Faust, and upon the stage he is by far the more effective of the two, the outlines of his character being more distinct than those of his restless, wavering, unhappy comrade. In the Second Part, written long afterwards, his name is little more than a symbol for an abstract principle; but in the First Part, and especially in the scenes conceived at Frankfort,{77} Mephistopheles has all the freshness and vigour32 of thorough individuality. It would be impossible to imagine a more striking contrast to the struggle incessantly33 going on in Faust’s mind than the settled purpose, the frank cynicism, and the grim humour of Mephistopheles. The character was suggested to Goethe by some qualities of his friend Merck. Merck, although honourable34 and good, had moods in which he took anything but an amiable35 or cheerful view of life; and his scoffs and sneers36 (as we may see from the description of him in “Dichtung und Wahrheit”) produced a more lasting37 impression on Goethe than his better characteristics. Although suggested by Merck’s cynical38 outbursts, Mephistopheles is not the less, of course, to be regarded as in the main a free creation of the imagination.
In “Faust” Goethe’s art reached the highest level it was capable of attaining40 during the early part of his career; and from a biographical point of view it is even more deeply interesting than “Goetz von Berlichingen” and “Die Leiden des jungen Werthers.” Goetz and Werther each represented a particular phase of his character in the course of its development. Faust represented his character as a whole just as it was about to enter upon a new stage of its growth. Goethe had not, indeed, allowed his will to be subdued41 by passion; but he had all the vehement42 cravings, all the restless aspirations, the disappointment of which is the secret cause of Faust’s gnawing43 misery44. Goethe at this time enjoyed many a hearty45 laugh with his friends, and wrote many a bright and genial46 letter; but beneath the surface he suffered from a profound agitation47 of spirit,{78} often longing48 for he knew not what, and feeling that there was no anodyne49 for the pain of a yearning50 that the world, as he conceived it, could not still. In this respect also Goethe may be taken as a representative of his period. For the men of the “Sturm und Drang” nothing in the actual universe seemed to be good enough. Not institutions, not social conventions only, but the very conditions of life itself appeared to them to be unjust and injurious limitations of free individuality; and with all their might they kicked against the pricks51, and cried out angrily against the tyrannous order that would not bend or break at their bidding. It was inevitable52 that Goethe should feel the full power of the dominant53 influences of his epoch54, and to the fact that he felt it, was due, in the springtime of his life, the splendid efflorescence of his genius.
It so happened that at the time when Goethe was striving to relieve his overburdened spirit in “Werther” and “Faust,” the “Ethics” of Spinoza came into his hands. This was an event of great importance in his life, for Spinoza introduced him to a higher order of thought than he had yet known. He never accepted Spinoza’s system of doctrine55 as a whole, yet the “Ethics” exercised a powerful influence over him, and for many years he returned to it again and again, always finding in it something that came home to him, and that he could make his own. Indeed, Spinoza was the only purely56 philosophical57 writer by whose teaching he ever largely and permanently58 benefited.
Apart altogether from the particular truths he learned from Spinoza, it was almost inevitable that in his restless and unhappy mood the “Ethics” should have for him a{79} strong fascination59. He, whose poetic60 temperament61 led him always to think with feeling and through the imagination, could not but be impressed by the calm and stately progress of an argument presented in passionless, abstract terms, and by means of an unswerving logical method. Again, it consoled Goethe to find that the philosopher who, of all others, had most completely stripped his mind of prejudice, could look at life steadily62, and yet think of it, not in a spirit of resignation merely, but with hope, cheerfulness, and courage. Most earnestly, too, did he respond to the idea that while the ultimate powers of the universe reveal themselves in a vast and inexorable order, the individual mind can bring itself into harmony with that order only by remaining for ever true to the laws of its own being. The noble generosity63 of Spinoza’s temper also, as Goethe himself explains, was one of the sources of his charm. “Whoso rightly loves God must not ask that God shall love him in return.” That was a saying after Goethe’s own heart. Did not he himself afterwards write, “If I love you, how does that concern you?”
During his residence at Frankfort Goethe did not attain39, or nearly attain, to a position at which he could say that he was reconciled to himself and to the world. But Spinoza’s teaching was to him like cool water to parched64 lips. Communion with this serene65 and lofty spirit put him on the track that was to lead to inward self-control and to the harmonious66 development of his powers.
While Goethe was working with inexhaustible energy, he did not neglect his friends, and he had many oppor{80}tunities of adding to their number. Lavater, who was making active preparations for his much-talked-of book on Physiognomy, wrote to Goethe from Zürich, and in 1774 spent a week as a guest in his father’s house. Years afterwards, Lavater, although always one of the most popular clergymen of his time, repelled67 many of those who had known him intimately by mingled68 fanaticism69 and vanity; but now Goethe was strongly attracted by his enthusiasm, and took an extraordinary interest in his notions as to the possibility of understanding the mind through its expression in the body, and especially in the face. With Lavater’s friend Basedow, the ardent70 upholder of Rousseau’s ideas on education, Goethe was also on friendly terms. He was often, however, irritated by Basedow’s boorish71 talk; for, notwithstanding his zeal72 for “nature” in social intercourse73, Goethe detested74 rude and arrogant75 assumption. He himself was the brightest and pleasantest of companions, with a manner made all the more attractive by a touch of lively Bohemianism. It may be worth noting that there was no trace of Bohemianism in his appearance. He dressed well—so well, indeed, that it was often hard for him (his father being by no means generous) to pay his tailor’s bills.
Another of his intimate friends was Johanna Fahlmer, the aunt of the brothers Jacobi, both of whom were beginning to make a mark in literature. She settled at Frankfort with her mother in 1772, and Goethe, who made her acquaintance soon after his return from Wetzlar, valued few of his friends so highly as the young, genial, and clever “Aunt Fahlmer.” She was anxious that he should{81} enter into close relations with her nephews, but their writings did not quite please him, and for a long time he made no attempt to approach them. In 1774, however, he felt that it might be pleasant for him to know them, and in the summer, having spent some weeks with Lavater and Basedow at Ems, he made his way with these friends up the Rhine to Cologne—“a prophet to the right, a prophet to the left, the child of the world in the midst,” as he wrote in a humorous little poem describing their dinner at Coblenz. At Cologne the party broke up, and Goethe went on to Düsseldorf, where the Jacobis lived. As it happened, they were at Elberfeld, and thither76 Goethe followed them. The younger of the two brothers, Frederick Jacobi, who was Goethe’s senior by about six years, made a most agreeable impression on him, and at Pempelfort, Jacobi’s country house near Düsseldorf, they became fast friends. They visited Cologne together, and had so happy a day there that at night, when each had retired77 to his room in the inn, Goethe could not resist the impulse to renew their talk. So he went to Jacobi’s room, and sitting at the open window, looking out on the moonlit Rhine, they enjoyed an hour of unalloyed happiness in the free communion of mind with mind and heart with heart. Goethe had never before given to a friend so deep a love, and the attraction was mutual78. Jacobi, who was a man of high intellectual power and fine character, knew well the real nature of the treasure he had won in winning Goethe’s friendship. One of the most absorbing subjects of discussion between them was the philosophy of Spinoza, with which Jacobi also had been making himself familiar. Their opinions on the subject{82} did not agree, but that in no way lessened79 the cordiality or the pleasure of their intercourse.
In 1775 Goethe had pleasant intercourse with the Counts Stolberg, who afterwards achieved distinction in literature. They were about his own age. During their stay at Frankfort they often dined with Goethe, whom they intensely admired; and one day, when the wine had circulated, there was much poetic talk about an unquenchable thirst for tyrants80’ blood. Goethe’s father shook his head and smiled, but Frau Aja, as they called his mother, knew nothing of tyrants, and was dismayed by the ferocious81 outcries of the young poets. Going to her wine-cellar, she brought up a bottle of her oldest and best wine. “There!” she said, “that is the true tyrants’ blood. Delight yourselves with that, and let there be an end of murderous thoughts.”
In the history of Goethe’s last year at Frankfort, 1775, the central name is that of Lili Sch?nemann. Lili (Anna Elizabeth) and her two brothers lived with their mother, the widow of a wealthy banker. They belonged to what was considered the highest rank of Frankfort society, and every evening kept open house for their friends. Early in the year, probably in the evening of New Year’s Day, Goethe was present at one of their parties, and saw Lili for the first time. She was then in her seventeenth year, a beautiful fair-haired girl with blue eyes, graceful82 in all her movements, and with the ease and self-possession that came of constant association with people of her own class. She was as different as possible from Frederika Brion and Charlotte Buff, but Goethe was fascinated by her beauty, and she in her turn could not resist the{83} handsome young poet, whose work had made his name familiar to all educated Germans. After some misunderstandings they became engaged, and Lili gave Goethe a little golden heart which was fastened round his neck with a ribbon.
Notwithstanding his love for Lili, the engagement brought with it no happiness to Goethe. Her relatives, whom he disliked, thought he was not socially her equal, and he, to whom free expression was so essential, could not bear the restraints imposed upon him at Frau Sch?nemann’s fashionable parties. It embittered83 him, too, to see the readiness with which Lili responded to the courtesies of men who would gladly have supplanted84 him. He had a suspicion that she could never belong to him absolutely, and that if they became husband and wife her ideas would go on diverging85 more and more widely from his own.
Torn by conflicting motives86, Goethe felt at last that he must shake himself free for a while from the circumstances that caused him so much perplexity; and in the middle of May he started with the Counts Stolberg for Strasburg—all three, by the way, dressed in Werther’s style. From Strasburg he visited his sister at Emmendingen, who urged him to break off an engagement that seemed to her wholly unsuitable. He then travelled to Zürich, where he was cordially welcomed by Lavater; and afterwards he went southwards, thinking that he might perhaps go on to Italy. But, now that he was far away from Lili, she became dearer to him than ever. On her seventeenth birthday he was at the Pass of St. Gotthard, and, as he kissed the golden heart she had given him, he was{84} seized by so ardent a longing to be with her again that he immediately turned back and began his homeward journey.
On his return all the old difficulties presented themselves, and in the end, to the relief of Lili’s mother and Goethe’s parents, and not much apparently to the regret of the lovers themselves, the engagement was allowed to lapse87. His relation to Lili had not moved him as he had been moved by his relation to Frederika and Lotte; nor did it become a source of inspiration in his later work. But to his love for her we owe two exquisite88 lyrics89, “Neue Liebe, Neues Leben” (“New Love, New Life”), and “An Belinden” (“To Belinda”), and the finely humorous poem, “Lili’s Park.”
The time had now almost come when Frankfort, on which Goethe had shed so much lustre90, was to lose him, and he was to surround himself with an entirely91 new set of conditions. Towards the end of 1774 he was presented at Frankfort to the Hereditary92 Prince of Weimar, who was then seventeen years of age, and to his younger brother, Prince Constantine. The meeting gave the Hereditary Prince so much pleasure that Goethe had to visit him at Mainz—a visit made memorable93 by the fact that during Goethe’s absence from Frankfort, Fr?ulein von Klettenberg, for whom he had all his old affection and reverence94, died. In the autumn of 1775 the Hereditary Prince became Duke of Weimar; and shortly afterwards, on his way to Stuttgart, where he was to be married, he begged that when he returned with his bride Goethe would visit them at Weimar. Goethe gladly accepted the invitation, and in October, when the young Duke and{85} Duchess came to Frankfort, it was arranged that within a few days he should follow them.
Geheimerath Kalb, the official with whom he was to travel, had been left behind at Stuttgart, and his coming was so long delayed that Goethe finally became impatient, gave up the idea of visiting Weimar, and set off for Italy. At Heidelberg he was aroused during the night by a messenger, who arrived with a letter announcing that Kalb was awaiting him at Frankfort. He hurried back, and on November 7, 1775, entered Weimar. He thought he was merely about to pay a short visit to a friendly prince; in reality he had come to a new home, and had formed relations which were to alter the whole complexion95 of his life.
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1
intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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embodied
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| v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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yearned
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| 渴望，切盼，向往( yearn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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rapture
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| n.狂喜；全神贯注；着迷；v.使狂喜 | |
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woes
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| 困境( woe的名词复数 )； 悲伤； 我好苦哇； 某人就要倒霉 | |
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shipwreck
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| n.船舶失事，海难 | |
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exult
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| v.狂喜，欢腾；欢欣鼓舞 | |
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scoffs
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| 嘲笑，嘲弄( scoff的第三人称单数 ) | |
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enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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monologue
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| n.长篇大论，（戏剧等中的）独白 | |
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considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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ingenuous
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| adj.纯朴的，单纯的；天真的；坦率的 | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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repudiation
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| n.拒绝；否认；断绝关系；抛弃 | |
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tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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maiden
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| n.少女，处女；adj.未婚的，纯洁的，无经验的 | |
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overflowing
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| n. 溢出物,溢流 adj. 充沛的，充满的 动词overflow的现在分词形式 | |
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depicting
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| 描绘，描画( depict的现在分词 )； 描述 | |
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akin
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| adj.同族的，类似的 | |
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confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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tempted
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| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
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transformation
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| n.变化；改造；转变 | |
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humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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incessantly
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| ad.不停地 | |
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honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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sneers
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| 讥笑的表情（言语）( sneer的名词复数 ) | |
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lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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cynical
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| adj.(对人性或动机)怀疑的，不信世道向善的 | |
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attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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attaining
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的现在分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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vehement
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| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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gnawing
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| a.痛苦的，折磨人的 | |
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misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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hearty
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| adj.热情友好的；衷心的；尽情的，纵情的 | |
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genial
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| adj.亲切的，和蔼的，愉快的，脾气好的 | |
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agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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longing
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| n.（for）渴望 | |
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anodyne
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| n.解除痛苦的东西，止痛剂 | |
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yearning
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| a.渴望的；向往的；怀念的 | |
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51
pricks
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| 刺痛( prick的名词复数 )； 刺孔； 刺痕； 植物的刺 | |
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52
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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philosophical
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| adj.哲学家的，哲学上的，达观的 | |
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permanently
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| adv.永恒地，永久地，固定不变地 | |
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fascination
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| n.令人着迷的事物，魅力，迷恋 | |
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poetic
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| adj.富有诗意的，有诗人气质的，善于抒情的 | |
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temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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parched
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| adj.焦干的；极渴的；v.（使）焦干 | |
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serene
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| adj. 安详的，宁静的，平静的 | |
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harmonious
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| adj.和睦的，调和的，和谐的，协调的 | |
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repelled
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| v.击退( repel的过去式和过去分词 )；使厌恶；排斥；推开 | |
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mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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boorish
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| adj.粗野的，乡巴佬的 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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detested
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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arrogant
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的 | |
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thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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lessened
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| 减少的，减弱的 | |
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tyrants
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| 专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 )； 暴君似的人； （古希腊的）僭主； 严酷的事物 | |
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ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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graceful
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| adj.优美的，优雅的；得体的 | |
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embittered
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| v.使怨恨，激怒( embitter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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supplanted
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| 把…排挤掉，取代( supplant的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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diverging
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| 分开( diverge的现在分词 )； 偏离； 分歧； 分道扬镳 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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lapse
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| n.过失，流逝，失效，抛弃信仰，间隔；vi.堕落，停止，失效，流逝；vt.使失效 | |
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exquisite
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| adj.精美的；敏锐的；剧烈的，感觉强烈的 | |
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lyrics
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| n.歌词 | |
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lustre
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| n.光亮，光泽；荣誉 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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complexion
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| n.肤色；情况，局面；气质，性格 | |
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