FOR fourteen years the town of Poitiers had been the capital of that part of France which belonged to the French. The Dauphin Charles had transferred his Parlement there, or rather had assembled there those few members who had escaped from the Parlement of Paris. The Parlement of Poitiers consisted of two chambers1 only. It would have judged as wisely as King Solomon had there been any questions on which to pronounce judgment2, but no litigants3 presented themselves—they were afraid of being captured on the way by freebooters and captains in the King's pay; besides, in the disturbed state of the kingdom justice had little to do with the settlement of disputes. The councillors, who for the most part had lands near Paris, were hard put to it for food and clothing. They were rarely paid and there were no perquisites4. In vain they had inscribed5 their registers with the formula: Non deliberetur donec solvantur species; no payments were forthcoming from the suitors.[721] The Attorney General, Messire Jean Jouvenel des Ursins, who owned rich lands and houses in ?le-de-France, Brie, and Champagne7, was filled with pity at the[Pg i.188] sight of that good and honourable8 lady his wife, his eleven children, and his three sons-in-law going barefoot and poorly clad through the streets of the town.[722] As for the doctors and professors who had followed the King's fortunes, in vain were they wells of knowledge and springs of clerkly learning, since, for lack of a University to teach in, they reaped no advantage from their eloquence9 and their erudition. The town of Poitiers, having become the first city in the realm, had a Parlement but no University, like a lady highly born but one-eyed withal, for the Parlement and the University are the two eyes of a great city. Thus in their doleful leisure they were consumed with a desire, if it were God's will, to restore the King's fortunes as well as their own. Meanwhile, shivering with cold and emaciated10 with hunger, they groaned11 and lamented12. Like Israel in the desert they sighed for the day when the Lord, inclining his ear to their supplications, should say: "At even ye shall eat flesh, and in the morning ye shall be filled with bread: and ye shall know that I am the Lord your God." Vespere comedetis carnes et mane saturabimini panibus: scietisque quod ego13 sum Dominus deus vester. (Exodus xvi, 12.) It was from among these poor and faithful servants of a poverty-stricken King that were chosen for the most part the doctors and clerks charged with the examination of the Maid. They were: the Lord Bishop14 of Poitiers;[723] the Lord Bishop of Maguelonne;[724] Ma?tre[Pg i.189] Jean Lombard, doctor in theology, sometime professor of theology at the University of Paris;[725] Ma?tre Guillaume le Maire, bachelor of theology, canon of Poitiers;[726] Ma?tre Gérard Machet, the King's Confessor;[727] Ma?tre Jourdain Morin;[728] Ma?tre Jean érault, professor of theology;[729] Ma?tre Mathieu Mesnage, bachelor of theology;[730] Ma?tre Jacques Meledon;[731] Ma?tre Jean Ma?on, a very famous doctor of civil law and of canon law;[732] Brother Pierre de Versailles, a monk16 of Saint-Denys in France, of the order of Saint Benedict, professor of theology, Prior of the Priory of Saint-Pierre de Chaumont, Abbot of Talmont in the diocese of Laon, Ambassador of his most Christian17 Majesty18 the King of France;[733] Brother Pierre Turelure, of the Order of Saint Dominic, Inquisitor at Toulouse;[734] Ma?tre Simon Bonnet;[735] Brother Guillaume Aimery, of the Order of Saint-Dominic, doctor and professor of theology;[736] Brother Seguin of Seguin of the Order of Saint Dominic, doctor and professor of theology;[737] Brother Pierre Seguin, Carmelite;[738] several of the King's[Pg i.190] Councillors, licentiates of civil as well as of canon law.
Here was a large assembly of doctors for the cross-examination of one shepherdess. But we must remember that in those days theology subtle and inflexible19 dominated all human knowledge and forced the secular20 arm to give effect to its judgment. Therefore, as soon as an ignorant girl caused it to be believed that she had seen God, the Virgin21, the saints, and the angels, she must either pass from miracle to miracle, through an edifying22 death to beatification, or from heresy23 to heresy through an ecclesiastical prison, to be burnt as a witch. And, as the holy inquisitors were fully24 persuaded that the Devil easily entered into a woman, the unhappy creature was more likely to be burnt alive than to die in an odour of sanctity. But Jeanne before the doctors at Poitiers was an exception; she ran no risk of being suspected in matters of faith. Even Brother Pierre Turelure himself had no desire to find in her one of those heretics he zealously26 sought to discover at Toulouse. In her presence the illustrious masters drew in their theological claws. They were churchmen, but they were Armagnacs, for the most part business men, diplomatists, old councillors of the Dauphin.[739] As priests, doubtless they were possessed27 of a certain body of dogma and morality, and of a code of rules for judging matters of faith. But now it was a question not of curing the disease of heresy, but of driving out the English. Jeanne was in favour with my Lord the Duke of Alen?on and with my Lord the Bastard28; the inhabitants of Orléans were looking to her for their deliv[Pg i.191]erance. She promised to take the King to Reims; and it happened that the cleverest and the most powerful man in France, the Chancellor29 of the kingdom, my Lord Regnault de Chartres, was Archbishop and Count of Reims; and that had great weight.[740]
If it should be as she said, if God had verily sent her to the aid of the Lilies, to the mind of whomsoever possessed sense and learning it appeared marvellous but not incredible. No one denied that God could directly intervene in the affairs of kingdoms, for he himself had said: Per me reges regnant.
In this Church holy and indivisible, there were the doctors of Poitiers who deliberately30 pronounced God to be on the side of the Dauphin, while the University of Paris as deliberately pronounced God to be on the side of the Burgundians and the English. His messenger need not necessarily be an angel. He might employ a creature human or not human, like the raven31 that fed Elijah. And that a woman should engage in war accorded with what was written in books concerning Camilla, the Amazons, and Queen Penthesilea, and with what the Bible says of the strong women, Deborah, Jahel, Judith of Bethulia, raised up by God for the salvation32 of Israel. For it is written: "The mighty33 one did not fall by the young men, neither did the sons of Titans smite34 him, nor high giants set upon him; but Judith the daughter of Merari weakened him with the beauty of her countenance35."[741]
Jeanne was taken to the mansion36 where dwelt Ma?tre Jean Rabateau, not far from the law-courts, in the heart of the town.[742] Ma?tre Jean Rabateau was[Pg i.192] Lay Attorney General; all criminal cases went to him, while civil cases went to the ecclesiastical Attorney General, Jean Jouvenel. Alike King's advocates, in the King's service, they both represented him in cases wherein he was concerned. The King was an unprofitable client. For representing him in criminal trials Ma?tre Jean Rabateau received four hundred livres a year. He was forbidden to appear in any but crown cases; and no one suspected him of receiving many bribes38. If in addition he held the office of Councillor to the Duke of Orléans he gained little by it. Like most Parlement officials he was for the moment very poor. A stranger in Poitiers, he had no house there, but lodged39 in a mansion, which, because it belonged to a family named Rosier40, was called the H?tel de la Rose. It was a large dwelling41. Witnesses whom it was necessary to keep securely and deal with honourably42 were entertained there. Jeanne was taken there although the Parlement had nothing to do with her cross-examination.[743] Once again she was placed in charge of a man who served both the Duke of Orléans and the King of France.
Jean Rabateau's wife, in common with the wives of all lawyers, was a woman of good reputation.[744] While she was at La Rose, Jeanne would stay long on her knees every day after dinner. At night she[Pg i.193] would rise from her bed to pray, and pass long hours in the little oratory43 of the mansion. It was in this house that the doctors conducted her examination. When their coming was announced she was seized with cruel anxiety. The Blessed Saint Catherine was careful to reassure44 her.[745] She likewise had disputed with doctors and confounded them. True, those doctors were heathen, but they were learned and their minds were subtle; for in the life of the Saint it is written: "The Emperor summoned fifty doctors versed45 in the lore46 of the Egyptians and the liberal arts. And when she heard that she was to dispute with the wise men, Catherine feared lest she should not worthily47 defend the Gospel of Jesus Christ. But an angel appeared unto her and said: 'I am the Archangel Saint Michael, and I am come to tell thee that thou shalt come forth6 from the strife48 victorious49 and worthy50 of Our Lord Jesus Christ, the hope and crown of those who strive for him.' And the Virgin disputed with the doctors."[746]
The grave doctors and masters and the principal clerks of the Parlement of Poitiers, in companies of two and three, repaired to the house of Jean Rabateau, and each one of them in turn questioned Jeanne. The first to come were Jean Lombard, Guillaume le Maire, Guillaume Aimery, Pierre Turelure, and Jacques Meledon. Brother Jean Lombard asked: "Wherefore have you come? The King desires to know what led you to come to him."
Jeanne's reply greatly impressed these clerks: "As I kept my flocks a Voice appeared to me. The Voice said: 'God has great pity on the people of France. Jeanne, thou must go into France.' On[Pg i.194] hearing these words I began to weep. Then the Voice said unto me: 'Go to Vaucouleurs. There shalt thou find a captain, who will take thee safely into France, to the King. Fear not.' I did as I was bidden, and I came to the King without hindrance51."[747]
Then the word fell to Brother Guillaume Aimery: "According to what you have said, the Voice told you that God will deliver the people of France from their distress52; but if God will deliver them he has no need of men-at-arms."
"In God's name," replied the Maid, "the men-at-arms will fight, and God will give the victory."
Ma?tre Guillaume declared himself satisfied.[748]
On the 22nd of March, Ma?tre Pierre de Versailles and Ma?tre Jean érault went together to Jean Rabateau's lodging53. The squire54, Gobert Thibault, whom Jeanne had already seen at Chinon, came with them. He was a young man and very simple, one who believed without asking for a sign. As they came in Jeanne went to meet them, and, striking the squire on the shoulder, in a friendly manner, she said: "I wish I had many men as willing as you."[749]
With men-at-arms she felt at her ease. But the doctors she could not tolerate, and she suffered torture when they came to argue with her. Although these theologians showed her great consideration, their eternal questions wearied her; their slowness and heaviness exasperated55 her. She bore them a grudge56 for not believing in her straightway, without proof, and for asking her for a sign, which she could not give them, since neither Saint Michael nor Saint Catherine nor Saint Margaret appeared during the exam[Pg i.195]ination. In retirement57, in the oratory, and in the lonely fields the heavenly visitants came to her in crowds; angels and saints, descending58 from heaven, flocked around her. But when the doctors came, immediately the Jacob's ladder was drawn59 up. Besides, the clerks were theologians, and she was a saint. Relations are always strained between the heads of the Church Militant60 and those devout61 women who communicate directly with the Church Triumphant62. She realised that the revelations granted to her so abundantly inspired her most favourable63 judges with doubts, suspicion, and even mistrust. She dared not confide64 to them much of the mystery of her Voices, and when the Churchmen were not present she told Alen?on, her fair Duke, that she knew more and could do more than she had ever told all those clerks.[750] It was not to them she had been sent; it was not for them that she had come. She felt awkward in their presence, and their manners were the occasion of that irritation65 which is discernible in more than one of her replies.[751] Sometimes when they questioned her she retreated to the end of her bench and sulked.
"We come to you from the King," said Ma?tre Pierre de Versailles.
She replied with a bad grace: "I am quite aware that you are come to question me again. I don't know A from B."[752] But to the question: "Wherefore do you come?" she made answer eagerly: "I come from the King of Heaven to raise the siege of Orléans, and take the King to be crowned and anointed at Reims. Ma?tre Jean érault, have you ink and[Pg i.196] paper? Write what I shall tell you." And she dictated66 a brief manifesto67 to the English captains: "You, Suffort, Clasdas, and La Poule, in the name of the King of Heaven I call upon you to return to England."[753]
Ma?tre Jean érault, who wrote at her dictation, was, like most of the clerks, favourably68 disposed towards her. Further, he had his own ideas. He recollected69 that Marie of Avignon, surnamed La Gasque, had uttered true and memorable70 prophecies to King Charles VI. Now La Gasque had told the King that the realm was to suffer many sorrows; and she had seen weapons in the sky. Her story of her vision had concluded with these words: "While I was afeard, believing myself called upon to take these weapons, a voice comforted me, saying: 'They are not for thee, but for a Virgin, who shall come and with these weapons deliver the realm of France.'" Ma?tre Jean érault meditated71 on these marvellous revelations and came to believe that Jeanne was the Virgin announced by Marie of Avignon.[754]
Ma?tre Gérard Machet, the King's Confessor, had found it written that a Maid should come to the help of the King of France. He remarked on it to Gobert Thibault, the Squire, who was no very great personage;[755] and he certainly spoke72 of it to several others.[Pg i.197] Gérard Machet, Doctor of Theology, sometime Vice37 Chancellor of the University, from which he was now excluded, was regarded as one of the lights of the Church. He loved the court,[756] although he would not admit it, and enjoyed the favour of the King, who had just rewarded his services by giving him money with which to purchase a mule73.[757] All doubts concerning the disposition74 of these doctors are removed by the discovery that the King's Confessor himself put into circulation those prophecies which had been distorted in favour of the Maid from the Bois-Chenu.
The damsel was interrogated75 concerning her Voices, which she called her Council, and her saints, whom she imagined in the semblance76 of those sculptured or painted figures peopling the churches.[758] The doctors objected to her having cast off woman's clothing and had her hair cut round in the manner of a page. Now it is written: "The woman shall not wear that which pertaineth unto a man, neither shall a man put on a woman's garment: for all that do so are abomination unto the Lord thy God" (Deuteronomy xxii, 5). The Council of Gangres, held in the reign77 of the Emperor Valens, had anathematised women who dressed as men and cut short their hair.[759] Many saintly women, impelled78 by a strange inspiration of the Holy Ghost, had concealed79 their sex by[Pg i.198] masculine garb80. At Saint-Jean-des-Bois, near Compiègne, was preserved the reliquary of Saint Euphrosyne of Alexandria, who lived for thirty-eight years in man's attire81 in the monastery82 of the Abbot Theodosius.[760] For these reasons, and because of these precedents83, the doctors argued: since Jeanne had put on this clothing not to offend another's modesty84 but to preserve her own, we will put no evil interpretation85 on an act performed with good intent, and we will forbear to condemn86 a deed justified87 by purity of motive88.
Certain of her questioners inquired why she called Charles Dauphin instead of giving him his title of King. This title had been his by right since the 30th of October, 1422; for on that day, the ninth since the death of the King his father, at Mehun-sur-Yèvre, in the chapel89 royal, he had put off his black gown and assumed the purple robe, while the heralds90, raising aloft the banner of France, cried: "Long live the King!"
She answered: "I will not call him King until he shall have been anointed and crowned at Reims. To that city I intend to take him."[761]
Without this anointing there was no king of France for her. Of the miracles which had followed that anointing she had heard every year from the mouth of her priest as he recited the glorious deeds of the Blessed Saint Remi, the patron saint of her parish. This reply was such as to satisfy the interrogators because, both for things spiritual and temporal, it was important that the King should be anointed at[Pg i.199] Reims.[762] And Messire Regnault de Chartres must have ardently91 desired it.
Contradicted by the clerks, she opposed the Church's doctrine92 by the inspiration of her own heart, and said to them: "There is more in the Book of Our Lord than in all yours."[763]
This was a bold and biting reply, which would have been dangerous had the theologians been less favourably inclined to her. Otherwise they might have held it to be trespassing93 on the rights of the Church, who, as the guardian94 of the Holy Books, is their jealous interpreter, and does not suffer the authority of Scripture95 to be set up against the decisions of Councils.[764] What were those books, which without having read she judged to be contrary to those of Our Lord, wherein with mind and spirit she seemed to read plainly? They would seem to be the Sacred Canons and the Sacred Decretals. This child's utterance96 sapped the very foundations of the Church. Had the doctors of Poitiers been less zealously Armagnac they would henceforth have mistrusted Jeanne and suspected her of heresy. But they were loyal servants of the houses of Orléans and of France. Their cassocks were ragged97 and their larders98 empty;[765] their only hope was in God, and they feared lest in rejecting this damsel they might be denying the Holy Ghost. Besides, everything went to prove that these words of Jeanne were uttered without guile99 and in all ignorance and[Pg i.200] simplicity100. No doubt that is why the doctors were not shocked by them.
Brother Seguin of Seguin in his turn questioned the damsel. He was from Limousin, and his speech betrayed his origin. He spoke with a drawl and used expressions unknown in Lorraine and Champagne. Perhaps he had that dull, heavy air, which rendered the folk of his province somewhat ridiculous in the eyes of dwellers101 on the Loire, the Seine, and the Meuse. To the question: "What language do your Voices speak?" Jeanne replied: "A better one than yours."[766]
Even saints may lose patience. If Brother Seguin did not know it before, he learnt it that day. And what business had he to doubt that Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret, who were on the side of the French, spoke French? Such a doubt Jeanne could not bear, and she gave her questioner to understand that when one comes from Limousin one does not inquire concerning the speech of heavenly ladies. Notwithstanding he pursued his interrogation: "Do you believe in God?" "Yes, more than you do," said the Maid, who, knowing nothing of the good Brother, was somewhat hasty in esteeming102 herself better grounded in the faith than he.
But she was vexed103 that there should be any question of her belief in God, who had sent her. Her reply, if favourably interpreted, would testify to the ardour of her faith. Did Brother Seguin so understand it? His contemporaries represented him as being of a somewhat bitter disposition. On the contrary, there is reason to believe that he was good-natured.[767]
[Pg i.201]
"But after all," he said, "it cannot be God's will that you should be believed unless some sign appear to make us believe in you. On your word alone we cannot counsel the King to run the risk of granting you men-at-arms."
"In God's name," she answered, "it was not to give a sign that I came to Poitiers. But take me to Orléans and I will show you the signs wherefore I am sent. Let me be given men, it matters not how many, and I will go to Orléans."
And she repeated what she was continually saying: "The English shall all be driven out and destroyed. The siege of Orléans shall be raised and the city delivered from its enemies, after I shall have summoned it to surrender in the name of the King of Heaven. The Dauphin shall be anointed at Reims, the town of Paris shall return to its allegiance to the King, and the Duke of Orléans shall come back from England."[768]
Long did the doctors and masters, following the example of Brother Seguin of Seguin, urge her to show a sign of her mission. They thought that if God had chosen her to deliver the French nation he[Pg i.202] would not fail to make his choice manifest by a sign, as he had done for Gideon, the son of Joash. When Israel was sore pressed by the Midianites, and when God's chosen people hid from their enemies in the caves of the mountains, the Angel of the Lord appeared to Gideon under an oak, and said unto him: "Surely I will be with thee and thou shalt smite the Midianites as one man." To which Gideon made answer: "If now I have found grace in thy sight, then shew me a sign that thou talkest with me." And Gideon made ready a kid and kneaded unleavened cakes; the flesh he put in a basket, and he put the broth15 in a pot and brought the pot and the basket beneath the oak. Then the Angel of God said unto him: "Take the flesh and the unleavened cakes, and lay them upon this rock, and pour out the broth." And he did so. Then the angel of the Lord put forth the end of the staff that was in his hand, and touched the flesh and the unleavened cakes; and there rose up fire out of the rock, and consumed the flesh and the unleavened cakes. When Gideon perceived that he had seen an angel of the Lord, he cried out: "Alas104, O Lord God! for because I have seen an angel of the Lord face to face."[769] With three hundred men Gideon subdued105 the Midianites. This example the doctors had before their minds.[770]
But for the Maid the sign of victory was victory itself. She said without ceasing: "The sign that I will show you shall be Orléans relieved and the siege raised."[771]
Such persistency106 made an impression on most of her interrogators. They determined107 to make of it,[Pg i.203] not a stone of stumbling, but rather an example of zeal25 and a subject of edification. Since she promised them a sign it behoved them in all humility108 to ask God to send it, and, filled with a like hope, joining with the King and all the people, to pray to the God, who delivered Israel, to grant them the banner of victory. Thus were overcome the arguments of Brother Seguin and of those who, led away by the precepts109 of human wisdom, desired a sign before they believed.
After an examination which had lasted six weeks, the doctors declared themselves satisfied.[772]
There was one point it was necessary to ascertain110; they must know whether Jeanne was, as she said, a virgin. Matrons had indeed already examined her on her arrival at Chinon. Then there was a doubt as to whether she were man or maid; and it was even feared that she might be an illusion in woman's semblance, produced by the art of demons111, which scholars considered by no means impossible.[773] It was not long since the death of that canon who held that now and again knights112 are changed into bears and spirits travel a hundred leagues in one night, then suddenly become sows or wisps of straw.[774] Suitable measures had therefore been taken. But they must be carried out exactly, wisely, and cautiously, for the matter was of great importance.
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chambers
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| n.房间( chamber的名词复数 )；（议会的）议院；卧室；会议厅 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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litigants
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| n.诉讼当事人( litigant的名词复数 ) | |
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perquisites
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| n.（工资以外的）财务补贴( perquisite的名词复数 )；额外收入；（随职位而得到的）好处；利益 | |
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inscribed
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| v.写，刻( inscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；内接 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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champagne
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| n.香槟酒；微黄色 | |
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honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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emaciated
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| adj.衰弱的，消瘦的 | |
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groaned
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| v.呻吟( groan的过去式和过去分词 )；发牢骚；抱怨；受苦 | |
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lamented
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| adj.被哀悼的，令人遗憾的v.（为…）哀悼，痛哭，悲伤( lament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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ego
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| n.自我，自己，自尊 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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broth
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| n.原(汁)汤(鱼汤、肉汤、菜汤等) | |
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monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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inflexible
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| adj.不可改变的，不受影响的，不屈服的 | |
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secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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edifying
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| adj.有教训意味的，教训性的，有益的v.开导，启发( edify的现在分词 ) | |
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heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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zealously
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| adv.热心地；热情地；积极地；狂热地 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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bastard
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| n.坏蛋，混蛋；私生子 | |
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chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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raven
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| n.渡鸟，乌鸦；adj.乌亮的 | |
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salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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smite
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| v.重击；彻底击败；n.打；尝试；一点儿 | |
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countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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mansion
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| n.大厦，大楼；宅第 | |
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37
vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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38
bribes
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| n.贿赂( bribe的名词复数 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂v.贿赂( bribe的第三人称单数 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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39
lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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40
rosier
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| Rosieresite | |
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41
dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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42
honourably
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| adv.可尊敬地，光荣地，体面地 | |
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43
oratory
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| n.演讲术；词藻华丽的言辞 | |
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44
reassure
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| v.使放心，使消除疑虑 | |
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45
versed
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| adj. 精通，熟练 | |
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46
lore
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| n.传说；学问，经验，知识 | |
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47
worthily
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| 重要地，可敬地，正当地 | |
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48
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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49
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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50
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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51
hindrance
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| n.妨碍，障碍 | |
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52
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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53
lodging
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| n.寄宿，住所；(大学生的)校外宿舍 | |
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54
squire
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| n.护卫, 侍从, 乡绅 | |
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55
exasperated
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| adj.恼怒的 | |
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56
grudge
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| n.不满，怨恨，妒嫉；vt.勉强给，不情愿做 | |
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57
retirement
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| n.退休，退职 | |
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58
descending
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| n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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59
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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militant
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| adj.激进的，好斗的；n.激进分子，斗士 | |
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devout
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| adj.虔诚的，虔敬的，衷心的 (n.devoutness) | |
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62
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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confide
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| v.向某人吐露秘密 | |
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irritation
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| n.激怒，恼怒，生气 | |
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66
dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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manifesto
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| n.宣言，声明 | |
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68
favourably
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| adv. 善意地，赞成地 =favorably | |
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69
recollected
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| adj.冷静的；镇定的；被回忆起的；沉思默想的v.记起，想起( recollect的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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71
meditated
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| 深思，沉思，冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 )； 内心策划，考虑 | |
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72
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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73
mule
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| n.骡子，杂种，执拗的人 | |
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74
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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interrogated
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| v.询问( interrogate的过去式和过去分词 )；审问；（在计算机或其他机器上）查询 | |
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semblance
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| n.外貌，外表 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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impelled
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| v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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80
garb
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| n.服装，装束 | |
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81
attire
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| v.穿衣，装扮[同]array；n.衣着；盛装 | |
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82
monastery
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| n.修道院，僧院，寺院 | |
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83
precedents
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| 引用单元； 范例( precedent的名词复数 )； 先前出现的事例； 前例； 先例 | |
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84
modesty
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| n.谦逊，虚心，端庄，稳重，羞怯，朴素 | |
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interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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86
condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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88
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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89
chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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90
heralds
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| n.使者( herald的名词复数 )；预报者；预兆；传令官v.预示( herald的第三人称单数 )；宣布（好或重要） | |
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91
ardently
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| adv.热心地，热烈地 | |
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92
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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93
trespassing
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| [法]非法入侵 | |
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94
guardian
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| n.监护人；守卫者，保护者 | |
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95
scripture
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| n.经文，圣书，手稿；Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》，《圣经》中的一段 | |
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96
utterance
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| n.用言语表达，话语，言语 | |
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97
ragged
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| adj.衣衫褴褛的，粗糙的，刺耳的 | |
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98
larders
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| n.（家中的）食物贮藏室，食物橱( larder的名词复数 ) | |
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99
guile
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| n.诈术 | |
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100
simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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101
dwellers
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| n.居民，居住者( dweller的名词复数 ) | |
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102
esteeming
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| v.尊敬( esteem的现在分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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103
vexed
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| adj.争论不休的；（指问题等）棘手的；争论不休的问题；烦恼的v.使烦恼( vex的过去式和过去分词 )；使苦恼；使生气；详细讨论 | |
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104
alas
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| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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105
subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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106
persistency
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| n. 坚持(余辉, 时间常数) | |
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107
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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108
humility
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| n.谦逊，谦恭 | |
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109
precepts
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| n.规诫，戒律，箴言( precept的名词复数 ) | |
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110
ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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111
demons
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| n.恶人( demon的名词复数 )；恶魔；精力过人的人；邪念 | |
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112
knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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