ON the morning of Sunday the 8th of May, the English departed, retreating towards Meung and Beaugency. In the afternoon of the same day, Messire Florent d'Illiers with his men-at-arms left the town and went straight to his captaincy of Chateaudun to defend it against the Godons who had a garrison3 at Marchenoir and were about to descend4 on Le Dunois. On the next day the other captains from La Beauce and Gatinais returned to their towns and strongholds.[1119]
On the ninth of the same month, the combatants brought by the Sire de Rais, receiving neither pay nor entertainment, went off each man on his own account; and the Maid did not stay longer.[1120] After having taken part in the procession by which the townsfolk rendered thanks to God, she took her leave of those to whom she had come in the hour of distress5 and affliction and whom she now quitted in the hour of deliverance and rejoicing. They wept with joy and with gratitude6 and offered themselves to her for her to do[Pg i.319] with them and their goods whatever she would. And she thanked them kindly7.[1121]
From Chinon the King caused to be sent to the inhabitants of the towns in his dominion8 and notably9 to those of La Rochelle and Narbonne, a letter written at three sittings, between the evening of the 9th of May and the morning of the 10th, as the tidings from Orléans were coming in. In this letter he announced the capture of the forts of Saint-Loup, Les Augustins and Les Tourelles and called upon the townsfolk to praise God and do honour to the great feats10 accomplished11 there, especially by the Maid, who "had always been present when these deeds were done."[1122] Thus did the royal power describe Jeanne's share in the victory. It was in no wise a captain's share; she held no command of any kind. But, sent by God, at least so it might be believed, her presence was a help and a consolation12.
In company with a few nobles she went to Blois, stayed there two days,[1123] then went on to Tours, where the King was expected.[1124] When, on the Friday before Whitsunday, she entered the town, Charles, who had set out from Chinon, had not yet arrived. Banner in hand, she rode out to meet him and when she came[Pg i.320] to him, she took off her cap and bowed her head as far as she could over her horse. The King lifted his hood13, bade her look up and kissed her. It is said that he felt glad to see her, but in reality we know not what he felt.[1125]
In this month of May, 1429, he received from Messire Jacques Gélu a treatise1 concerning the Maid, which he probably did not read, but which his confessor read for him. Messire Jacques Gélu, sometime Councillor to the Dauphin and now my Lord Archbishop of Embrun,[1126] had at first been afraid that the King's enemies had sent him this shepherdess to poison him, or that she was a witch possessed14 by demons15. In the beginning he had advised her being carefully interrogated16, not hastily repulsed17, for appearances are deceptive18 and divine grace moves in a mysterious manner. Now, after having read the conclusions of the doctors of Poitiers, learnt the deliverance of Orléans, and heard the cry of the common folk, Messire Jacques Gélu no longer doubted the damsel's innocence19 and goodness. Seeing that the doctors were divided in their opinion of her, he drew up a brief treatise, which he sent to the King, with a very ample, a very humble20, and a very worthy21 dedicatory epistle.
About that time, on the pavement of the cathedral of Reims a labyrinth22 had been traced with compass and with square.[1127] Pilgrims who were patient and[Pg i.321] painstaking23 followed all its winding24 ways. The Archbishop of Embrun's treatise is likewise a carefully planned scholastic25 labyrinth. Herein one advances only to retreat and retreats only to advance, but without entirely26 losing one's way provided one walks with sufficient patience and attention. Like all scholastics, Gélu begins by giving the reasons against his own opinion and it is not until he has followed his opponent at some length that he returns to his own argument. Into all the intricacies of his labyrinth it would take too long to follow him. But since those who were round the King consulted this theological treatise, since it was addressed to the King and since the King and his Council may have based on it their opinion of Jeanne and their conduct towards her, one is curious to know what, on so singular an occasion, they found taught and recommended therein.
Treating first of the Church's weal, Jacques Gélu holds that God raised up the Maid to confound the heretics, the number of whom, according to him, is by no means small. "To turn to confusion those who believe in God as if they believed not," he writes, "the Almighty27, who hath on His vesture and on His thigh28 a name written, King of Kings and Lord of Lords, was pleased to succour the King of France by the hand of a child of low estate." The Archbishop of Embrun discerns five reasons why the divine succour was granted to the King; to wit: the justice of his cause, the striking merits of his predecessors29, the prayers of devout30 souls and the sighs of the oppressed, the injustice31 of the enemies of the kingdom and the insatiable cruelty of the English nation.
That God should have chosen a maid to destroy armies in no way surprises him. "He created insects, such as flies and fleas32, with which to humble man's[Pg i.322] pride." So persistently33 do these tiny creatures worry and weary us that they prevent our studying or acting34. However strong his self-control, a man may not rest in a room infested35 with fleas. By the hand of a young peasant, born of poor and lowly parents, subject to menial labour, ignorant and simple beyond saying, it hath pleased Him to strike down the proud, to humble them and make His Majesty36 manifest unto them by the deliverance of the perishing.
That to a virgin37 the Most High should have revealed His designs concerning the Kingdom of the Lilies cannot astonish us; on virgins38 He readily bestows39 the gift of prophecy. To the sibyls it pleased Him to reveal mysteries hidden from all the Gentiles. On the authority of Nicanor, of Euripides, of Chrysippus, of Nennius, of Apollodorus, of Eratosthenes, of Heraclides Ponticus, of Marcus Varro and of Lactantius, Messire Jacques Gélu teaches that the sibyls were ten in number: the Persian, the Libyan, the Delphian, the Cimmerian, the Erythrean, the Samian, the Cum?an, the Hellespontine, the Phrygian and the Tiburtine. They prophesied40 to the Gentiles the glorious incarnation of Our Lord, the resurrection of the dead and the consummation of the ages. This example appears to him worthy of consideration.
As for Jeanne, she is in herself unknowable. Aristotle teaches: there is nothing in the intellect which hath not first been in the senses, and the senses cannot penetrate41 beyond experience. But what the mind cannot grasp directly it may come to comprehend by a roundabout way. When we consider her works, as far as in our human weakness we can know, we say the Maid is of God. Albeit42 she hath adopted the profession of arms, she never counsels cruelty; she is merciful to her enemies when they throw themselves[Pg i.323] upon her mercy and she offers peace. Finally the Archbishop of Embrun believes that this Maid is an angel sent by God, the Lord of Hosts, for the saving of the people; not that she has the nature, but that she does the work of an angel.
Concerning the conduct to be followed in circumstances so marvellous, the doctor is of opinion that in war the King should act according to human wisdom. It is written: "Thou shalt not tempt43 the Lord thy God." In vain would an active mind have been bestowed44 on man were he not to make use of it in his undertakings45. Long deliberation must precede prompt execution. It is not by a woman's desires or supplications that God's help is obtained. A prosperous issue is the fruit of action and of counsel.
But the inspiration of God must not be rejected. Wherefore the will of the Maid must be accomplished, even should that will appear doubtful and mistaken. If the words of the Maid are found to be stable, then the King must follow her and confide47 to her as to God the conduct of the enterprise to which she is committed. Should any doubt occur to the King, let him incline rather towards divine than towards human wisdom, for as there is no comparing the finite with the infinite so there is no comparing the wisdom of man with the wisdom of God. Wherefore we must believe that He who sent us this child is able to impart unto her a counsel superior to man's counsel. Then from this Aristotelian reasoning the Archbishop of Embrun draws the following two-headed conclusion: "On the one hand we give it to be understood that the wisdom of this world must be consulted in the ordering of battle, the use of engines, ladders and all other implements48 of war, the building of bridges, the sufficient despatch49 of supplies, the raising of funds,[Pg i.324] and in all matters without which no enterprise can succeed save by miracle.
"But when on the other hand divine wisdom is seen to be acting in some peculiar50 way, then human reason must be humble and withdraw. Then it is, we observe, that the counsel of the Maid must be asked for, sought after and adopted before all else. He who gives life gives wherewithal to support life. On his workers he bestows the instruments for their work. Wherefore let us hope in the Lord. He makes the King's cause his own. Those who support it he will inspire with the wisdom necessary to make it triumphant51. God leaves no work imperfect."
The Archbishop concludes his treatise by commending the Maid to the King because she inspires holy thoughts and makes manifest the works of piety52. "This counsel do we give the King that every day he do such things as are well pleasing in the sight of the Lord and that he confer with the Maid concerning them. When he shall have received her advice let him practise it piously54 and devoutly55; then shall not the Lord withdraw His hand from Him but continue His loving kindness unto him."[1128]
The great doctor Gerson, former Chancellor56 of the University, was then ending his days at Lyon in the monastery57 of Les Célestins, of which his brother was prior. His life had been full of work and weariness.[1129][Pg i.325] In 1408 he was priest of Saint-Jean-en-Grève in Paris. In that year he delivered in his parish church the funeral oration58 of the Duke of Orléans, assassinated59 by order of the Duke of Burgundy; and he roused the passions of the mob to such a fury that he ran great danger of losing his life. At the Council of Constance, possessed by a so-called "merciful cruelty"[1130] which goaded60 him to send a heretic to the stake, he urged the condemnation61 of John Huss, regardless of the safe-conduct which the latter had received from the Emperor; for in common with all the fathers there assembled he held that according to natural law both divine and human, no promise should be kept if it were prejudicial to the Catholic Faith. With a like ardour he prosecuted63 in the Council the condemnation of the thesis of Jean Petit concerning the lawfulness65 of tyrannicide. In things temporal as well as spiritual he advocated uniform obedience66 and the respect of established authority. In one of his sermons he likens the kingdom of France to the statue of Nebuchadnezzar, making the merchants and artisans the legs of the statue, "which are partly iron, partly clay, because of their labour and humility67 in serving and obeying...." Iron signifies labour, and clay humility. All the evil has arisen from the King and the great citizens being held in subjection by those of low estate.[1131]
Now, crushed by suffering and sorrow, he was teaching little children. "It is with them that reforms must begin," he said.[1132]
[Pg i.326]
The deliverance of the city of Orléans must have gladdened the heart of the old Orleanist partisan68. The Dauphin's Councillors, eager to set the Maid to work, had told him of the deliberations at Poitiers, and asked him, as a good servant of the house of France, for his opinion concerning them. In reply he wrote a compendious69 treatise on the Maid.
In this work he is careful from the first to distinguish between matters of faith and matters of devotion. In questions of faith doubt is forbidden. With regard to questions of devotion the unbeliever, to use a colloquial70 expression, is not necessarily damned. Three conditions are necessary if a question is to be considered as one of devotion: first, it must be edifying71; second, it must be probable and attested72 by popular report or the testimony73 of the faithful; third, it must touch on nothing contrary to faith. When these conditions are fulfilled, it is fitting neither persistently to condemn62 nor to approve, but rather to appeal to the church.
For example, the conception of the very holy Virgin, indulgences, relics75, are matters of faith and not of devotion. A relic74 may be worshipped in one place or another, or in several places at once. Recently the Parlement of Paris disputed concerning the head of Saint Denys, worshipped at Saint-Denys in France and likewise in the cathedral at Paris. This is a matter of devotion.[1133]
Whence it may be concluded that it is lawful64 to consider the question of the Maid as a matter of devotion, especially when one reflects on her motives76, which are the restitution77 of his kingdom to her King and the[Pg i.327] very righteous expulsion or destruction of her very stubborn enemies.
And if there be those who make various statements concerning her idle talk, her frivolity78, her guile79, now is the time to quote the saying of Cato: "Common report is not our judge." According to the words of the Apostle, it doth not become us to call in question the servant of God. Much better is it to abstain80 from judgment81, as is permitted, or to submit doubtful points to ecclesiastical superiors. This is the principle followed in the canonisation of saints. The catalogue of the saints is not, strictly82 speaking, necessarily a matter of faith, but of pious53 devotion. Nevertheless, it is not to be highly censured83 by any manner of man.
To come to the present case, the following circumstances are to be noted84: First, the royal council and the men-at-arms were induced to believe and to obey; and they faced the risk of being put to shame by defeat under the leadership of a girl. Second, the people rejoice, and their pious faith seems to tend to the glory of God and the confounding of his enemies. Third, the enemy, even his princes, are in hiding and stricken with many terrors. They give way to weakness like a woman with child; they are overthrown85 like the Egyptians in the song sung by Miriam, sister of Moses, to the sound of the timbrel in the midst of the women who went out with her with timbrels and with dances: "Sing ye to the Lord, for he hath triumphed gloriously; the horse and his rider hath he thrown into the sea."[1134] And let us likewise sing the song of Miriam with the devotion which becometh our case.
Fourth, and in conclusion, this point is worthy of consideration: The Maid and her men-at-arms[Pg i.328] despise not the wisdom of men; they tempt not God. Wherefore it is plain that the Maid goes no further than what she interprets to be the instruction or inspiration received from God.
Many of the incidents of her life from childhood up have been collected in abundance and might be set forth86; but these we shall not relate.
Here may be cited the examples of Deborah and of Saint Catherine who miraculously88 converted fifty doctors or rhetoricians, of Judith and of Judas Maccabeus. As is usually the case, there were many circumstances in their lives which were purely89 natural.
A first miracle is not always followed by the other miracles which men expect. Even if the Maid should be disappointed in her expectation and in ours (which God forbid) we ought not to conclude therefrom, that the first manifestation90 of her miraculous87 power proceeded from an evil spirit and not from heavenly grace; we should believe rather that our hopes have been disappointed because of our ingratitude91 and our blasphemy92, or by some just and impenetrable judgment of God. We beseech93 him to turn away his anger from us and vouchsafe94 unto us his favour.
Herein we perceive lessons, first for the King and the Blood Royal, secondly95 for the King's forces and the kingdom; thirdly for the clergy96 and people; fourthly for the Maid. Of all these lessons the object is the same, to wit: a good life, consecrated97 to God, just towards others, sober, virtuous98 and temperate99. With regard to the Maid's peculiar lesson, it is that God's grace revealed in her be employed not in caring for trifles, not in worldly advantage, nor in party hatred100, nor in violent sedition,[Pg i.329] nor in avenging101 deeds done, nor in foolish self-glorification, but in meekness102, prayer, and thanksgiving. And let every one contribute a liberal supply of temporal goods so that peace be established and justice once more administered, and that delivered out of the hands of our enemies, God being favourable103 unto us, we may serve him in holiness and righteousness.
At the conclusion of his treatise, Gerson briefly104 examines one point of canon law which had been neglected by the doctors of Poitiers. He establishes that the Maid is not forbidden to dress as a man.
Firstly. The ancient law forbade a woman to dress as a man, and a man as a woman. This restriction105, as far as strict legality is concerned, ceases to be enforced by the new law.
Secondly. In its moral bearing this law remains106 binding107. But in such a case it is merely a matter of decency108.
Thirdly. From a legal and moral standpoint this law does not refuse masculine and military attire109 to the Maid, whom the King of Heaven appoints His standard-bearer, in order that she may trample110 underfoot the enemies of justice. In the operations of divine power the end justifies111 the means.
Fourthly. Examples may be quoted from history alike sacred and profane112, notably Camilla and the Amazons.
Jean Gerson completed this treatise on Whit-Sunday, a week after the deliverance of Orléans. It was his last work. He died in the July of that year, 1429, in the sixty-fifth year of his age.[1135]
[Pg i.330]
The treatise is the political testament113 of the great university doctor in exile. The Maid's victory gladdened the last days of his life. With his dying voice he sings the Song of Miriam. But with his rejoicings over this happy event are mingled114 the sad presentiments115 of keen-sighted old age. While in the Maid he beholds117 a subject for the rejoicing and edification of the people, he is afraid that the hopes she inspires may soon be disappointed. And he warns those who now exalt118 her in the hour of triumph not to forsake119 her in the day of disaster.
His dry close reasoning does not fundamentally differ from the ampler, more flowery argument of Jacques Gélu. One and the other contain the same reasons, the same proofs; and in their conclusions both doctors agree with the judges of Poitiers.
For the Poitiers doctors, for the Archbishop of Embrun, for the ex-chancellor of the University, for all the theologians of the Armagnac party the Maid's case is not a matter of faith. How could it be so before the Pope and the Council had pronounced judgment concerning it? Men are free to believe in her or not to believe in her. But it is a subject of edification; and it behoves men to meditate121 upon it, not in a spirit of prejudice, persisting in doubt, but with an open mind and according to the Christian122 faith. Following the counsel of Gerson, kindly souls will believe that the Maid comes from God, just as they believe that the head of Saint Denys may be venerated123 by the faithful either in the Cathedral Church of Paris or in the abbey-church of Saint Denys in France. They will think less of literal than of spiritual truths and they will not sin by inquiring too closely.
In short neither the treatise of Jacques Gélu nor that of Jean Gerson brought much light to the King[Pg i.331] and his Council. Both treatises abounded124 in exhortations125, but they all amounted to saying: "Be good, pious and strong, let your thoughts be humble and prudent," Concerning the most important point, the use to be made of Jeanne in the conduct of war, the Archbishop of Embrun wisely recommended: "Do what the Maid commands and prudence126 directs; for the rest give yourselves to works of piety and prayers of devotion." Such counsel was somewhat embarrassing to a captain like the Sire de Gaucourt and even to a man of worth like my Lord of Trèves. It appears that the clerks left the King perfect liberty of judgment and of action, and that in the end they advised him not to believe in the Maid, but to let the people and the men-at-arms believe in her.
During the ten days he spent at Tours the King kept Jeanne with him. Meanwhile the Council were deliberating as to their line of action.[1136] The royal treasury127 was empty. Charles could raise enough money to make gifts to the gentlemen of his household, but he had great difficulty in defraying the expenses of war.[1137] Pay was owing to the people of Orléans. They had received little and spent much. Their resources were exhausted128 and they demanded payment. In May and in June the King distributed among the captains, who had defended the town, sums amounting to forty-one thousand six hundred and thirty-one livres.[1138] He had gained his victory[Pg i.332] cheaply. The total cost of the defence of Orléans was one hundred and ten thousand livres. The townsfolk did the rest; they gave even their little silver spoons.[1139]
It would doubtless have been expedient129 to attempt to destroy that formidable army of Sir John Fastolf which had lately terrified the good folk of Orléans. But no one knew where to find it. It had disappeared somewhere between Orléans and Paris. It would have been necessary to go forth to seek it; that was impossible, and no one thought of doing such a thing. So scientific a man?uvre was never dreamed of in the warfare130 of those days. An expedition to Normandy was suggested; and the idea was so natural that the King was already imagined to be at Rouen.[1140] Finally it was decided131 to attempt the capture of the chateaux the English held on the Loire, both below and above Orléans, Jargeau, Meung, Beaugency.[1141] A useful undertaking46 and one which presented no very great difficulties, unless it involved an encounter with Sir John Fastolf's army, and whether it would or no it was impossible to tell.
Without further delay my Lord the Bastard132 marched on Jargeau with a few knights133 and some of Poton's soldiers of fortune; but the Loire was high and its waters filled the trenches135. Being unprovided with siege train, they retreated after having inflicted136 some hurt on the English and slain137 the commander of the town.[1142]
[Pg i.333]
By the reasons of the captains the Maid set little store. She listened to her Voices alone, and they spoke138 to her words which were infinitely139 simple. Her one idea was to accomplish her mission. Saint Catherine, Saint Margaret and Saint Michael the Archangel, had sent her into France not to calculate the resources of the royal treasury, not to decree aids and taxes, not to treat with men-at-arms, with merchants and the conductors of convoys140, not to draw up plans of campaign and negotiate truces141, but to lead the Dauphin to his anointing. Wherefore it was to Reims that she wished to take him, not that she knew how to go there, but she believed that God would guide her. Delay, tardiness142, deliberation saddened and irritated her. When with the King she urged him gently.
Many times she said to him: "I shall live a year, barely longer. During that year let as much as possible be done."[1143]
Then she enumerated143 the four charges which she must accomplish during that time. After having delivered Orléans she must drive the Godons out of France, lead the King to be crowned and anointed at Reims and rescue the Duke of Orléans from the hands of the English.[1144] One day she grew impatient and went to the King when he was in one of those closets of carved wainscot constructed in the great castle halls for intimate or family gatherings144. She knocked at the door and entered almost immediately. There she found the King conversing146 with Ma?tre Gérard Machet, his confessor, my Lord the Bastard, the Sire de Trèves and a favourite noble of his household, by name Messire Christophe d'Harcourt. She knelt[Pg i.334] embracing the King's knees (for she was conversant147 with the rules of courtesy), and said to him: "Fair Dauphin, do not so long and so frequently deliberate in council, but come straightway to Reims, there to receive your rightful anointing."[1145]
The King looked graciously upon her but answered nothing. The Lord d'Harcourt, having heard that the Maid held converse148 with angels and saints, was curious to know whether the idea of taking the King to Reims had really been suggested to her by her heavenly visitants. Describing them by the word she herself used, he asked: "Is it your Council who speak to you of such things?"
She replied: "Yes, in this matter I am urged forward." Straightway my Lord d'Harcourt responded: "Will you not here in the King's presence tell us the manner of your Council when they speak to you?"
At this request Jeanne blushed.
Willing to spare her constraint149 and embarrassment150, the King said kindly: "Jeanne, does it please you to answer this question before these persons here present?"
But Jeanne addressing my Lord d'Harcourt said: "I understand what you desire to know and I will tell you willingly."
And straightway she gave the King to understand what agony she endured at not being understood and she told of her inward consolation: "Whenever I am sad because what I say by command of Messire is not readily believed, I go apart and to Messire I make known my complaint, saying that those to whom I speak are not willing to believe me. And[Pg i.335] when I have finished my prayer, straightway I hear a voice saying unto me: 'Daughter of God, go, I will be thy help.' And this voice fills me with so great a joy, that in this condition I would forever stay."[1146]
While she was repeating the words spoken by the Voice, Jeanne raised her eyes to heaven. The nobles present were struck by the divine expression on the maiden's face. But those eyes bathed in tears, that air of rapture151, which filled my Lord the Bastard with amazement152, was not an ecstasy153, it was the imitation of an ecstasy.[1147] The scene was at once simple and artificial. It reveals the kindness of the King, who was incapable154 of wounding the child in any way, and the light-heartedness with which the nobles of the court believed or pretended to believe in the most wonderful marvels155. It proves likewise that henceforth the little Saint's dignifying156 the project of the coronation with the authority of a divine revelation was favourably157 regarded by the Royal Council.
The Maid accompanied the King to Loches and stayed with him until after the 23rd of May.[1148]
The people believed in her. As she passed through the streets of Loches they threw themselves before her horse; they kissed the Saint's hands and feet. Ma?tre Pierre de Versailles, a monk158 of Saint-Denys in France, one of her interrogators at Poitiers, seeing her receive these marks of veneration159, rebuked160 her on theological grounds: "You do wrong," he said, "to suffer such things to which you are not entitled. Take heed161: you are leading men into idolatry."[Pg i.336]
Then Jeanne, reflecting on the pride which might creep into her heart, said: "In truth I could not keep from it, were not Messire watching over me."[1149]
She was displeased162 to see certain old wives coming to salute163 her; that was a kind of adoration164 which alarmed her. But poor folk who came to her she never repulsed. She would not hurt them, but aided them as far as she could.[1150]
With marvellous rapidity the fame of her holiness had been spread abroad throughout the whole of France. Many pious persons were wearing medals of lead or some other metal, stamped with her portrait, according to the customary mode of honouring the memory of saints.[1151] Paintings or sculptured figures of her were placed in chapels165. At mass the priest recited as a collect "the Maid's prayer for the realm of France:"
"O God, author of peace, who without bow or arrow dost destroy those enemies who hope in themselves,[1152] we beseech thee O Lord, to protect us in our adversity; and, as Thou hast delivered Thy people by the hand of a woman, to stretch out to Charles our King, Thy conquering arm, that our enemies, who make their boast in multitudes and glory in bows and arrows, may be overcome by him at this present, and vouchsafe that at the end of his days he with his people may appear gloriously before[Pg i.337] Thee who art the way, the truth and the life. Through Our Lord Jesus Christ, etc."[1153]
In those days the saintly, both men and women, were consulted in all the difficulties of life. The more they were deemed simple and innocent the more counsel was asked of them. For if of themselves they knew nothing then all the surer was it that the voice of God was to be heard in their words. The Maid was believed to have no intelligence of her own, wherefore she was held capable of solving the most difficult questions with infallible wisdom. It was observed that knowing nought166 of the arts of war, she waged war better than captains, whence it was concluded that everything, which in her holy ignorance she undertook, she would worthily167 accomplish. Thus at Toulouse it occurred to a capitoul to consult her on a financial question. In that city the indignation of the townsfolk had been aroused because the guardians168 of the mint had been ordered to issue coins greatly inferior to those which had been previously169 in circulation. From April till June the capitouls had been endeavouring to get this order revoked170. On the 2nd of June, the capitoul, Pierre Flamenc, proposed that the Maid should be written to concerning the evils resulting from the corruption171 of the coinage and that she should be asked to suggest a remedy. Pierre Flamenc made this proposal at the Capitole because he thought that a saint was a good counsellor in all matters, especially in anything which concerned the coinage, particularly when, like the Maid, she was the friend of the King.[1154]
[Pg i.338]
From Loches Jeanne sent a little gold ring to the Dame120 de Laval, who had doubtless asked for some object she had touched.[1155] Fifty-four years previously Jeanne Dame de Laval had married Sire Bertrand Du Guesclin whose memory the French venerated and who in the House of Orléans was known as the tenth of Les Preux. Dame Jeanne's renown172, however, fell short of that of Tiphaine Raguenel, astrologer and fairy,[1156] who had been Sire Bertrand's first wife. Jeanne was a choleric173 person and a miser174. Driven out of her domain175 of Laval by the English, she lived in retirement176 at Vitré with her daughter Anne. Thirteen years before, the latter had incurred177 her mother's displeasure by secretly marrying a landless younger son of a noble house. When Dame Jeanne discovered it she imprisoned178 her daughter in a dungeon179 and welcomed the younger son by shooting at him with a cross-bow. After which the two ladies dwelt together in peace.[1157]
From Loches the Maid went to Selles-en-Berry, a considerable town on the Cher. Here, shortly before had met the three estates of the kingdom; and here the troops were now gathering145.[1158]
On Saturday, the 4th of June, she received a herald180 sent by the people of Orléans to bring her[Pg i.339] tidings of the English.[1159] As commander in war they recognised none but her.
Meanwhile, surrounded by monks181, and side by side with men-at-arms, like a nun182 she lived apart, a saintly life. She ate and drank little.[1160] She communicated once a week and confessed frequently.[1161] During mass at the moment of elevation183, at confession184 and when she received the body of Our Lord she used to weep many tears. Every evening, at the hour of vespers, she would retire into a church and have the bells rung for about half an hour to summon the mendicant185 friars who followed the army. Then she would begin to pray while the brethren sang an anthem186 in honour of the Virgin Mary.[1162]
While practising as far as she was able the austerities required by extreme piety, she appeared magnificently attired187, like a lord, for indeed she held her lordship from God. She wore the dress of a knight134, a small hat, doublet and hose to match, a fine cloak of silk and cloth of gold well lined and shoes laced on the outer side of the foot.[1163] Such attire in no wise scandalised even the most austere188 members of the Dauphin's party. They read in holy Scripture189 that Esther and Judith, inspired by the Lord, loaded themselves with ornaments190; true it was for sexual reasons and in order for the salvation191 of Israel to attract Ahasuerus and Holophernes. Wherefore they[Pg i.340] held that when Jeanne decked herself with masculine adornments, in order to appear before the men-at-arms as an angel giving victory to the Christian King, far from yielding to the vanities of the world, she, like Esther and Judith, had nothing in her heart but the interest of the holy nation and the glory of God. The English and Burgundian clerks on the other hand converted into scandal what was a subject of edification, and maintained that she was a woman dissolute in dress and in manners.
For seven years now Saint Michael the Archangel and the Saints Catherine and Margaret, wearing rich and precious crowns, had been visiting and conversing with her. It was when the bells were ringing, at the hour of compline and of matins, that she could best hear their words.[1164] In those days bells of all kinds, large and small, metropolitan192, parochial or conventual, sounded in peals193, or, chiming harmoniously194, in voices grave or gay, spoke to all men and of all things. Their song descended195 from the sky to mark the ecclesiastical and civic196 calendar. They called priests and people to church; they mourned for the dead and they praised God; they announced fairs and field work; they clashed portentous197 tidings through the sky, and in times of war they called to arms and sounded the alarm. Friendly to the husbandman they scattered198 the tempest, they warded199 off hail-storms and drove away pestilence200. They put to flight those demons that, flying ceaselessly through the air, haunt the children of men; and to their blessed sound was attributed the power of calming violence.[1165] Saint Catharine, she[Pg i.341] who visited Jeanne every day, was the patron of bells and bell-ringers. Thus many bells bore her name. In the ringing of bells as in the rustling201 of leaves, Jeanne was wont202 to hear her Voices. She seldom heard them without seeing a light in the direction whence they came.[1166] Those Voices called her: "Jeanne, daughter of God!"[1167] Often the Archangel and the Saints appeared to her. When they came she did them reverence203, bending her knee and bowing her head; she kissed their feet, knowing it to be a greater mark of respect than kissing the countenance204. She was conscious of the fragrance205 and grateful warmth of their glorified206 bodies.[1168]
Saint Michael the Archangel did not come alone. There accompanied him angels so numerous and so tiny that they danced like sparks in the damsel's dazzled eyes. When the saints and the Archangel went away, she wept with grief because they had not taken her with them.[1169] In like manner an angel visited Judith in the camp of Holofernes.
One day Jeanne's equerry, Jean d'Aulon, asked her what her Council was, just as my Lord d'Harcourt had done. She replied that she had three councillors, one of whom was always with her. Another was constantly going and coming; the third was the one with whom the other two deliberated.
Sire d'Aulon, more curious than the King, besought207 and requested her to let him see this Council for once.[Pg i.342]
The good squire209 never asked again. If he had read the Bible he would have known that Elisha's servant did not see the angels beheld210 by the prophet (2 Kings VI, 16, 17).
And yet Jeanne imagined that her Council had appeared to the King and his court.
"My King," she said later, "my King and many besides saw and heard the Voices that came to me. The Count of Clermont and two or three others were with him."[1171]
She believed it was so. But in reality she never showed her Voices to anyone. Not even, despite what has been said to the contrary, to that Guy de Cailly who had been following her since Chécy.[1172]
With Brother Pasquerel Jeanne engaged in pious conversation. To him she often expressed the desire that the Church after her death should pray for her and for all the French slain in the war.
"If I were to depart from this world," she used to say to him, "I should like the King to build chantries, where prayers should be offered to Messire for the salvation of the souls of those who died in war or for the defence of the realm."[1173]
Such a wish was common to all devout souls. What Christian in those days did not hold the practice of saying masses for the dead to be good and salutary? Thus, in the matter of devotion, the Maid was in accord with Duke Charles of Orléans, who, in one of[Pg i.343] his complaints, recommends the saying and singing of masses for the souls of those who had suffered violent death in the service of the realm.[1174]
She said one day to the good brother: "There is succour that I am appointed to bring."
And Pasquerel, albeit he had studied the Bible, cried out in amazement: "Such a history as yours there hath never been before in the world. Nought like unto it can be read in any book."
Jeanne answered him even more boldly than the doctors at Poitiers: "Messire has a book in which no clerk, however perfect his learning, has ever read."[1175]
She had received her mission from God alone, and she read in a book sealed against all the doctors of the Church.
On the reverse of her standard, sprinkled by mendicants with holy water, she had had a dove painted, holding in its beak211 a scroll212, whereon were written the words "in the name of the King of Heaven."[1176] These were the armorial bearings she had received from her Council. The emblem213 and the device seemed appropriate to her, since she proclaimed that God had sent her, and since at Orléans she had given the sign promised at Poitiers. The King, notwithstanding, changed this shield for arms representing a crown supported upon a sword between two flowers-de-luce and indicating clearly what was the aid that the Maid of God was bringing to the realm of France. It is said that she regretted having to abandon the arms communicated to her by divine revelation.[1177]
[Pg i.344]
She prophesied, and, as happens to all prophets, she did not always foretell214 what was to come to pass. It was the fate of the prophet Jonah himself. And doctors explain how the prophecies of true prophets cannot be all fulfilled.
She had said: "Before Saint John the Baptist's Day, in 1429, there shall not be one Englishman, howsoever strong and valiant215, to be seen throughout France, either in battle or in the open field."[1178]
The nativity of Saint John the Baptist is celebrated216 on the 24th of June.
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1
treatise
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| n.专著；(专题)论文 | |
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treatises
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| n.专题著作，专题论文，专著( treatise的名词复数 ) | |
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garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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notably
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| adv.值得注意地，显著地，尤其地，特别地 | |
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feats
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| 功绩，伟业，技艺( feat的名词复数 ) | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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hood
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| n.头巾，兜帽，覆盖；v.罩上，以头巾覆盖 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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demons
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| n.恶人( demon的名词复数 )；恶魔；精力过人的人；邪念 | |
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interrogated
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| v.询问( interrogate的过去式和过去分词 )；审问；（在计算机或其他机器上）查询 | |
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repulsed
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| v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 )；驳斥；拒绝 | |
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deceptive
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| adj.骗人的，造成假象的，靠不住的 | |
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innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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labyrinth
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| n.迷宫；难解的事物；迷路 | |
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painstaking
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| adj.苦干的；艰苦的，费力的，刻苦的 | |
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winding
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| n.绕，缠，绕组，线圈 | |
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scholastic
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| adj.学校的，学院的，学术上的 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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almighty
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| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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thigh
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| n.大腿；股骨 | |
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predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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devout
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| adj.虔诚的，虔敬的，衷心的 (n.devoutness) | |
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injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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fleas
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| n.跳蚤( flea的名词复数 )；爱财如命；没好气地（拒绝某人的要求） | |
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persistently
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| ad.坚持地；固执地 | |
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acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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infested
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| adj.为患的，大批滋生的（常与with搭配）v.害虫、野兽大批出没于( infest的过去式和过去分词 )；遍布于 | |
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36
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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virgins
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| 处女，童男( virgin的名词复数 )； 童贞玛利亚（耶稣之母） | |
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bestows
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的第三人称单数 ) | |
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prophesied
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| v.预告，预言( prophesy的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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penetrate
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| v.透(渗)入；刺入，刺穿；洞察，了解 | |
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albeit
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| conj.即使；纵使；虽然 | |
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tempt
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| vt.引诱，勾引，吸引，引起…的兴趣 | |
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bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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undertakings
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| 企业( undertaking的名词复数 )； 保证； 殡仪业； 任务 | |
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undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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confide
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| v.向某人吐露秘密 | |
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48
implements
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| n.工具( implement的名词复数 )；家具；手段；[法律]履行（契约等）v.实现( implement的第三人称单数 )；执行；贯彻；使生效 | |
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49
despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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50
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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51
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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52
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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53
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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54
piously
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| adv.虔诚地 | |
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devoutly
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| adv.虔诚地，虔敬地，衷心地 | |
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56
chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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57
monastery
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| n.修道院，僧院，寺院 | |
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58
oration
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| n.演说，致辞，叙述法 | |
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59
assassinated
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| v.暗杀( assassinate的过去式和过去分词 )；中伤；诋毁；破坏 | |
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60
goaded
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| v.刺激( goad的过去式和过去分词 )；激励；（用尖棒）驱赶；驱使（或怂恿、刺激）某人 | |
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61
condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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63
prosecuted
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| a.被起诉的 | |
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64
lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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lawfulness
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| 法制，合法 | |
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66
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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67
humility
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| n.谦逊，谦恭 | |
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68
partisan
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| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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69
compendious
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| adj.简要的，精简的 | |
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70
colloquial
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| adj.口语的，会话的 | |
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71
edifying
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| adj.有教训意味的，教训性的，有益的v.开导，启发( edify的现在分词 ) | |
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72
attested
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| adj.经检验证明无病的，经检验证明无菌的v.证明( attest的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；声称…属实；使宣誓 | |
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73
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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74
relic
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| n.神圣的遗物，遗迹，纪念物 | |
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75
relics
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| [pl.］n.遗物，遗迹，遗产；遗体，尸骸 | |
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76
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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restitution
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| n.赔偿；恢复原状 | |
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frivolity
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| n.轻松的乐事，兴高采烈；轻浮的举止 | |
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guile
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| n.诈术 | |
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abstain
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| v.自制，戒绝，弃权，避免 | |
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81
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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82
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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censured
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| v.指责，非难，谴责( censure的过去式 ) | |
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noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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overthrown
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| adj. 打翻的，推倒的，倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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miraculous
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| adj.像奇迹一样的，不可思议的 | |
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miraculously
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| ad.奇迹般地 | |
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purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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90
manifestation
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| n.表现形式；表明；现象 | |
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91
ingratitude
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| n.忘恩负义 | |
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blasphemy
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| n.亵渎，渎神 | |
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beseech
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| v.祈求，恳求 | |
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vouchsafe
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| v.惠予，准许 | |
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secondly
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| adv.第二，其次 | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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consecrated
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| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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temperate
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| adj.温和的，温带的，自我克制的，不过分的 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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101
avenging
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| adj.报仇的，复仇的v.为…复仇，报…之仇( avenge的现在分词 )；为…报复 | |
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102
meekness
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| n.温顺，柔和 | |
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103
favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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104
briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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105
restriction
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| n.限制，约束 | |
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106
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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107
binding
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| 有约束力的，有效的，应遵守的 | |
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108
decency
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| n.体面，得体，合宜，正派，庄重 | |
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109
attire
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| v.穿衣，装扮[同]array；n.衣着；盛装 | |
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110
trample
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| vt.踩，践踏；无视，伤害，侵犯 | |
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111
justifies
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| 证明…有理( justify的第三人称单数 )； 为…辩护； 对…作出解释； 为…辩解（或辩护） | |
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112
profane
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| adj.亵神的，亵渎的；vt.亵渎，玷污 | |
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113
testament
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| n.遗嘱；证明 | |
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114
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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115
presentiments
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| n.（对不祥事物的）预感( presentiment的名词复数 ) | |
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116
behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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117
beholds
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| v.看，注视( behold的第三人称单数 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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118
exalt
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| v.赞扬，歌颂，晋升，提升 | |
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119
forsake
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| vt.遗弃，抛弃；舍弃，放弃 | |
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120
dame
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| n.女士 | |
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121
meditate
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| v.想，考虑，（尤指宗教上的）沉思，冥想 | |
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122
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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123
venerated
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| 敬重（某人或某事物），崇敬( venerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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124
abounded
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| v.大量存在，充满，富于( abound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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125
exhortations
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| n.敦促( exhortation的名词复数 )；极力推荐；（正式的）演讲；（宗教仪式中的）劝诫 | |
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126
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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127
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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128
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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129
expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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130
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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131
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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132
bastard
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| n.坏蛋，混蛋；私生子 | |
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133
knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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134
knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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135
trenches
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| 深沟，地沟( trench的名词复数 )； 战壕 | |
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136
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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137
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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138
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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139
infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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140
convoys
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| n.（有护航的）船队( convoy的名词复数 )；车队；护航（队）；护送队 | |
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141
truces
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| 休战( truce的名词复数 )； 停战（协定）； 停止争辩（的协议）； 中止 | |
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142
tardiness
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| n.缓慢；迟延；拖拉 | |
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143
enumerated
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| v.列举，枚举，数( enumerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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144
gatherings
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| 聚集( gathering的名词复数 )； 收集； 采集； 搜集 | |
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145
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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146
conversing
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| v.交谈，谈话( converse的现在分词 ) | |
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147
conversant
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| adj.亲近的，有交情的，熟悉的 | |
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148
converse
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| vi.谈话，谈天，闲聊；adv.相反的，相反 | |
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149
constraint
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| n.(on)约束，限制；限制(或约束)性的事物 | |
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150
embarrassment
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| n.尴尬；使人为难的人(事物)；障碍；窘迫 | |
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151
rapture
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| n.狂喜；全神贯注；着迷；v.使狂喜 | |
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152
amazement
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| n.惊奇，惊讶 | |
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153
ecstasy
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| n.狂喜，心醉神怡，入迷 | |
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154
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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155
marvels
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| n.奇迹( marvel的名词复数 )；令人惊奇的事物（或事例）；不平凡的成果；成就v.惊奇，对…感到惊奇( marvel的第三人称单数 ) | |
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156
dignifying
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| 使显得威严( dignify的现在分词 )； 使高贵； 使显赫； 夸大 | |
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157
favourably
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| adv. 善意地，赞成地 =favorably | |
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158
monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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159
veneration
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| n.尊敬，崇拜 | |
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160
rebuked
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| 责难或指责( rebuke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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161
heed
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| v.注意，留意；n.注意，留心 | |
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162
displeased
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| a.不快的 | |
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163
salute
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| vi.行礼，致意，问候，放礼炮；vt.向…致意，迎接，赞扬；n.招呼，敬礼，礼炮 | |
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164
adoration
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| n.爱慕，崇拜 | |
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165
chapels
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| n.小教堂， （医院、监狱等的）附属礼拜堂( chapel的名词复数 )；（在小教堂和附属礼拜堂举行的）礼拜仪式 | |
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166
nought
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| n.／adj.无，零 | |
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167
worthily
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| 重要地，可敬地，正当地 | |
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168
guardians
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| 监护人( guardian的名词复数 )； 保护者，维护者 | |
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169
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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170
revoked
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| adj.[法]取消的v.撤销，取消，废除( revoke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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171
corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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172
renown
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| n.声誉，名望 | |
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173
choleric
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| adj.易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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174
miser
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| n.守财奴，吝啬鬼 (adj.miserly) | |
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175
domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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176
retirement
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| n.退休，退职 | |
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177
incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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178
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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179
dungeon
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| n.地牢，土牢 | |
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180
herald
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| vt.预示...的来临，预告，宣布，欢迎 | |
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181
monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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182
nun
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| n.修女，尼姑 | |
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183
elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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184
confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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185
mendicant
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| n.乞丐；adj.行乞的 | |
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186
anthem
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| n.圣歌，赞美诗，颂歌 | |
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187
attired
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| adj.穿着整齐的v.使穿上衣服，使穿上盛装( attire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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188
austere
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| adj.艰苦的；朴素的，朴实无华的；严峻的 | |
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189
scripture
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| n.经文，圣书，手稿；Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》，《圣经》中的一段 | |
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190
ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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191
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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192
metropolitan
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| adj.大城市的，大都会的 | |
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193
peals
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| n.（声音大而持续或重复的）洪亮的响声( peal的名词复数 )；隆隆声；洪亮的钟声；钟乐v.（使）（钟等）鸣响，（雷等）发出隆隆声( peal的第三人称单数 ) | |
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194
harmoniously
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| 和谐地，调和地 | |
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195
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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196
civic
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| adj.城市的，都市的，市民的，公民的 | |
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197
portentous
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| adj.不祥的，可怕的，装腔作势的 | |
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198
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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199
warded
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| 有锁孔的，有钥匙榫槽的 | |
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200
pestilence
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| n.瘟疫 | |
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201
rustling
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| n. 瑟瑟声，沙沙声 adj. 发沙沙声的 | |
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202
wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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203
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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204
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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205
fragrance
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| n.芬芳，香味，香气 | |
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206
glorified
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| 美其名的，变荣耀的 | |
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207
besought
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| v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的过去式和过去分词 )；(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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208
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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209
squire
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| n.护卫, 侍从, 乡绅 | |
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210
beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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211
beak
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| n.鸟嘴，茶壶嘴，钩形鼻 | |
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212
scroll
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| n.卷轴，纸卷；(石刻上的)漩涡 | |
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213
emblem
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| n.象征，标志；徽章 | |
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214
foretell
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| v.预言，预告，预示 | |
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215
valiant
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| adj.勇敢的，英勇的；n.勇士，勇敢的人 | |
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216
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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