AFTER the English army had departed for Normandy, King Charles sent from Crépy to Senlis the Count of Vend3?me, the Maréchal de Rais and the Maréchal de Boussac with their men-at-arms. The inhabitants gave them to wit that they inclined to favour the Flowers de Luce.[82] Henceforth the submission5 of Compiègne was sure. The King summoned the citizens to receive him; on Wednesday the 18th, the keys of the town were brought to him; on the next day he entered.[83] The Attorneys[84] (for by that name the aldermen of the town were called) presented to him Messire Guillaume de Flavy, whom they had elected governor of[Pg ii.35] their town, as being their most experienced and most faithful citizen. On his being presented they asked the King, according to their privilege, to confirm and ratify6 his appointment. But the sire de la Trémouille took for himself the governorship of Compiègne and appointed as his lieutenant8 Messire Guillaume de Flavy, whom, notwithstanding, the inhabitants regarded as their captain.[85]
One by one, the King was recovering his good towns. He charged the folk of Beauvais to acknowledge him as their lord. When they saw the flowers-de-luce borne by the heralds9, the citizens cried: "Long live Charles of France!" The clergy10 chanted a Te Deum and there was great rejoicing. Those who refused fealty11 to King Charles were put out of the town with permission to take away their possessions.[86] The Bishop12 and Vidame of Beauvais, Messire Pierre Cauchon, who was Grand Almoner of France to King Henry, and a negotiator of important ecclesiastical business, grieved to see his city returning to the French;[87] it was to the city's hurt, but he could not help it. He failed not to realise that part of this disgrace he owed to the Maid of the Armagnacs, who was influential13 with her party and had the reputation[Pg ii.36] of being all powerful. As he was a good theologian he must have suspected that the devil was leading her and he wished her all possible harm.
At this time Artois, Picardy, all the Burgundian territory in the north, was slipping away from Burgundy. Had King Charles gone there the majority of the dwellers14 in the strong towers and castles of Picardy would have received him as their sovereign.[88] But meanwhile his enemies would have recaptured what he had just won in Valois and the ?le de France.
Having entered Compiègne with the King, Jeanne lodged15 at the H?tel du B?uf, the house of the King's proctor. She slept with the proctor's wife, Marie Le Boucher, who was a kinswoman of Jacques Boucher, Treasurer16 of Orléans.[89]
She longed to march on Paris, which she was sure of taking since her Voices had promised it to her. It is related that at the end of two or three days she grew impatient, and, calling the Duke of Alen?on, said to him: "My fair Duke, command your men and likewise those of the other captains to equip themselves," then she is said to have cried: "By my staff! I must to Paris."[90] But this could not have happened: the Maid never gave orders to the men-at-arms. The truth of the matter is that the Duke of Alen?on, with a goodly company of fighting men, took his leave of the King and that Jeanne was to accompany him. She was ready to mount her horse when on Monday the 22nd of August, a messenger from the Count of Armagnac brought her a letter which she[Pg ii.37] caused to be read to her.[91] The following are the contents of the missive:
"My very dear Lady, I commend myself humbly17 to you, and I entreat18 you, for God's sake, that seeing the divisions which are at present in the holy Church Universal, concerning the question of the popes (for there are three contending for the papacy: one dwells at Rome and calls himself Martin V, whom all Christian19 kings obey: the other dwells at Pe?iscola, in the kingdom of Valentia, and calls himself Clement20 VIII; the third dwells no man knows where, unless it be the Cardinal21 de Saint-Estienne and a few folk with him, and calls himself Pope Benedict XIV; the first, who is called Pope Martin, was elected at Constance by consent of all Christian nations; he who is called Clement was elected at Pe?iscola, after the death of Pope Benedict XIII, by three of his cardinals22; the third who is called Pope Benedict XIV was elected secretly at Pe?iscola, by that same Cardinal Saint-Estienne himself): I pray you beseech23 Our Lord Jesus Christ that in his infinite mercy, he declare unto us through you, which of the three aforesaid is the true pope and whom it shall be his pleasure that henceforth we obey, him who is called Martin, or him who is called Clement or him who is called Benedict; and in whom we should believe, either in secret or under reservation or by public pronouncement: for we shall all be ready to work the will and the pleasure of Our Lord Jesus Christ.
Yours in all things,
Count d'Armagnac."[92]
He who wrote thus, calling Jeanne his very dear lady, recommending himself humbly to her, not in self-abasement, but merely, as we should say to-day, out of courtesy, was one of the greater vassals24 of the crown.[Pg ii.38]
She had never seen this baron26, and doubtless she had never heard of him. Jean IV, son of that Constable27 of France who had been killed in 1418, was the cruellest man in the kingdom. At that time he was between thirty-three and thirty-four years of age. He held both Armagnacs, the Black and the White, the country of the Four Valleys, the counties of Pardiac, of Fesenzac, Astarac, La Lomagne, and l'?le-Jourdain. After the Count of Foix he was the most powerful noble of Gascony.[93]
While his name was among those of the adherents28 of the King and while it was used to designate those who were hostile to the English and Burgundians, Jean IV himself was neither French nor English, but simply Gascon. He called himself count by the grace of God, but he was ever ready to acknowledge himself the King's vassal25 when it was a question of receiving gifts from that suzerain, who might not always be able to afford himself new gaiters, but who must perforce spend large sums on his great vassals. Meanwhile Jean IV showed consideration to the English, protected an adventurer in the Regent's pay, and gave appointments in his household to men wearing the red cross. He was as violent and treacherous29 as any of his retainers. Having unlawfully seized the Marshal de Séverac, he exacted from him the cession30 of all his goods and then had him strangled.[94]
[Pg ii.39]
This murder was quite recent. And now we have the docile31 son of Holy Church appearing eager to discover who is his true spiritual father. It would seem, however, that his mind was already made up on the subject and that he already knew the answer to his question. In verity32 the long schism33, which had rent Christendom asunder34, had terminated twelve years earlier. It had ended when the Conclave35, which had assembled at Constance in the House of the Merchants on the 8th of November, 1417, on the 11th of that month, Saint Martin's Day, proclaimed Pope, the Cardinal Deacon Otto Colonna, who assumed the title of Martin V. In the Eternal City Martin V wore that tiara which Lorenzo Ghiberti had adorned36 with eight figures in gold;[95] and the wily Roman had contrived37 to obtain his recognition by England and even by France, who thenceforward renounced38 all hope of a French pontiff. While Charles VII's advisers40 may not have agreed with Martin V on the question of a General Council, all the rights of the Pope of Rome in the Kingdom of France had been restored to him by an edict, in 1425. Martin V was the one and only pope. Nevertheless, Alphonso of Aragon, highly incensed41 because Martin V supported against him the rights of Louis d'Anjou to the Kingdom of Naples, determined42 to oppose to the Pope of Rome a pontiff of his own making. And just ready to hand he had a canon who called himself[Pg ii.40] pope, and on the following grounds: the Anti-pope, Benedict XIII, having fled to Pe?iscola, had on his death-bed nominated four cardinals, three of whom appointed to succeed him a canon of Barcelona, one Gil Mu?oz, who assumed the title of Clement VIII. Imprisoned43 in the chateau44 of Pe?iscola on a barren neck of land on three sides washed by the sea, this was the Clement whom the King of Aragon had chosen to be the rival of Martin V.[96]
The Pope excommunicated the King of Aragon and then opened negotiations45 with him. The Count of Armagnac joined the King's party. For the baptism of his children the Count had holy water blessed by Benedict XIII brought from Pe?iscola. He likewise was excommunicated. The blow had fallen upon him in this very year, 1429. Thus for some months he had been deprived of the sacraments and excluded from public worship. Hence arose all manner of secular46 difficulties, in addition to which he was probably afraid of the devil.
Moreover his position was becoming impossible. His powerful ally, King Alfonso, gave in, and himself called upon Clement VIII to resign. When he addressed his inquiry47 to the Maid of France, the Armagnac was evidently meditating48 the withdrawal49 of his allegiance from an unfortunate anti-pope, who was himself renouncing50 or about to renounce39 the tiara; for Clement VIII abdicated51 at Pe?iscola on the 26th of July. The dictation of the Count's letter cannot have occurred long before that date and may have been after. At any rate whenever he dictated52 it he must have been aware of the position of the Sovereign Pontiff Clement VIII.[Pg ii.41]
As for the third Pope mentioned in his missive, Benedict XIV, he had no tidings of him, and indeed he was keeping very quiet. His election to the Holy See had been singular in that it had been made by one cardinal alone. Benedict XIV's right to the papacy had been communicated to him by a cardinal created by the Anti-pope, Benedict XIII, at the time of his promotion53 in 1409. That Cardinal was Jean Barrère, a Frenchman, Bachelor of laws, priest and Cardinal of Saint-étienne in C?lio monte. It was not to Benedict XIV that the Armagnac was thinking of giving his allegiance; obviously he was eager to submit to Martin V.
It is not easy therefore to discover why he should have asked Jeanne to indicate the true pope. Doubtless it was customary in those days to consult on all manner of questions those holy maids to whom God vouchsafed54 illumination. Such an one the Maid appeared, and her fame as a prophetess had been spread abroad in a very short time. She revealed hidden things, she drew the curtain from the future. We are reminded of that capitoul[97] of Toulouse, who about three weeks after the deliverance of Orléans, advised her being consulted as to a remedy for the corruption56 of the coinage. Bona of Milan, married to a poor gentleman in the train of her cousin, Queen Ysabeau, besought58 the Maid's help in her endeavour to regain59 the duchy which she claimed through her descent from the Visconti.[98] It was just as appropriate[Pg ii.42] to question the Maid concerning the Pope and the Anti-pope. But the most difficult point in this question is to discover what were the Count of Armagnac's reasons for consulting the Holy Maid on a matter concerning which he appears to have been sufficiently60 informed. The following seems the most probable.
Jean IV was prepared to recognise Martin V as Pope; but he desired his submission to appear honourable61 and reasonable. Wherefore he conceived the idea of ascribing his conduct to the command of Jesus Christ, speaking through the Holy Maid. But it was necessary for the command to be in accordance with his wishes. The letter provides for that. He is careful to indicate to Jeanne, and consequently to God, what reply would be suitable. He lays stress on the fact that Martin V, who had recently excommunicated him, was elected at Constance by the consent of all Christian nations, that he dwells at Rome and that he is obeyed by all Christian kings. He points out on the other hand the circumstances which invalidate the election of Clement VIII by only three cardinals, and the still more ridiculous election of that Benedict, who was chosen by a conclave consisting of only one cardinal.[99]
After such a setting forth4 could there possibly remain a single doubt as to whether Pope Martin was the true pope? But such guile62 was lost on Jeanne; it escaped her entirely63. The Count of Armagnac's letter, which she had read to her as she was mounting her horse, must have struck her as very obscure.[100] The names of Benedict, of Clement and of Martin she had never heard. The Saints, Catherine and[Pg ii.43] Margaret, with whom she was constantly holding converse64, revealed to her nothing concerning the Pope. They spoke65 to her of nought66 save of the realm of France; and Jeanne's prudence67 generally led her to confine her prophecies to the subject of the war. This circumstance was pointed7 out by a German clerk as a matter extraordinary and worthy68 of note.[101] But for this once she consented to reply to Jean IV, in order to maintain her reputation as a prophet and because the title of Armagnac strongly appealed to her. She told him that at that moment she was unable to instruct him concerning the true pope, but that later she would inform him in which of the three he must believe, according as God should reveal it unto her. In short, she in a measure followed the example of such soothsayers as postpone69 the announcement of the oracle70 to a future day.
Jhesus ? Maria
Count of Armagnac, my good friend and beloved, Jehanne the Maid lets you to wit that your message hath come before me, the which hath told me that you have sent from where you are to know from me in which of the three popes, whom you mention in your memorial, you ought to believe. This thing in sooth I cannot tell you truly for the present, until I be in Paris or at rest elsewhere, because for the present I am too much hindered by affairs of war; but when you hear that I am in Paris send a message to me, and I will give you to understand what you shall rightfully believe, and what I shall know by the counsel of my Righteous and Sovereign Lord, the King of all the world, and what you should do, as far as I may. To God I commend you; God keep you. Written at Compiengne, the 22nd day of August.[102]
[Pg ii.44]
Jeanne before she made this reply can have consulted neither the good Brother Pasquerel nor the good Friar Richard nor indeed any of the churchmen of her company. They would have told her that the true pope was the Pope of Rome, Martin V. They might also have represented to her that she was belittling71 the authority of the Church by appealing to a revelation from God concerning popes and anti-popes. Sometimes, they would have told her, God confides72 the secrets of his Church to holy persons. But it would be rash to count upon so rare a privilege.
Jeanne exchanged a few words with the messenger who had brought her the missive; but the interview was brief. The messenger was not safe in the town, not that the soldiers would have made him pay for his master's crimes and treasons; but the Sire de la Trémouille was at Compiègne; and he knew that Count Jean, who for the nonce was in alliance with the Constable De Richemont, was meditating something against him. La Trémouille was not so malevolent73 as the Count of Armagnac: and yet the poor messenger only narrowly escaped being thrown into the Oise.[103]
On the morrow, Tuesday the 23rd of August, the Maid and the Duke of Alen?on took leave of the King and set out from Compiègne with a goodly company of fighting men. Before marching on Saint-Denys in France, they went to Senlis to collect a company of men-at-arms whom the King had sent there.[104] As was her custom, the Maid rode surrounded by monks74. Friar Richard, who predicted[Pg ii.45] the approaching end of the world, had joined the procession. It would seem that he had superseded75 the others, even Brother Pasquerel, the chaplain. It was to him that the Maid confessed beneath the walls of Senlis. In that same spot, with the Dukes of Clermont and Alen?on,[105] she took the communion on two consecutive76 days. She must have been in the hands of monks who were in the habit of making a very frequent use of the Eucharist.
The Lord Bishop of Senlis was Jean Fouquerel. Hitherto, he had been on the side of the English and entirely devoted77 to the Lord Bishop of Beauvais. On the approach of the royal army, Jean Fouquerel, who was a cautious person, had gone off to Paris to hide a large sum of money. He was careful of his possessions. Some one in the army took his nag57 and gave it to the Maid. By means of a draft on the receiver of taxes and the gabelle officer of the town, two hundred golden saluts[106] were paid for it. The Lord Bishop did not approve of this transaction and demanded his hackney. Hearing of his displeasure, the Maid caused a letter to be written to him, saying that he might have back his nag if he liked; she did not want it for she found it not sufficiently hardy78 for men-at-arms. The horse was sent to the Sire de La Trémouille with a request that he would deliver it to the Lord Bishop, who never received it.[107]
As for the bill on the tax receiver and gabelle[Pg ii.46] officer, it may have been worthless; and probably the Reverend Father in God, Jean Fouquerel, never had either horse or money. Jeanne was not at fault, and yet the Lord Bishop of Beauvais and the clerks of the university were shortly to bring home to her the gravity of the sacrilege of laying hands on an ecclesiastical hackney.[108]
To the north of Paris, about five miles distant from the great city, there rose the towers of Saint-Denys. On the 26th of August, the army of the Duke of Alen?on arrived there, and entered without resistance, albeit79 the town was strongly fortified80.[109] The place was famous for its illustrious abbey very rich and very ancient. The following is the story of its foundation.
Dagobert, King of the French, had from childhood been a devout81 worshipper of Saint Denys. And whenever he trembled before the ire of King Clotaire his father, he would take refuge in the church of the holy martyr82. When he died, a pious83 man dreamed that he saw Dagobert summoned before the tribunal of God; a great number of saints accused him of having despoiled84 their churches; and the demons85 were about to drag him into hell when Saint Denys appeared; and by his intercession, the soul of the King was delivered and escaped punishment. The story was held to be true, and it was thought that the King's soul returned to animate86 his body and that he did penance87.[110]
[Pg ii.47]
When the Maid with the army occupied Saint-Denys, the three porches, the embattled parapets, the tower of the Abbey Church, erected88 by the Abbot Suger, were already three centuries old. There were buried the kings of France; and thither89 they came to take the oriflamme. Fourteen years earlier the late King Charles had fetched it forth, but since then none had borne it.[111]
Many were the wonders told touching90 this royal standard. And with some of those marvels91 the Maid must needs have been acquainted, since on her coming into France, she was said to have given the Dauphin Charles the surname of oriflamme,[112] as a pledge and promise of victory.[113] At Saint-Denys was preserved the heart of the Constable Du Guesclin.[114] Jeanne had heard of his high renown92; she had proffered93 wine to Madame de Laval's eldest94 son; and to his grandmother, who had been Sire Bertrand's second wife, she had sent a little ring of gold, out of respect for the widow of so valiant95 a man,[115] asking her to forgive the poverty of the gift.
[Pg ii.48]
The monks of Saint-Denys preserved precious relics96, notably97 a piece of the wood of the true cross, the linen98 in which the Child Jesus had been wrapped, a fragment of the pitcher99 wherein the water had been changed to wine at the Cana marriage feast, a bar of Saint Lawrence's gridiron, the chin of Saint Mary Magdalen, a cup of tamarisk wood used by Saint Louis as a charm against the spleen. There likewise was to be seen the head of Saint Denys. True, at the same time one was being shown in the Cathedral church of Paris. The Chancellor100, Jean Gerson, treating of Jeanne the Maid, a few days before his death, wrote that of her it might be said as of the head of Saint Denys, that belief in her was a matter of edification and not of faith, albeit in both places alike the head ought to be worshipped in order that edification should not be turned into scandal.[116]
In this abbey everything proclaimed the dignity, the prerogatives101 and the high worship of the house of France. Jeanne must joyously102 have wondered at the insignia, the symbols and signs of the royalty103 of the Lilies gathered together in this spot,[117] if indeed those eyes, occupied with celestial104 visions, had leisure to perceive the things of earth, and if her Voices, endlessly whispering in her ear, left her one moment's respite105.
Saint Denys was a great saint, since there was no doubt of his being in very deed the Areopagite himself.[118] But since he had permitted his abbey to be[Pg ii.49] taken he was no longer invoked106 as the patron saint of the Kings of France. The Dauphin's followers107 had replaced him by the Blessed Archangel Michael, whose abbey, near the city of Avranches, had victoriously108 held out against the English. It was Saint Michael not Saint Denys who had appeared to Jeanne in the garden at Domremy; but she knew that Saint Denys was the war cry of France.[119]
The monks of that rich abbey wasted by war lived there in poverty and in disorder109.[120] Armagnacs and Burgundians in turn descended110 upon the neighbouring fields and villages, plundering111 and ravaging112, leaving nought that it was possible to carry off. At Saint-Denys was held the Fair of Le Lendit, one of the greatest in Christendom. But now Merchants had ceased to attend it. At the Lendit of 1418, there were but three booths, and those for the selling of shoes from Brabant, in the high street of Saint-Denys, near the Convent of Les Filles-Dieu. Since 1426, there had been no fair at all.[121]
At the tidings that the Armagnacs were approaching Troyes, the peasants had cut their corn before it was ripe and brought it into Paris. On entering Saint-Denys, the Duke of Alen?on's men-at-arms found the town deserted113. The chief burgesses had taken refuge in Paris.[122] Only a few of the poorer[Pg ii.50] families were left. The Maid held two newly born infants over the baptismal font.[123]
Hearing of these Saint-Denys baptisms, her enemies accused her of having lit candles and held them inclined over the infant's heads, in order that she might read their destinies in the melted wax. It was not the first time, it appeared, that she indulged in such practices. When she entered a town, little children were said to offer her candles kneeling, and she received them as an agreeable sacrifice. Then upon the heads of these innocents she would let fall three drops of burning wax, proclaiming that by virtue114 of this ceremony they could not fail to be good. In such acts Burgundian ecclesiastics115 discerned idolatry and witchcraft116, in which was likewise involved heresy117.[124]
Here again, at Saint-Denys, she distributed banners to the men-at-arms. Churchmen on the English side strongly suspected her of charming those banners. And as everyone in those days believed in magic, such a suspicion was not without its danger.[125]
The Maid and the Duke of Alen?on lost no time. Immediately after their arrival at Saint-Denys they went forth to skirmish before the gates of Paris. Two or three times a day they engaged in this desultory118 warfare119, notably by the wind-mill at the Saint-Denys Gate and in the village of La Chapelle. "Every day there was booty taken," says Messire Jean de Bueil.[126] It seems hardly credible120 that in a country which had been plundered121 and ravaged122 over and over again,[Pg ii.51] there should have been anything left to be taken; and yet the statement is made and attested123 by one of the nobles in the army.
Out of respect for the seventh commandment, the Maid forbade the men of her company to commit any theft whatsoever124. And she always refused victuals125 offered her when she knew they had been stolen. In reality she, like the others, lived on pillage126, but she did not know it. One day when a Scotsman gave her to wit that she had just partaken of some stolen veal55, she flew into a fury and would have beaten him: saintly women are subject to such fits of passion.[127]
Jeanne is said to have observed the walls of Paris carefully, seeking the spot most favourable127 for attack.[128] The truth is that in this matter as in all others she depended on her Voices. For the rest she was far superior to all the men-at-arms in courage and in good will. From Saint-Denys she sent the King message after message, urging him to come and take Paris.[129] But at Compiègne the King and his Council were negotiating with the ambassadors of the Duke of Burgundy, to wit: Jean de Luxembourg, Lord of Beaurevoir, Hugues de Cayeux, Bishop of Arras, David de Brimeu and my Lord of Charny.[130]
The fifteen days' truce1 had expired. Our only information concerning it is contained in Jeanne's letter to the citizens of Reims. According to Jeanne, the Duke of Burgundy had undertaken to surrender the[Pg ii.52] city to the King of France on the fifteenth day.[131] If he had so agreed it was on conditions of which we know nothing; we are not therefore in a position to say whether or no those conditions had been carried out. The Maid placed no trust in this promise, and she was quite right; but she did not know everything; and on the very day when she was complaining of the truce to the citizens of Reims, Duke Philip was receiving the command of Paris at the hands of the Regent, and was henceforth in a position to dispose of the city as he liked.[132] Duke Philip could not bear the sight of Charles of Valois, who had been present at the murder on the Bridge of Montereau, but he detested128 the English and wished they would go to the devil or return to their island. The vineyards and the cloth looms129 of his dominions130 were too numerous and too important for him not to wish for peace. He had no desire to be King of France; therefore he could be treated with, despite his avarice131 and dissimulation132. Nevertheless the fifteenth day had gone by and the city of Paris remained in the hands of the English and the Burgundians, who were not friends but allies.
On the 28th of August a truce was concluded. It was to last till Christmas and was to extend over the whole country north of the Seine, from Nogent to Harfleur, with the exception of such towns as were situated133 where there was a passage over the river. Concerning the city of Paris it was expressly stated that "Our Cousin of Burgundy, he and his men, may engage in the defence of the town and in resisting such as shall make war upon it or do it hurt."[133] The[Pg ii.53] Chancellor Regnault de Chartres, the Sire de la Trémouille, Christophe d'Harcourt, the Bastard134 of Orléans, the Bishop of Séez, and likewise certain young nobles very eager for war, such as the Counts of Clermont and of Vend?me and the Duke of Bar, in short all the Counsellors of the King and the Princes of the Blood who signed this article, were apparently135 giving the enemy a weapon against them and renouncing any attempt upon Paris. But they were not all fools; the Bastard of Orléans was keen witted and the Lord Archbishop of Reims was anything but an Olibrius.[134] They doubtless knew what they were about when they recognised the Duke of Burgundy's rights over Paris. Duke Philip, as we know, had been governor of the great town since the 13th of August. The Regent had ceded136 it with the idea that Burgundy would keep the Parisians in order better than England, for the English were few in number and were disliked as foreigners. What did it profit King Charles to recognise his cousin's rights over Paris? We fail to see precisely137; but after all this truce was no better and no worse than others. In sooth it did not give Paris to the King, but neither did it prevent the King from taking it. Did truces ever hinder Armagnacs and Burgundians from fighting when they had a mind to fight? Was one of those frequent truces ever kept?[135] After having signed this one, the King advanced to Senlis. The Duke of Alen?on came to him there twice. Charles reached Saint-Denys on Wednesday the 7th of September.
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truce
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| n.休战，(争执，烦恼等的)缓和；v.以停战结束 | |
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truces
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| 休战( truce的名词复数 )； 停战（协定）； 停止争辩（的协议）； 中止 | |
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vend
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| v.公开表明观点，出售，贩卖 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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ratify
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| v.批准，认可，追认 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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heralds
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| n.使者( herald的名词复数 )；预报者；预兆；传令官v.预示( herald的第三人称单数 )；宣布（好或重要） | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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fealty
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| n.忠贞，忠节 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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dwellers
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| n.居民，居住者( dweller的名词复数 ) | |
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lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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treasurer
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| n.司库，财务主管 | |
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humbly
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| adv. 恭顺地，谦卑地 | |
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entreat
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| v.恳求，恳请 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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clement
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| adj.仁慈的；温和的 | |
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cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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cardinals
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| 红衣主教( cardinal的名词复数 )； 红衣凤头鸟（见于北美，雄鸟为鲜红色）； 基数 | |
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beseech
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| v.祈求，恳求 | |
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vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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vassal
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| n.附庸的；属下；adj.奴仆的 | |
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baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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27
constable
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| n.(英国)警察，警官 | |
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28
adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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29
treacherous
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| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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30
cession
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| n.割让，转让 | |
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31
docile
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| adj.驯服的，易控制的，容易教的 | |
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32
verity
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| n.真实性 | |
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33
schism
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| n.分派，派系，分裂 | |
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34
asunder
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| adj.分离的，化为碎片 | |
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35
conclave
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| n.秘密会议，红衣主教团 | |
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36
adorned
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| [计]被修饰的 | |
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37
contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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38
renounced
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| v.声明放弃( renounce的过去式和过去分词 )；宣布放弃；宣布与…决裂；宣布摒弃 | |
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39
renounce
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| v.放弃；拒绝承认，宣布与…断绝关系 | |
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40
advisers
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| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
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41
incensed
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| 盛怒的 | |
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42
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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43
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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44
chateau
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| n.城堡，别墅 | |
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45
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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46
secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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47
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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48
meditating
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| a.沉思的，冥想的 | |
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49
withdrawal
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| n.取回，提款；撤退，撤军；收回，撤销 | |
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50
renouncing
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| v.声明放弃( renounce的现在分词 )；宣布放弃；宣布与…决裂；宣布摒弃 | |
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51
abdicated
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| 放弃（职责、权力等）( abdicate的过去式和过去分词 )； 退位，逊位 | |
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52
dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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53
promotion
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| n.提升，晋级；促销，宣传 | |
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54
vouchsafed
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| v.给予，赐予( vouchsafe的过去式和过去分词 )；允诺 | |
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55
veal
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| n.小牛肉 | |
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56
corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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57
nag
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| v.(对…)不停地唠叨；n.爱唠叨的人 | |
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58
besought
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| v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的过去式和过去分词 )；(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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59
regain
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| vt.重新获得，收复，恢复 | |
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60
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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61
honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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62
guile
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| n.诈术 | |
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63
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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64
converse
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| vi.谈话，谈天，闲聊；adv.相反的，相反 | |
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65
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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66
nought
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| n.／adj.无，零 | |
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67
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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68
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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69
postpone
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| v.延期，推迟 | |
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70
oracle
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| n.神谕，神谕处，预言 | |
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71
belittling
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| 使显得微小，轻视，贬低( belittle的现在分词 ) | |
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72
confides
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| v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的第三人称单数 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
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73
malevolent
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| adj.有恶意的，恶毒的 | |
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74
monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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75
superseded
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| [医]被代替的，废弃的 | |
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76
consecutive
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| adj.连续的，联贯的，始终一贯的 | |
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77
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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78
hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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79
albeit
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| conj.即使；纵使；虽然 | |
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80
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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81
devout
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| adj.虔诚的，虔敬的，衷心的 (n.devoutness) | |
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82
martyr
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| n.烈士，殉难者；vt.杀害，折磨，牺牲 | |
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83
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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84
despoiled
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| v.掠夺，抢劫( despoil的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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85
demons
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| n.恶人( demon的名词复数 )；恶魔；精力过人的人；邪念 | |
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86
animate
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| v.赋于生命，鼓励；adj.有生命的，有生气的 | |
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87
penance
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| n.（赎罪的）惩罪 | |
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88
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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89
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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90
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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91
marvels
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| n.奇迹( marvel的名词复数 )；令人惊奇的事物（或事例）；不平凡的成果；成就v.惊奇，对…感到惊奇( marvel的第三人称单数 ) | |
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92
renown
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| n.声誉，名望 | |
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93
proffered
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| v.提供，贡献，提出( proffer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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95
valiant
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| adj.勇敢的，英勇的；n.勇士，勇敢的人 | |
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96
relics
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| [pl.］n.遗物，遗迹，遗产；遗体，尸骸 | |
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97
notably
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| adv.值得注意地，显著地，尤其地，特别地 | |
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98
linen
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| n.亚麻布，亚麻线，亚麻制品；adj.亚麻布制的，亚麻的 | |
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99
pitcher
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| n.(有嘴和柄的)大水罐；(棒球)投手 | |
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100
chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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101
prerogatives
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| n.权利( prerogative的名词复数 )；特权；大主教法庭；总督委任组成的法庭 | |
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102
joyously
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| ad.快乐地, 高兴地 | |
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103
royalty
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| n.皇家，皇族 | |
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104
celestial
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| adj.天体的；天上的 | |
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105
respite
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| n.休息，中止，暂缓 | |
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106
invoked
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| v.援引( invoke的过去式和过去分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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107
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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108
victoriously
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| adv.获胜地，胜利地 | |
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109
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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110
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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111
plundering
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的现在分词 ) | |
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112
ravaging
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| 毁坏( ravage的现在分词 )； 蹂躏； 劫掠； 抢劫 | |
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113
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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114
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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115
ecclesiastics
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| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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116
witchcraft
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| n.魔法，巫术 | |
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117
heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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118
desultory
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| adj.散漫的，无方法的 | |
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119
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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120
credible
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| adj.可信任的，可靠的 | |
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121
plundered
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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122
ravaged
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| 毁坏( ravage的过去式和过去分词 )； 蹂躏； 劫掠； 抢劫 | |
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123
attested
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| adj.经检验证明无病的，经检验证明无菌的v.证明( attest的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；声称…属实；使宣誓 | |
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124
whatsoever
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| adv.（用于否定句中以加强语气）任何；pron.无论什么 | |
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125
victuals
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| n.食物；食品 | |
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126
pillage
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| v.抢劫；掠夺；n.抢劫，掠夺；掠夺物 | |
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127
favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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128
detested
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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129
looms
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| n.织布机( loom的名词复数 )v.隐约出现，阴森地逼近( loom的第三人称单数 )；隐约出现，阴森地逼近 | |
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130
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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131
avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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132
dissimulation
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| n.掩饰，虚伪，装糊涂 | |
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133
situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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134
bastard
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| n.坏蛋，混蛋；私生子 | |
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135
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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136
ceded
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| v.让给，割让，放弃( cede的过去式 ) | |
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137
precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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