So far as we are able to judge from the records of the past which recent investigations8 have made familiar to us, the civilization of Egypt is the most ancient of which we have accurate knowledge. The contending claims of India to a higher antiquity for its civilization cannot here be discussed, and for the purposes of this work the oldest place in the civilization of the world must be assigned to Egypt.
It is highly probable that the first kingdom of Egypt existed eight thousand years back. The history of Egypt as we have it in her monuments and records is far more trustworthy than the stories which the Chinese and other ancient peoples tell of their past. Assyria, Babylonia, and Chald?a have histories reaching back to the twilight9 of the ages; but for practical purposes we must content ourselves with tracing the rise and progress of civilization as we decipher it on the banks of the Nile. So far as medicine and chemistry are concerned, we shall discover abundant matter to interest us. We require no other proof than the mummies in our museums to convince us that the Egyptians from the period at which those interesting objects date must have possessed10 a very accurate knowledge of anatomy, of pharmacy11, and a skill in surgical bandaging very far surpassing that possessed now-a-days by even the most skilful12 professors of the art. Dr. Granville says: “There is not a single form of bandage known to modern surgery, of which far better and cleverer examples are not seen in the swathings of the Egyptian mummies. The strips of linen13 are found without one single joint14, extending to 1000 yards in length.” It is said that there is not a fracture known to modern surgery which could not have been successfully treated by the priest-physicians of ancient Egypt. The great58 divinities of Egypt were Isis and Osiris; the former was the goddess of procreation and birth. As it was she who decreed life and death, and decided15 the fate of men, it is not surprising to find her the chief of the divinities of the healing art; she had proved her claims as the great chief of physicians by recalling to life her son Horus.
The ?sculapius of the Egyptians was Imhotep; he was the god of the sciences, and was the son of Ptah and Pakht. The gods of Egypt were worshipped in triads or trinities, and many of the great temples were devoted16 to the worship of one or other of these trinities, that of Memphis consisted of Ptah, Pakht, and Imhotep. Thoth or Tauut was similar to Imhotep; he was the god of letters, and, as the deity17 of wisdom, he aids Horus against Set, the representative of physical evil. By many writers he is considered to be the Egyptian ?sculapius. He has some evident relationship to the Greek Hermes. “Thoth,” says Dr. Baas (Hist. Med., p. 14), “is supposed to have been the author of the oldest Egyptian medical works, whose contents were first engraved18 upon pillars of stone. Subsequently collected into the book Ambre or Embre (a title based upon the initial words of this book, viz. ‘Ha em re em per em hru,’ i.e. ‘Here begins the book of the preparation of drugs for all parts of the human body’), they formed a part of the so-called ‘Hermetic Books,’ from whose prescriptions19 no physician might deviate21, unless he was willing to expose himself to punishment in case the patient died. This punishment was threatened because the substance of the medical, as well as the religious works of the Egyptians—and the science of the priests united in itself medicine, theology, and philosophy—was given, according to their view, by the gods themselves, and a disregard of their prescriptions would be nothing less than sacrilege.” The Hermetic books, says Clement22 of Alexandria, were forty-two in number, of which six “of the pastophor” were medical. The famous Book of the Dead is supposed by Bunsen to have been one of the Hermetic books. The papyrus23 of Ebers, believed by that Egyptologist to date from the year 1500 b.c., is considered to have been of the number of the medical books of Hermes Trismegistus. The Papyrus Ebers is preserved in Leipsic, and, though at present only partially24 deciphered, abundantly shows the great advance already made at so distant a period as the fourth millennium25 before the Christian26 era in the arts of medicine and surgery.
One of the authors mentioned in the papyrus is an oculist27 of Byblos in Ph?nicia. This proves not only that there were specialists in diseases of the eye at that period, but that neighbouring nations contributed of their store of scientific knowledge to enrich that of the Egyptians.
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Dr. Baas informs us that this papyrus describes “remedies for diseases of the stomach, the abdomen28, and the urinary bladder; for the cure of swellings of the glands29 in the groin (buboes) and the ‘kehn-mite’; ‘the Book of the Eyes’; remedies for ulcers30 of the head, for greyness of the hair, and promotion31 of its growth; ointments33 to heal and strengthen the nerves; medicines to cure diseases of the tongue, to strengthen the teeth, to remove lice and fleas34; remedies for the hearing and for the organs of smell; the preparation of the famous Kyphi; ‘The Secret Book of the Physician’ (the science of the movement of the heart, and the knowledge of the heart, according to the priestly physician Nebsuchet); prescriptions for the eyes according to the views of the priest Chui, a Semite of Byblos; ‘Book of the Banishing35 of Pains,’ recipes for mouth-pills for women, to render the odour of the mouth agreeable; the various uses of the tequem tree, etc. The papyrus has marginal notes, like nefer (good), etc., which Lauth assigns to the year b.c. 1469—an evidence that its prescriptions had been tested in practice.”126
Osiris (who would appear to be the same deity as Apis or Serapis) and the goddess Isis, who was his wife and sister, were held by the Egyptians to have been the inventors of the medical arts. A very ancient inscription36 on a column says: “My father is Chronos, the youngest of all the gods. I am the king Osiris, who has been through all the earth; even to the habitable lands of the Indies, to those which are under the Bear, even to the sources of the Danube, and besides to the Ocean. I am the eldest37 son of Chronos, and the scion38 of a beautiful and noble race; I am the parent of the day, there is no part of the world where I have not been, and I have filled all the world with my benefactions.” Another column has these words: “I am Isis, queen of all this country, who has been instructed by Thoth; no one is able to unbind what I have bound; I am the eldest daughter of Chronos, the youngest of the gods. I am the wife and the sister of King Osiris. It is I who first taught mankind the art of agriculture. I am the mother of King Horus. It is I who shine in the dog-star. It is I who built the city of Bubastis. Farewell, farewell, Egypt, where I have been reared.” It appears from these inscriptions39 that Isis and Osiris were contemporary with Thoth or Hermes.
Diodorus says that Isis was believed by the Egyptian priests to have invented various medicines and to have been an expert practitioner40 of the healing art, and that she was on this account raised to the ranks of the gods, where she still takes interest in the health of mankind. She was supposed to indicate appropriate remedies for diseases in dreams,60 and such remedies were always efficacious, even in cases where physicians had failed to do any good.
The inscription informs us that Osiris had filled the earth with his benefactions. The Egyptian priests believed that Thoth was the inventor of the arts and sciences in general, and the king Osiris and the queen Isis invented those which were necessary to life. Isis therefore invented agriculture, and Osiris is credited with having invented medicine. Apis, who is evidently the same person as Osiris, is said by Clement of Alexandria to have discovered medicine before Io went to Egypt.
Cyril of Alexandria says that Apis was the first to invent the art of medicine, or who exercised it with more success than his predecessors41, having been instructed by ?sculapius.127
Plutarch says128 that Apis and Osiris were, according to Egyptian traditions, two names of one and the same person, and this is confirmed by Strabo and Theodoret. Others say that Serapis was a third name of Osiris, though some consider that Serapis was a name of ?sculapius.
Horus, the son of Isis and Osiris, was the Egyptian sun-god, and was the same as the Apollo of the Greeks. He was born with his finger on his mouth, indicative of mystery and secrecy42; and so, probably, was for this reason connected with medicine. In the mystical works of Hermes Trismegistus, he plays an important part. Diodorus attributes to Horus the invention of medicine. He says that Isis having found in the water her son Horus, who had been killed by the Titans, restored him to life and made him immortal43. Diodorus adds that he was the same god as Apollo, and that he learned the arts of medicine and divination44 from his mother, in consequence of which instruction he had been of great service to mankind by his oracles45 and his remedies. It is difficult to see how on this account Horus can be considered as the inventor of medicine, a title which was surely due to his mother.
In the judgment46 scene in the Book of the Dead on the papyrus of Ani we have the god Thoth, under the symbol of the cynocephalus, or dog-headed ape. Anubis examines the indicator47 of the Balance. Before Anubis stands Destiny, behind him are Fortune and the Goddess of Birth. Above Destiny is a symbol of the cradle. The human-headed bird is the soul of the deceased. On the right of the scene, Thoth, the medicine-god and scribe of the gods (with the head of an ibis), notes the result of the trial. Behind Thoth is the monster Amemit, the devourer48, with the head of a crocodile, the middle parts of a lion, and the hind-quarters of a hippopotamus49. Thoth pronounces judgment:61 “The heart of Ani is weighed, and his soul standeth in evidence thereof; his case is straight upon the great Balance.” The gods reply, “Righteous and just is Osiris, Ani, the triumphant50.”129
Eusebius, Psellus, and others say that Hermes Trismegistus was a priest and philosopher who lived a little after the time of Moses. He taught the Egyptians mathematics, theology, medicine, and geography. Of the forty-two most useful books of Hermes six treated of medicine, anatomy, and the cure of disease.130
Pliny says131 that the Egyptians claimed the honour of having invented the art of curing diseases. Wilkinson points out132 that “the study of medicine and surgery appears to have commenced at a very early period in Egypt, since Athothes, the second king of the country, is stated to have written upon the subject of anatomy, and the schools of Alexandria133 continued till a late period to enjoy the reputation and display the skill they had inherited from their predecessors. Hermes was said to have written six books on medicine, the first of which related to anatomy; and the various recipes known to have been beneficial were recorded, with their peculiar51 cases, in the memoirs52 of physic, inscribed53 among the laws, which were deposited in the principal temple of the place, as at Memphis in that of Ptah, or Vulcan.” We are told in Genesis l. 2 that “Joseph commanded his servants the physicians to embalm4 his father: and the physicians embalmed54 Israel.” It is not probable that the embalmers were regular practising physicians. The dissectors of the human body were not held in honour amongst the Egyptians, and for sanitary55 reasons it is highly improbable that doctors in attendance upon the sick would have engaged in this work; but as the art of embalming56 demanded considerable anatomical knowledge, it is more likely that a class of men similar to our dissecting-room assistants at the medical schools and hospitals were employed for this purpose.
The art of medicine in ancient Egypt consisted of two branches—the higher, which was the theurgic part, and the lower, which was the art of the physician proper. The theurgic class devoted themselves to magic, counteracting57 charms by prayers, and to the interpretation58 of the dreams of the sick who had sought their aid in the temples. The inferior class were practitioners59 who simply used natural means in their profession as healers. Amongst the Egyptian Platonists, theurgy was an imaginary science, which is thus described by Murdock:62 “it was supposed to have been revealed to men by the gods themselves in very ancient times, and to have been handed down by the priests; [it was] also the ability, by means of certain acts, words, and symbols, to move the gods to impart secrets which surpass the powers of reason to lay open the future.” The higher physicians were priest-magicians, the lower class were priests who were called Pastophori; as Isis and the priests were connected with the healing art, the Pastophori were highly esteemed60 for their medical skill apart from magic. These officials were so called from the fact that they had to bear, in the ceremonies in the temples, the παστ??, or sacred shawl, to raise it at appropriate times, and so discover the god in the adytum.134
It was their duty to study the last six of the Hermetic books, as it was that of the higher grade to study the first thirty-six.
Professor Ebers explained to Dr. Puschmann135 that the Pastophori “constituted a class of priests who held by no means so low a rank as is attributed to them in historical works. The doctors were bound to maintain a spiritual character, and allowed themselves therefore to rank with the Pastophori, although the higher priestly dignities probably remained open to them. On the other hand, the Pastophori were by no means likewise doctors, as many think, but had as a body quite other functions, as their name indeed indicates. The relation of the Pastophori to the doctors was doubtless the same as that of the scholar to the cleric in the Christian middle ages; all scholars did not belong to the clergy61, but at the same time all clergymen might be considered scholars.”
The principle of authority was paramount62 in Egyptian medicine. So long as the doctor faithfully followed the instructions of the ancient exponents63 of his art, he could do as he liked with his patient; but if he struck out a path for himself, and his patient unhappily died, he forfeited64 his own life. Diodorus Siculus leads us to suppose that the physicians formed their diagnosis65 according to the position occupied by the patient in his bed. This is singularly like the method of diagnosing diseases in use amongst the ancient Hindus. Medicine in Egypt, after all, was only an art; the absurd reverence66 for authority prevented any real progress. Kept back by these fixed67 regulations, its freedom was restricted on every side; otherwise, with the unbounded facility for making post-mortem examinations, Egyptian medicine would have made immense advance.
Concerning the specialism which prevailed amongst Egyptian doctors, Herodotus says:63 “The art of medicine is thus divided amongst them: each physician applies himself to one disease only, and not more. All places abound68 in physicians; some physicians are for the eyes, others for the head, others for the teeth, others for the parts about the belly69, and others for internal disorders70.”136
With reference to the teeth, it is interesting to observe that some of the dental work found in opening mummies is equal to our own.
Sir J. Wilkinson says137 that the embalmers were probably members of the medical profession as well as of the class of priests. Pliny states that, during this process, certain examinations took place, which enabled them to study the disease of which the patient had died. They appear to have been made in compliance72 with an order from the government,138 as he says the kings of Egypt had the bodies opened after death to ascertain73 the nature of their diseases, by which means alone the remedy for phthisical complaints was discovered. Indeed, it is reasonable to suppose that a people so advanced as were the Egyptians in knowledge of all kinds, and whose medical art was so systematically74 arranged that they had regulated it by some of the very same laws followed by the most enlightened and skilful nations of the present day, would not have omitted so useful an inquiry75, or have failed to avail themselves of the means which the process adopted for embalming the body placed at their disposal. And nothing can more clearly prove their advancement76 in the study of human diseases than the fact of their assigning to each his own peculiar branch, under the different heads of oculists, dentists, those who cured diseases in the head, those who confined themselves to intestinal77 complaints, and those who attended to secret and internal maladies. They must have possessed an intimate knowledge of drugs, to have enabled them to select those of an antiseptic character suitable for the preservation78 of the mummies. That their practical knowledge of anatomy must have been considerable is proved by the skill with which they removed the more perishable79 parts of the body in the process of embalming. The embalmers, says Ebers, were all enrolled80 in a guild81 which existed down to Roman times, as is shown in various Greek papyri.
In the wall-cases 30-33 in the upper floor of the second Egyptian room of the British Museum, there is a set of Canopic jars which held the intestines82 of the human body, which were always embalmed separately. They were placed near the bier and were four in number, each one being dedicated83 to one of the four children of Horus, the genii of the dead. The stomach and large intestines were dedicated to Amset, the smaller intestines to Hapi, the lungs and heart to Tuamavtef, and the liver and gall-bladder to Kebhsenuf. Poor people had to be content with mere84 models of these vases.139
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The dissectors were the paraschistes, who cut open as much of the body as the law permitted with an Ethiopian stone. As soon as one of them had made the requisite85 incision86 he had to fly, pursued by those present, who cursed him bitterly, and flung stones at him. It was considered hateful to inflict87 any wound on a human body; and however necessary the act might be, the agent incurred88 the greatest odium.
The Egyptian doctors knew very little of anatomy as a science; they were, however, acquainted with the fact that the blood-vessels89 had their origin from the heart, and that the blood was distributed to the body from that organ. There is an interesting treatise91 on the heart in the Papyrus Ebers. In another medical papyrus we find the following anatomical details concerning the blood-vessels:—
“The head of man has thirty-two vessels; they carry the breath to his heart; they give inspiration to all his members. There are two vessels to the breasts; they give warmth to the lungs—for healing them, one must make a remedy of flour of fresh wheat, herb haka, and sycamore teput—make a decoction and let the patient drink it; she will be well. There are two vessels to the legs. If any one has a disease of the legs, if his arms are without strength, it is because the secret vessel90 of the leg has taken the malady92,—a remedy must be made.... There are two vessels to the arms; if a man’s arm is suffering, if he has pains in his fingers, say that this is a case of shooting pains.... There are two vessels of the occiput, two of the sinciput, two of the interior, two of the eyelids93, two of the nostrils94, and two of the left ear. The breath of life enters by them. There are two vessels of the right ear; the breath enters by them.”
It is uncertain whether by the term vessels the Egyptians understand the arteries95, the veins96, the nerves, or some imaginary conduits.140
The ancient Egyptians were zealous97 students of medicine; yet, as Dr. Ebers tells us, they also thought that the efficacy of the treatment was enhanced by magic formul?. The prescriptions in the famous Ebers Papyrus are accompanied by forms of exorcism to be used at the same time; “and yet many portions of this work,” says Ebers, “give evidence of the advanced knowledge of its authors.”141
Origen says142 that the Egyptians believed there were thirty-six demons, or thirty-six gods of the air, who shared amongst them the body of man, which is divided into as many parts. He adds that the Egyptians knew the names of those demons, and believed that if they invoked98 the proper demon7 of the affected99 part they would be cured. Magic and sorcery were arts which were forbidden to the laity.
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Many magical rites100 and animistic customs connected with the Egyptian religion closely resemble those which prevail over the whole continent of Africa. The basis of the Egyptian religion is supposed by some authorities to be of a purely101 Nigritian character; on which has been superimposed certain elevated characteristics due to Asiatic settlers and conquerors102. The worship of the negroes proper is simply fetishism combined with tree and animal worship and a strong belief in sorcery.
The great and peculiar feature of Egyptian magic lay in the fact that its formul? were intended to assimilate to the gods those who sought protection from the evils of life. The incantation was not in the nature of a prayer. As M. Lenormant says:143 “The virtue103 of the formul? lay not in an invocation of the divine power, but in the fact of a man’s proclaiming himself such or such a god; and when he, in pronouncing the incantation, called to his aid any one of the various members of the Egyptian Pantheon, it was as one of themselves that he had a right to the assistance of his companions.” In the Harris Papyrus is a fragment of one of the magical tracts104 of the medicine-god Thoth, in which is an incantation for protection against crocodiles:—
“Do not be against me! I am Amen.
I am the great master of the sword.
Do not try to surprise me! I am Set.
Do not raise thy two arms against me! I am Sothis.
Do not seize me! I am Sethu.”144
Disease-demons recognised the power of the gods, and obeyed their commands. An inscription on a monument of the time of Ramses XII. tells how the Princess Bint-resh, sister of Queen Noferu-ra, was cured in a serious illness by the image of the god Khonsu being sent to her after the “learned expert” Thut-emhib had failed to do her any good. When the god appeared at her bedside, she was cured on the spot; the evil spirit of the disease acknowledged the superior power of Khonsu, and came out of her after making an appropriate speech.145
In the records of a trial about a harem conspiracy107 in the reign108 of Ramses III., we learn that a house steward109 had used some improper111 enchantments112. In some fragments of the Lee and Rollin Papyrus, we read:66 “Then he gave him a writing from the rolls of the books of Ramses III., the great god, his lord. Then there came upon him a divine magic, an enchantment113 for men. He reached [thereby?] to the side of the women’s house, and into that other great and deep place. He formed figures of wax, with the intention of having them carried in by the hand of the land-surveyor Adiroma, to alienate114 the mind of one of the girls, and to bewitch others.... Now, however, he was brought to trial on account of them, and there was found in them incitation115 to all kinds of wickedness, and all kinds of villainy which it was his intention to do.... He had made some magic writings to ward110 off ill-luck; he had made some gods of wax, and some human figures to paralyse the limbs of a man; and he had put these into the hand of Bokakamon without the sun-god Ra having permitted that he should accomplish this,” etc.146
The actual medicaments used in Egyptian medical practice were not considered effectual without combination with magical remedies. The prescription20 might contain nitre, or cedar116 chips, or deer horn, or it might be an ointment32 or application of some herbs; but it would not be efficacious without some charm to deal with the spiritual mischief117 of the case. In administering an emetic118, for example, it was necessary to employ the following appeal to the evil spirit of the disorder71: “Oh, demon, who art lodged119 in the stomach of M., son of N., thou whose father is called Head-Smiter, whose name is Death, whose name is cursed for ever,” etc. It was not the natural remedy which called the supernatural to its aid; but in cultivated Egypt, this combination was due to the theurgic healer availing himself of natural remedies to assist his magic. Science was beginning to work for man’s benefit, but could not yet afford to discard sentimental120 aids which, by calming the mind of the sufferer, assisted its beneficent work. The different parts of the human body were confided121 to the protection of a special divinity. A calendar of lucky and unlucky days was devised, by which it could be ascertained122 what was proper to be medically done, or left undone123, at certain times. Barth, in his Travels in Africa, in the border region of the desert, tells of a native doctor who followed such a system. He used to treat his patients according to the days of the week on which they came: one day was a calomel day, another was devoted to magnesia, and a third to tartar emetic; and everybody requiring medicine had to take that appropriate to the day.
The Egyptians distinguished124 between black and white magic. The learned priests practised the curative acts of magic; but it was held to be a great crime to use black magic whereby to injure men or assist unlawful passions.
Homer sings the praises of the medicinal herbs of prolific125 Egypt, where P?on imparts to all the Pharian race his healing arts;147 and in67 Jeremiah,148 the daughter of Egypt is told that “in vain” she shall “use many medicines,” for she shall not be cured.
The ancient Egyptians depended greatly upon clysters in the treatment of many diseases besides those of the intestines. They were composed of a mixture of medicinal herbs, with milk, honey, sweet beer, salt, etc. The use of clysters by the Egyptians was remarked by Pliny and Diodorus Siculus, and the invention was attributed by the former to the ibis, who, with its long bill, performed the necessary operation.149
This absurd idea arose from a confusion between the hieroglyph126 for the ibis, and the god Thoth, the name of each having the same sign.150
A comparison of the prescriptions of the medical papyri with those of the ancient Greek physicians, especially Galen and Dioscorides, shows a considerable family likeness127 of the Greek system of therapeutics to that of the Egyptians. Chabas particularizes the following facts:—Honey was used in place of sugar in many recipes by Egyptians and Greeks. Wine was mixed with honey, and human milk was administered in the form of clysters by Egyptians and by Galen and Dioscorides. The use of barley128 drink, palm wine, nitre, or sal ammoniac, incense129 as an external application, blood mixed with wine, urine as a liniment, Lapis memphites, and several other drugs is prescribed for the same disorders and in the same manner in the land of the Pharaohs and in ancient Greece.
The famous “Ebers Papyrus” was purchased in 1874 by Dr. Ebers, at Thebes. “This papyrus contains one hundred and ten pages, each page consisting of about twenty-two lines of bold hieratic writing. It may be described as an Encyclop?dia of Medicine, as known and practised by the Egyptians of the eighteenth dynasty; and it contains prescriptions for all kinds of diseases—some borrowed from Syrian medical lore130, and some of such great antiquity that they are ascribed to the mythologic131 ages, when the gods yet reigned132 personally upon earth. Among others, we are given the recipe for an application whereby Osiris cured Ra of the headache.”151 This is the oldest of all the medical papyri hitherto discovered. It comes down to us, says Dr. Ebers,152 from the eighteenth dynasty. The “Medical Papyrus” of Berlin is second in point of antiquity; and a Hieratic MS. in London, the third.153
In the Ebers Medical Papyrus is an example of old Egyptian68 diagnosis and therapeutics: “When thou findest any one with a hardness in his re-het (pit of the stomach), and when after eating he feels a pressure in his intestines, his stomach (het) is swollen133, and he feels bad in walking, like one who suffers from heat in his back; then observe him when he lies stretched out, and if thou findest his intestines hot, and a hardness in his re-het, say to thyself, this is a disease of the liver. Then prepare for thyself a remedy, according to the secrets of the (botanical) science, from the plant pa-che-test and dates; mix them, and give in water” (Ebers).154
The famous medical papyrus roll in the Museum of Berlin is described by M. Chabas in the chapter on “The Medicine of the Ancient Egyptians,” in his work entitled Mélanges égyptologiques. From this papyrus we learn that plaisters, ointments, liniments, and friction134 were employed as external remedies. Many of the names of the herbs and medicaments employed cannot be translated, but are merely transcribed135. We find a number of recipes for tumours136 of the breast, for pimples137, for “dissipating divinely parts injured by bruises,” for destroying the bites of vermin, for cuts (common salt the chief ingredient), etc. The prescriptions seem very simple and brief.
Magical invocations were frequently employed in the treatment of disease. Chabas thinks that one of the maladies so treated was intestinal inflammation, with a feeling of heaviness, and hardness, and a griping pain. He translates the diagnosis of such a malady: “His belly is heavy, the mouth of his heart (os ventriculi) is sick, his heart (his stomach) is burning, ... his clothes are heavy upon him. Many clothes do not warm him; he is thirsty at night; the taste of his heart is perverted138, like a man who has eaten sycamore figs139; his flesh is deadened as a man who finds himself sick; if he goes to stool, his bowels140 refuse to act. Pronounce on his case that he has a nest of inflammation in his belly; the taste of his heart is sick, ... if he raises himself, he is as a man who is unable to walk.” The text of the papyrus gives the remedies to be used in such a case. “Apply to him the means of curing inflammation by warmth; also the means of destroying the inflammation in the belly.” The diagnosis and treatment here described apply very well to what we term peritonitis; but Dr. Baas suggests that gastric141 cancer may be indicated.
There is a medical papyrus in the Berlin Museum, which was discovered in the necropolis of Memphis, and which is described by Brugsch155 as containing a quantity of recipes for the cure of many diseases, including some of the nature of leprosy. There is also what the69 great Egyptologists term “a simple, childish exposition of the construction and mechanism142 of the body. The writing explained the number and use of the numerous ‘tubes.’” The origin of part of this work is traced to the time of the fifth king of the table of Abydos, though the composition of the whole work is of the period of Ramses II. The text says of the more ancient portion: “This is the beginning of the collection of recipes for curing leprosy. It was discovered in a very ancient papyrus, enclosed in a writing-case, under the feet (of a statue) of the god Anubis, in the town of Sochem, at the time of the reign of his majesty143 the defunct144 King Sapti. After his death, it was brought to the majesty of the defunct King Senta, on account of its wonderful value. And, behold145, the book was placed again at the feet, and well secured by the scribe of the temple, and the great physician, the wise Noferhotep. And when this happened to the book at the going down of the sun, he consecrated146 a meat, and drink, and incense offering to Isis, the lady; to Hor, of Athribis; and the god Khonsoo-Thut, of Amkhit.”
Human brains are prescribed for a disease of the eyes in the Ebers Papyrus. Pharmacy must have made considerable progress at the time this work was written, as it contains two prescriptions for pills—one made with honey for women, and one without it for men.
Chabas says that a severe discipline reigned in the schools of the ancient Egyptians, and that the eloquence147 of the master was frequently supplemented by the rod of his assistants. He gives in his translations of papyri one of the exhortations148 to a pupil.156
“Oh, scribe,157 give not thyself to idleness, or thou shalt be smartly chastised149; abandon not thy heart to pleasure, or thou wilt150 let thy books slip out of thy hands; practise conversation; discuss with those who are wiser than thyself; do the works of an elevated man. Yes, when thou shalt be advanced in years, thou wilt find this to be profitable. A scribe, skilful in every kind of work, will become powerful. Neglect not thy books; do not take a dislike to them.”
Sir J. Gardner Wilkinson, in his Manners and Customs of the Egyptians, gives a list of plants (from Pliny) which were known to the Egyptians and used in medicine or the arts. Ladanum (Cistus ladaniferus) was introduced into Egypt by the Ptolemies. Myrobalanum (Moringa aptera?) produced a fruit from which an ointment was made. Cypros (Lawsonia spinosa et inermis) was cooked in oil to make the ointment called cyprus; the leaves were used to dye the hair.70 Elate (Abies?), palma or spathe was of use in ointments. Oil of bitter almonds. Olives and figs were much esteemed. The castor-oil plant (Ricinus communis). A medicinal oil was extracted from what was probably one of the nettle151 tribe (Urtica pilulifera). Tea (Triticum zea?), olyra (Holcus sorghum152?), and tiphe (Triticum spelta), were used in decoctions; opium153 was extracted from Papaver somniferum.
Cnicus or atractylis (Carthamum tinctorium?) was a remedy against the poison of scorpions154 and other reptiles155. Pliny says: “Homer attributes the glory of herbs to Egypt. He mentions many given to Helen by the wife of the Egyptian king, particularly the Nepenthes, which caused oblivion of sorrow.” Opium was well known to the ancients, as well as various preparations of that drug. Sir J. Wilkinson thinks that nepenthe was perhaps the burt or hasheesh, a preparation of the Cannabis sativa or Indian hemp156.
The Egyptians, says Ebers, thought that the kindly157 healing plants sprung up from the blood and tears of the gods.158
Upon the ceilings and walls of the temples at Tentyra, Karnac, Luxor, and other places, basso-relievos have been discovered representing limbs that have been amputated with instruments very similar to those which are employed in such operations in our own time. Such instruments are also found in the hieroglyphics158, and Larrey says159 that there are vestiges159 of other surgical operations which have been discovered in Egyptian ruins which abundantly prove that the art of surgery was practised with great skill in the land of the Pharaohs.
Mr. Flinders Petrie, excavating160 at the Pyramid of Medum, says of the skeletons he discovered there: “The mutilations and diseases that come to light are remarkable161. One man had lost his left leg below the knee; another had his hand cut off and put in the tomb; others seem to have had bones excised162, and placed separately with the body. In one case acute and chronic163 inflammation and rheumatism164 of the back had united most of the vertebr? into a solid mass down the inner side. In another case there had been a rickety curvature of the spine165. To find so many peculiarities166 in only about fifteen skeletons which I collected is strange. These are all in the Royal College of Surgeons now, for study.”160
“Among the six hermetic books of medicine mentioned by Clement of Alexandria, was one devoted to surgical instruments; otherwise the very badly set fractures found in some of the mummies do little honour to the Egyptian surgeons” (Ebers).
71
Flint instruments were always used for opening bodies, for circumcision and other surgical operations. How far this was dictated167 by religious respect for antiquity, or by sanitary reasons, cannot be said; probably, however, the reverence for the ancient flint knife had much to do with its retention168.
Our word chemistry is derived169 from the name of Egypt, Khem or Khemit, the “Black Land,” meaning the rich, dark soil of the Nile valley. The god Khem, also known as Min and Am, was the same as the Pan of the Greeks and Priapus of the Romans. He presided over productiveness and the kindly fruits of the earth. In this sense he was also the god of curative herbs and simples, and so became associated in the popular mind with the arts of healing.161 Thus we obtain the words chemist, chemistry, and alchemy. Plutarch says that the Greek word χημ?α for Egypt, was bestowed170 on the land on account of the black colour of its soil.
The Egyptians must have had considerable practical knowledge of chemistry, or they could not have succeeded so well in the manufacture of glass, in dyeing, and the use of mordants171, etc. Metallurgy must have been understood, as is evidenced by their process of gold manufactures represented in several of the royal tombs. They made gold wire, and excelled in the art of gilding172. Their methods of embalming also exhibit some chemical knowledge. Dr. Pettigrew says,162 his friend Professor Reuvens, of Leyden, examined a papyrus which contained upwards173 of one hundred chemical and alchemical formul?.
In the Ebers Papyrus there are several recipes for the preparation of hair dye. “The earliest of all the recipes preserved to us is a prescription for dyeing the hair.”163
In anatomy, physiology176, surgery, therapeutics, and chemistry it is evident that Egypt was far in advance of any other nation of the same period of which we have authentic177 accounts.
The Persian kings were glad to employ the Egyptian physicians, whose skill gained them high renown178 in the ancient world. Dr. Brugsch, in his account of the Egyptians in the Persian service, gives a translation of the inscriptions of Uza-hor-en-pi-ris, of the period of the conquest of Egypt by Cambyses.72 “O ye gods who are in Sa?s! Remember all the good that has been done by the president of the physicians, Uza-hor-en-pi-ris. In all that ye are willing to requite179 him for all his benefits, establish for him a great name in this land for ever. O Osiris! thou eternal one! The president of the physicians, Uza-hor-en-pi-ris, throws his arms around thee, to guard thy image; do for him all good according to what he has done, (as) the protector of thy shrine180 for ever.”164 The last words addressed to Osiris refer to the form of the statue. The chief physician of Sa?s is standing181 upright, with his hands embracing a shrine which holds the mummy of Osiris.
Whether the ancient Greeks derived their knowledge of medicine from Egypt or from India has often been debated; the evidence seems to show that Greece was indebted to India rather than to Egypt in this respect.
Mr. Flinders Petrie concludes “that Europe had an indigenous182 civilization, as independent of Egypt and Babylonia as was the indigenous Aryan civilization of India; that this civilization has acquired arts independently, just as much as India has, and that Europe has given to the East as much as it has borrowed from there.”165
Amongst the Egyptian fellahs some curious observances, says Mr. Flinders Petrie, are connected with accidental deaths. “Fires of straw are lighted, one month after the death, around the ground where the body has lain; and where blood has been shed, iron nails are driven into the ground, and a mixture of lentils, salt, etc., is poured out. These look like offerings to appease183 spirits, and the fires seem as if to drive away evil influences. Funeral offerings are still placed in the tombs for the sustenance184 of the dead, just as they were thousands of years ago.”166
Modern Egyptians, like the ancient, wear written charms against sickness and disease. “Magical preparations of all sorts are frequently used as remedies in illness, and in even serious cases the patient is made to swallow pieces of paper inscribed with texts from the Koran, and to try various similar absurd means, before a physician is applied185 to.”
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1
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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surgical
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| adj.外科的，外科医生的，手术上的 | |
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laity
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| n.俗人；门外汉 | |
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embalm
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| v.保存（尸体）不腐 | |
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anatomy
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| n.解剖学，解剖；功能，结构，组织 | |
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demons
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| n.恶人( demon的名词复数 )；恶魔；精力过人的人；邪念 | |
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demon
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| n.魔鬼，恶魔 | |
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investigations
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| （正式的）调查( investigation的名词复数 )； 侦查； 科学研究； 学术研究 | |
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twilight
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| n.暮光，黄昏；暮年，晚期，衰落时期 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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pharmacy
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| n.药房，药剂学，制药业，配药业，一批备用药品 | |
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skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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linen
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| n.亚麻布，亚麻线，亚麻制品；adj.亚麻布制的，亚麻的 | |
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joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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deity
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| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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engraved
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| v.在（硬物）上雕刻（字，画等）( engrave的过去式和过去分词 )；将某事物深深印在（记忆或头脑中） | |
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prescriptions
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| 药( prescription的名词复数 )； 处方； 开处方； 计划 | |
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prescription
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| n.处方，开药；指示，规定 | |
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deviate
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| v.(from)背离，偏离 | |
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clement
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| adj.仁慈的；温和的 | |
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papyrus
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| n.古以纸草制成之纸 | |
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partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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millennium
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| n.一千年，千禧年；太平盛世 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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oculist
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| n.眼科医生 | |
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abdomen
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| n.腹，下腹(胸部到腿部的部分) | |
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glands
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| n.腺( gland的名词复数 ) | |
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ulcers
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| n.溃疡( ulcer的名词复数 )；腐烂物；道德败坏；腐败 | |
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promotion
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| n.提升，晋级；促销，宣传 | |
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ointment
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| n.药膏，油膏，软膏 | |
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ointments
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| n.软膏( ointment的名词复数 )；扫兴的人；煞风景的事物；药膏 | |
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34
fleas
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| n.跳蚤( flea的名词复数 )；爱财如命；没好气地（拒绝某人的要求） | |
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banishing
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的现在分词 ) | |
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inscription
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| n.（尤指石块上的）刻印文字，铭文，碑文 | |
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eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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scion
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| n.嫩芽，子孙 | |
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inscriptions
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| （作者）题词( inscription的名词复数 )； 献词； 碑文； 证劵持有人的登记 | |
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practitioner
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| n.实践者，从事者；(医生或律师等)开业者 | |
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predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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secrecy
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| n.秘密，保密，隐蔽 | |
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immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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divination
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| n.占卜，预测 | |
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45
oracles
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| 神示所( oracle的名词复数 )； 神谕； 圣贤； 哲人 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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indicator
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| n.指标；指示物，指示者；指示器 | |
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48
devourer
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| 吞噬者 | |
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49
hippopotamus
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| n.河马 | |
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50
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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51
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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52
memoirs
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| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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53
inscribed
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| v.写，刻( inscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；内接 | |
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54
embalmed
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| adj.用防腐药物保存（尸体）的v.保存（尸体）不腐( embalm的过去式和过去分词 )；使不被遗忘；使充满香气 | |
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55
sanitary
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| adj.卫生方面的，卫生的，清洁的，卫生的 | |
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56
embalming
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| v.保存（尸体）不腐( embalm的现在分词 )；使不被遗忘；使充满香气 | |
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57
counteracting
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| 对抗，抵消( counteract的现在分词 ) | |
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58
interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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59
practitioners
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| n.习艺者，实习者( practitioner的名词复数 )；从业者（尤指医师） | |
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60
esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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61
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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62
paramount
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| a.最重要的，最高权力的 | |
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exponents
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| n.倡导者( exponent的名词复数 )；说明者；指数；能手 | |
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64
forfeited
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| （因违反协议、犯规、受罚等）丧失，失去( forfeit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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diagnosis
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| n.诊断，诊断结果，调查分析，判断 | |
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reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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abound
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| vi.大量存在；(in，with)充满，富于 | |
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belly
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| n.肚子，腹部；(像肚子一样)鼓起的部分，膛 | |
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disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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compliance
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| n.顺从；服从；附和；屈从 | |
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73
ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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systematically
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| adv.有系统地 | |
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inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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intestinal
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| adj.肠的；肠壁；肠道细菌 | |
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preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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perishable
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| adj.（尤指食物）易腐的，易坏的 | |
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enrolled
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| adj.入学登记了的v.[亦作enrol]( enroll的过去式和过去分词 )；登记，招收，使入伍（或入会、入学等），参加，成为成员；记入名册；卷起，包起 | |
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guild
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| n.行会，同业公会，协会 | |
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intestines
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| n.肠( intestine的名词复数 ) | |
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dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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incision
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| n．切口，切开 | |
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inflict
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| vt.(on)把…强加给，使遭受，使承担 | |
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incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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treatise
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| n.专著；(专题)论文 | |
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92
malady
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| n.病，疾病(通常做比喻) | |
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eyelids
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| n.眼睑( eyelid的名词复数 )；眼睛也不眨一下；不露声色；面不改色 | |
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nostrils
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| 鼻孔( nostril的名词复数 ) | |
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arteries
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| n.动脉( artery的名词复数 )；干线，要道 | |
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veins
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| n.纹理；矿脉( vein的名词复数 )；静脉；叶脉；纹理 | |
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zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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invoked
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| v.援引( invoke的过去式和过去分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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104
tracts
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| 大片土地( tract的名词复数 )； 地带； （体内的）道； （尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的）短文 | |
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105
guardian
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| n.监护人；守卫者，保护者 | |
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106
erect
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| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
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107
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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108
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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109
steward
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| n.乘务员，服务员；看管人；膳食管理员 | |
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110
ward
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| n.守卫，监护，病房，行政区，由监护人或法院保护的人（尤指儿童）；vt.守护，躲开 | |
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111
improper
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| adj.不适当的，不合适的，不正确的，不合礼仪的 | |
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112
enchantments
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| n.魅力( enchantment的名词复数 )；迷人之处；施魔法；着魔 | |
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113
enchantment
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| n.迷惑，妖术，魅力 | |
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114
alienate
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| vt.使疏远，离间；转让(财产等) | |
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115
incitation
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| 刺激，激励 | |
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116
cedar
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| n.雪松，香柏(木) | |
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117
mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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118
emetic
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| n.催吐剂；adj.催吐的 | |
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119
lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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120
sentimental
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| adj.多愁善感的，感伤的 | |
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121
confided
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| v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的过去式和过去分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
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122
ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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123
undone
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| a.未做完的，未完成的 | |
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124
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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125
prolific
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| adj.丰富的，大量的；多产的，富有创造力的 | |
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126
hieroglyph
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| n.象形文字， 图画文字 | |
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127
likeness
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| n.相像，相似（之处） | |
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128
barley
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| n.大麦，大麦粒 | |
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129
incense
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| v.激怒；n.香，焚香时的烟，香气 | |
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130
lore
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| n.传说；学问，经验，知识 | |
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131
mythologic
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| 神话学的，神话的，虚构的 | |
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132
reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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133
swollen
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| adj.肿大的，水涨的；v.使变大，肿胀 | |
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134
friction
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| n.摩擦，摩擦力 | |
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135
transcribed
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| （用不同的录音手段）转录( transcribe的过去式和过去分词 )； 改编（乐曲）（以适应他种乐器或声部）； 抄写； 用音标标出（声音） | |
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136
tumours
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| 肿瘤( tumour的名词复数 ) | |
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137
pimples
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| n.丘疹，粉刺，小脓疱( pimple的名词复数 ) | |
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138
perverted
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| adj.不正当的v.滥用( pervert的过去式和过去分词 )；腐蚀；败坏；使堕落 | |
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139
figs
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| figures 数字，图形，外形 | |
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140
bowels
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| n.肠，内脏，内部；肠( bowel的名词复数 )；内部，最深处 | |
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141
gastric
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| adj.胃的 | |
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142
mechanism
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| n.机械装置；机构，结构 | |
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143
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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144
defunct
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| adj.死亡的；已倒闭的 | |
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145
behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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146
consecrated
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| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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147
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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148
exhortations
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| n.敦促( exhortation的名词复数 )；极力推荐；（正式的）演讲；（宗教仪式中的）劝诫 | |
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149
chastised
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| v.严惩（某人）（尤指责打）( chastise的过去式 ) | |
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150
wilt
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| v.(使)植物凋谢或枯萎；(指人)疲倦，衰弱 | |
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151
nettle
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| n.荨麻；v.烦忧，激恼 | |
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152
sorghum
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| n.高粱属的植物，高粱糖浆，甜得发腻的东西 | |
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153
opium
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| n.鸦片；adj.鸦片的 | |
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154
scorpions
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| n.蝎子( scorpion的名词复数 ) | |
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155
reptiles
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| n.爬行动物，爬虫( reptile的名词复数 ) | |
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156
hemp
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| n.大麻；纤维 | |
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157
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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158
hieroglyphics
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| n.pl.象形文字 | |
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159
vestiges
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| 残余部分( vestige的名词复数 )； 遗迹； 痕迹； 毫不 | |
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160
excavating
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| v.挖掘( excavate的现在分词 )；开凿；挖出；发掘 | |
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161
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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162
excised
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| v.切除，删去( excise的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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163
chronic
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| adj.(疾病)长期未愈的，慢性的；极坏的 | |
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164
rheumatism
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| n.风湿病 | |
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165
spine
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| n.脊柱，脊椎；(动植物的)刺；书脊 | |
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166
peculiarities
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| n. 特质, 特性, 怪癖, 古怪 | |
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167
dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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168
retention
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| n.保留，保持，保持力，记忆力 | |
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169
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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170
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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171
mordants
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| vt.媒染，用媒染剂处理（mordant的第三人称单数形式） | |
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172
gilding
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| n.贴金箔，镀金 | |
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173
upwards
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| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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174
exterminating
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| v.消灭，根绝( exterminate的现在分词 ) | |
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175
noxious
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| adj.有害的，有毒的；使道德败坏的，讨厌的 | |
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176
physiology
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| n.生理学，生理机能 | |
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177
authentic
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| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
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178
renown
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| n.声誉，名望 | |
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179
requite
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| v.报酬，报答 | |
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180
shrine
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| n.圣地，神龛，庙；v.将...置于神龛内，把...奉为神圣 | |
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181
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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182
indigenous
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| adj.土产的，土生土长的，本地的 | |
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183
appease
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| v.安抚，缓和，平息，满足 | |
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184
sustenance
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| n.食物，粮食；生活资料；生计 | |
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185
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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