“But the trouble with our political and social system is, that it is bound to breed not only favoritism, but also corruption6 on the largest scale. One hundred and thirteen years ago, the men at the head of the National Government or those who were influential8 with them were also sometimes filling places, where for little work a good salary was paid, with unworthy women and men, but such sinecures9 were comparatively few and far between. The number of federal officials in your days was, if I am not mistaken about 80,000, and the postmasters of the small country towns, who made up the largest part of the 80,000 were paid such a beggarly commission for the sale of postage stamps, that no one could afford to accept such positions except trades people, who kept a store, where they had to be all day anyhow, and to whom the honor and small profits were an object. And then the incumbents10 of all the offices that could be classed as sinecures, were changed every four or eight years. Our administrations have a very long life. The one ousted11 twelve years ago lasted twenty-six years. And the number of positions at the command of the government is very large. There is one lieutenant12 or overseer to about each and every twelve men or women, not to mention the captains, colonels, etc.; and the amount of bookkeeping done, is simply enormous. We are keeping books as you know, I suppose, in all the producing as well as in the distributing46 departments, and more than that: every citizen has an account in the police books[16].
[16] Page 87.
“When you take into consideration our great and growing population, you can form some idea of how enormous this work is. You are aware, that the North American territory, formerly13 under British rule, has been annexed14 to the United States, and that the population, according to the census15 of 1990, numbered 414,000,000. It is now estimated at 500,000,000[17]. The complicated system of bookkeeping required by the communistic plan of production, and the shortness of working hours granted to the bookkeepers, who are all preferred men and women, favorites of the members of the administration, made it necessary to appoint a bookkeeper for every fifty people. Under the former administration we had one bookkeeper for every forty-two people. This gives to the government a chance to provide, at its own pleasure, over 10,000,000 of men and women with clean and easy work. Add to these 10,000,000 of positions about 10,000,000 officers of the industrial army, from the lieutenantships up to the positions of colonel; add, furthermore, the clerkships in the distributing places47 and many other preferred positions, and you can see at a glance what an enormous power the administration possesses and how tempting16 this power is.”
[17] The first census of the United States was taken in 1790, when 3,929,314 people were counted. In 1880 the population numbered 50,155,738, and in 1890 it is about 68,000,000. In one hundred years it has been multiplied by 16. If the rate of increase should continue to be the same, the United States would have in 1990, without the population of Canada, about 1,040,006,000 of people. I have figured an increase of about twenty percent for each decade, which would give for the year 2000 about 500 millions of inhabitants for the United States and Canada.
“But is it not necessary for those applying for the responsible position of a bookkeeper to have passed through a course of study in order to be qualified for such important duties?” I inquired.
“Bookkeeping is part of the instruction in our schools”, Mr. Forest answered, “and the bookkeeping in the public offices is not well done. So the responsibility, resting on the shoulders of the favorites of the members of the administration, does not harass17 the minds of these preferred people very much. It is, of course, impossible for an outsider to obtain an insight into the workings of the present administration, and to know how the books are kept. But when the late administration went out of office twelve years ago, an unfathomable pool of corruption was uncovered. An inventory18 of the goods on hand was taken, and it was stated that the books showed a shortage of more than four hundred and thirty-two million dollars. The members of the ousted administration declared this statement to be entirely19 false, that it had been “doctored” by the experts of the administration, for the purpose of casting discredit20 upon the members of the old government. The accused officers admitted that shortages were possible, for the reason, that all the clerks whose duty it was to measure goods, were inclined to give the people good weight and large measure, but that these shortages would not reach the48 figure of $432,000,000, and that the deficiency could not be considered as a proof of want of honesty on the part of the old officers. On the other hand, the new officers claimed, that the enormous shortages were due to the corruption of the members and prominent supporters of the ousted administration, who had always overdrawn21 their accounts, and had not been charged with the goods taken out in excess of their credit cards”.
I asked Mr. Forest what he thought of these charges.
“I think, they were to a large extent well founded. The temptation under our wretched system is too great. That the leaders should give to their relatives and next friends good positions would not be blameworthy, if the appointees were fit to fill the places given them. But the best places, numbering in all about twenty millions, are not filled with the best and most able men. They go, so far as they are not given to the relatives and friends of the leaders, to friends of the administration, in order to keep the latter in power. They are given to the sons and relatives and friends of the most active supporters of the government. And even this would be tolerable, if the favoritism stopped there, at the boundary of corruption and tyranny. But it does not”.
“Are you accusing the present administration and all its friends of corruption and tyranny?” I asked, feeling that I should have to end my conversations49 with Mr. Forest, if he should make disparaging22 charges, even indirectly23, against my host.
“I am speaking of a system and I am mentioning only such facts and deeds as I can prove”, Mr. Forest answered. “I am not accusing men for any pleasure it gives me to do so. I know that your question refers to Dr. Leete and, though it is not a direct one, yet I will meet it squarely. I regard Dr. Leete as one of the best and purest of men among the party-leaders; but he, also, is making use of the advantages that our system offers to the men in power.”
“Will you be kind enough to substantiate24 what you say?” I asked quietly, but sharply.
“I will leave it to you to say, whether I am going too far in my statement”, Forest continued. “Did not Dr. Leete inform you that he has been “cherishing the idea of building a laboratory in the large garden of his house?”[18] And did he not tell you that he sent for the workmen and that they unearthed26 the vault27 in which you slept?”[19]
[18] Page 34.
[19] Page 34.
“Indeed, Dr. Leete said that he intended to build a chemical laboratory”, I admitted; “but is not the amount of his credit-card large enough to permit him such an expenditure28?”
Forest looked somewhat amused and asked me, if I had ever looked at the total amount the credit-card called for. I confessed that I never had; noticing that the style of living of Dr. Leete was luxurious50 enough for anybody, I had not troubled myself to ascertain29 how much the country allowed each and every inhabitant per year.
“Well”, said Mr. Forest, “we will discuss the wealth of the nation at some other time. To-day we will continue to investigate the tendency of the communistic system to breed favoritism, corruption, servility and suppression of opponents.—As for Dr. Leete, he is building his laboratory in spite of the fact, that such an enterprise is entirely against the intention and spirit of our institutions. There is a very good laboratory of the kind in the basement of this college, and Dr. Leete would certainly be welcome, if he should ask permission to experiment there at his pleasure. His influence, if nothing else, would secure him a permit. But vanity causes him to erect30 a superfluous31 building, which will give the Radicals32 a new and visible argument against the ruling clique”.
“What Radicals are you speaking of?” I asked.
“I am referring to the radical33 communists who object to the present state of affairs, because they desire to abolish religious services, matrimony and all personal-property, institutions that are at present tolerated. We will speak of our political parties and their principles later. I simply desired to establish to your own satisfaction, or dissatisfaction, the fact, that Dr. Leete is erecting34 for his private use and in violation35 of communistic principles, a chemical laboratory, a very expensive affair, for which the credit-cards of ten men would not pay, and thus challenging51 the criticism of all the enemies of the administration”.
“Cannot Dr. Leete pay a fair rent for the laboratory?” I rejoined. “I should think that the abundance of labor25 could not be used to a better advantage than to erect buildings, the rent for which will increase the income of the nation”.
“But there is no abundance of labor, as you will discover in due time”, said Forest. “And if you will imagine what would happen, if every citizen should demand a similar outlay36 of labor and instruments to please his notions, you will undoubtedly37 see, that Dr. Leete is assuming an exceptional position, which, not only savors38 of favoritism but, also, involves an indiscreet abuse of power, calculated to create bad blood”.
I could not very well refute the arguments of Mr. Forest, and so was silent.
“But favoritism and the occasional abuse of power for the accommodation of men like Dr. Leete, are not the worst features of our present form of government”, he continued, “and the fact that influential men frequently receive presents of silks, furs, and jewelry39 for their wives and daughters, and of wine and cigars for themselves, from people seeking the intercession of these powerful men, in order to procure40 preferred positions for themselves or for relatives and friends, could also be borne although, of course, they are proofs of political corruption. But the worst consequences of this damnable communism are tyranny and the possibility of brutal41 persecution52 of the opponents of the administration on the one hand, and servility, adulation and calumny42 on the other. Every man and every body of men who have gained certain advantages or occupy desired positions will defend themselves against all attacks of their opponents. So will political parties try to keep themselves in power by rewarding their faithful workers and by crowding back their opponents. It is, therefore, very dangerous to invest a great government with arbitrary powers, which permit the rulers to make the people dependent upon the good will of their officers, even in their daily occupation, all their life long”.
“According to your description the present state of society appears to be an unbearable43 condition of affairs”, I said.
“If you inquire among the members of the different guilds45, especially among the farmers,” Mr. Forest continued, “you will find that I am describing things just as they are. Every member of the industrial army knows that ability and industry alone will secure a desirable position only in exceptional cases, if at all; that political influence is the almighty46 factor in every affair of our lives, and that the industrial army is governed by officers whom the worker must try to please, by personal adulation, by presents, by a slavish devotion to the orders of the superiors, and indirectly by inducing all the members of his family and all his friends to support every measure and every member of the administration. If the members53 of the industrial army could elect their officers, the discipline would of course, not be so strict, as it is now; but even an occasional row amongst the men would be preferable to the present state of affairs, where every one who happens to be unpopular with the ruling party is leading a terrible existence. The number of suicides is therefore becoming larger every year and is to-day four times greater than in your times”.
“The number of suicides in European armies 113 years ago was very large”, I remarked thoughtfully, “although the men had everything they needed in the line of lodging48, food and clothing”.
“Yes,” said Forest, “the necessities of life without liberty are of little value. The soldiers of your time threw away their lives, because they did not consider a life without freedom worth living, and still their term of service lasted only three or five years, and they had but a comparatively easy duty to perform in times of peace. The service in our industrial army lasts, at the best, 24 years of our life. The men and women are at the mercy of their officers, and they can appeal against maltreatment to other members of the administration only to judges who decide definitely such cases, generally by simply sending back the complainants to their work with an admonishment49 to try to win the good will of their superiors, and thus secure promotion50.”
“You have been speaking about politicians, Mr. Forest”, I said. “Do many men take an active part in political life?”
54 “I should say they did”, my predecessor51 answered. “Many of the men from 45 years upwards52, and many women do little else, except busy themselves with politics. They can live on their credit-cards wherever they please, and many of them prefer to spend their time in Washington, “hustling around” in a very lively fashion, trying to gain favors for their friends, and for such people as address themselves to the hustlers. The lobby in the halls of Congress in your days is described as a bad crowd, but to compare it with the hustlers of our days, would be like comparing a Sunday school with pandemonium53. Millions of people who desire better work or promotion, and who have nothing to hope from the influence they are able to command at home, write to the hustlers at Washington to secure their services.”
“But what can the seekers of favors offer to those who live in Washington for the purpose of gaining favor for other people, and whom we may call the lobbyists of the twentieth century?” I inquired. “In the present day, men do not accumulate fortunes.”
“Indeed, they do not”, answered Mr. Forest with a smile. “But some people desire to have occasionally a “high time” and to spend five or ten times the amount of their credit-card during each year. Some of our administration leaders keep, what we may style, a “great house”. They receive guests and entertain them with delicacies54 and wine. Some of the most prominent lobbyists do the same thing. An applicant55 for favors has to give up a part or perhaps55 nearly all of his credit-card, and he may look to his future subordinates for a rich compensation”.
“But why are people not satisfied with their legitimate56 income”? I asked, painfully surprised to see that wire-pulling and corruption were quite as prevalent as they had been 113 years ago. “Is not the income a credit-card affords sufficient to support people?”
“You can never satisfy the people”, Forest said. “Nowadays the clever and industrious57 part of the people feel that they are robbed for the benefit of their lazy, awkward or stupid comrades, that they have to submit to the impudence58 and blackmailing59 of some of their superiors, or else undergo humiliating treatment. And even the men and women of the lowest ability, who are benefited by our present system, are not all of them pleased. Some of them would rather do away with personal property and separate housekeeping. In fact, but a very small portion of our citizens are really satisfied.—And people who are fond of good cooking, costly60 meals and Havana cigars, certainly cannot pay for such luxuries, and have to depend upon others if they desire to enjoy them. We have in Washington, also, a great many young women, who prefer flirtation61, fine meals and a fast life to the regular employment in the industrial army or the life of an ordinary good wife”.
“Indeed it does”, Mr. Forest assented63. “Of course, these girls hold clerical positions in the different departments,56 but these positions are sinecures. I understand from friends who have seen part of the secret life at the capitol, (and it is not so very secret either) that some of the higher officials spend fifty times the amount of their credit cards with these women. A part of their income is obtained from those seeking favors, who willy-nilly give up a part of their credit cards. Another part of the values squandered64 by influential persons, comes from the public storehouse, where only a small proportion of the value taken out by the influential people, is pricked65 from their credit cards by the clerks, who are fully47 aware what is expected of them, if they desire to retain their positions; for if they should treat the leaders of the ruling party like common laborers66, they would be degraded to class B of their third grade. The glitter of corruption proves attractive to many men and women, as I have stated before, and the population of Washington, therefore, exceeds that of any other city on the American continent.”
“But, I cannot understand, why the people tolerate such a corrupt7 and tyrannical government as you describe,” I said, “and I am satisfied that your hypochondriac disposition67 is befogging somewhat the keenness of your eyesight and the clearness of your judgment68.”
“It is your own fault if you remain in doubt as to the perfect correctness of my statements”, Mr. Forest said. “If you, for instance, should desire to take a vacation for the purpose of giving our rulers in57 Washington one of your enthusiastic lectures, you will cheerfully be granted leave of absence from your duties as professor and will be received at the capitol in grand style. For the enthusiasm displayed by you for our institutions, as compared with the civilization of the nineteenth century, will pour water on the mill wheels of our administration. You will find the state of affairs precisely69 as I have described them to be, and by conversing70 with the rank and file of the supporters of the administration, you will find that they are upholding the present state for the reason that they despair of their ability to improve public affairs, and because they are afraid of a rule still worse, under the radicals”.
“How could a state of public affairs be worse than the one you have pictured to me in your conversations”, I exclaimed.
“Many people are afraid that the Radicals would prohibit marriages and would force free love with all its consequences upon the people. In fact, the radical newspapers—the only sheets that speak out boldly against the administration and strike from the shoulder—are denouncing religion, marriage, separate house-keeping and the limited amount of property people are permitted to own”.
“But, how can the tone of the Radical press be reconciled with your statement that the administration is treating its opponents so badly”? I asked. “If it is the custom of the government to confine its opponents in insane asylums71, why are the Radical58 newspapers permitted to advocate such abominable72 principles”?
Mr. Forest laughed and replied: “The Radical editors are favored exceptions. They are doing good service for the administration in scaring the mass of the people into submission73. Whenever an election of generals of the guilds is near at hand, the Radical press is permitted to howl to the best ability of its editors. Then, a few days before the election, the administration organs copy extracts from the rabid and nonsensical utterances74 of such papers, and ask the people, if they desire that kind of government, urge the voters to stand by the administration which can, of course, not please everybody in all points, but which is the best any people on earth ever had, and so forth75 ad infinitum”.
“Then the Radical editors are simply tolerated as bugbears, while the more moderate writers are not permitted to oppose the administration?”
“Exactly”, rejoined Mr. Forest. “But I am afraid, the government is playing a very dangerous game. The Radicals are undoubtedly gaining ground and have amongst their followers76 very desperate men, who may at any time raise the black flag of destruction. If we had a free and independent people, the danger would not be so great. Then the masses of free men would rally to the defence of their beloved institutions. But as matters now stand, the masses are accustomed to submission under a rule of a minority, and the determined77 uprising of a body of59 desperate men would find but a comparatively small number of citizens ready to fight for the present order of things. And it will be a bad day for humanity, when the Radicals come into power”.
“But, you said that about twelve years ago the government lost an election. That shows, that it can be beaten in a square fight, and you further said that the present rulers are better citizens than the men that formed the last administration”.
“There is certainly some improvement, but it is nothing very remarkable78. It amounted, in substance, to a change of men, but not to a change of system. Favoritism, corruption and prostitution have decreased somewhat, but they have not been stamped out. They still flourish. People who were very enthusiastic at the time of the election and hoped for a clean and popular administration, have now lost all confidence, that under the communistic rule there can be such a thing as a just government. In substance, it has been, as I said, merely a change of personalities79 and, therefore, the confidence of the people in the prevailing80 system has been destroyed. Consequently, the change has actually done more harm than good. The strongest and most reliable element to-day in favor of good government is the farming population; but although the farmers are very numerous, they represent one guild44 only. They have but one general and one department chief, and are outvoted by the representatives of the other guilds. And on account of the opposition81 of the farmers to60 the administration they are not treated as well as the members of the other guilds”.
“They do, but they complain that they receive the poorest goods, and that their share of public improvements and benefits is comparatively small; and whenever there is a chance to discriminate83 against their representatives, that chance is not lost. The farmers would be the most reliable opponents to the Radicals, but the treatment they are receiving from the administration, has created so much dissatisfaction amongst the farming population, that we cannot count upon them in a fight for the maintenance of the present system or the present government. To give you an instance of the discrimination against the farmers, I will mention the erection of music halls, theatres and other places of evolution, recreation and amusement. It is, of course, impossible to build a theatre or a concert hall at every country crossroad, but the number of such public places erected84 in the cities is entirely out of proportion to those erected in the country towns and villages. The administration relies for its support upon the city people, upon such guilds as are recruited from the population of the cities, and, therefore bends all its energies to benefitting them. Then there is another thing to be taken into account. The nation is frequently left with small lots of goods on its hands, through changes of taste, unseasonable weather and61 various other causes. These have to be disposed of at a sacrifice, and the loss charged up to the expenses of the business[20]. These goods the administration can dispose of at any time when it chooses to claim that the best prices can be realized. The members of the administration are also judges as to what goods are to be sold at a sacrifice. It has been charged by the representatives of the farming population that such of these goods as are of poor quality are largely given out to farmers, while other things that are in first-class condition are disposed of in the storehouses of the cities, at reduced prices, and that in such instances favoritism and corruption are coming in. I do not care to endorse85 all the complaints, our farmers make. They may lack foundation to a great extent, but they prove the existence of a deep dissatisfaction, and such charges could simply not be made if our administration were not clothed with power hitherto unheard of in the history of mankind. It is the system itself that breeds all these evils”.
[20] Page 186.
“Have you not, besides the radical and the administration parties, other organizations fighting for the control of the government”?
“We have the temperance people who have organized themselves; but they are simply striving within the administration party to secure the control of the government. The administration does not discriminate against the members of this organization. It62 gives them a chance to do their very best, but so far they have not succeeded in making much headway”.
“I notice that you are not giving the present system of society much credit for anything done under its auspices86. Don’t you think that the abolition87 of absolute poverty, the elevation88 of all men and women to a standard at least nearly equal, is a great and priceless gain to humanity? I remember too well the inexpressible sufferings of some of the poor people of my days, and while I am not sufficiently89 familiar with the present state of society, to endorse or to contradict your statements, yet I prize the abolishment of poverty so high, that I still cling to the hope, in spite of your arguments to the contrary, that the present form of society and of production may overcome all the difficulties inseparable from all human efforts and institutions”.
“My dear Mr. West, I am glad to see you using now in your last remarks in defense90 of communism the same arguments the defenders91 of the old form of production used against the communists of your days. This simply proves two facts, viz.: that nothing is perfect under God’s sun, and that every form of government is forced to admit this. The abolition of absolute poverty could have been accomplished92 as I can and will prove later on, beyond a reasonable doubt, without a descent into communism and the terrible consequences of this worst system of production. The fact, that the members and the officers of the administration may, at their pleasure, treat the friends63 of their opponents, members of the industrial army, like slaves; that even the friends of the government’s opponents who have gained comparatively good positions, can be placed in the second class of the third grade at the yearly regradings, and that favoritism is shown to all friends of the administration, has caused adulation, servility, calumny and corruption, and there was never a time in the history of the Saxon race when there were in public business and social life so little independence and manhood among the citizens. When two hundred and thirty years ago England tried to levy93 a tax upon tea, the Americans rose up in arms, because they would not permit the government to collect a tax unless it granted to the Americans representation in the parliament which imposed this tax. To-day the government controls the labor of all men and women for twenty-four long years, without giving the flower of the American people a chance to cast a vote, which shall shape the form and policy of the government in conformity with the wishes of those who produce the wealth of the nation. This state of slavery which never existed before in the history of civilized94 nations, can not last many years longer. It will go down in an ocean of blood. For as the German poet Schiller says: Fear not outrages95 from free men; but tremble when slaves break their chains”.
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conformity
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| n.一致，遵从，顺从 | |
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qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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nepotism
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patronage
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overestimate
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corruption
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corrupt
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influential
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sinecures
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incumbents
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ousted
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lieutenant
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formerly
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annexed
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census
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tempting
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harass
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inventory
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entirely
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discredit
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overdrawn
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disparaging
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indirectly
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substantiate
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labor
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unearthed
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vault
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expenditure
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ascertain
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erect
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superfluous
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radicals
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radical
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erecting
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35
violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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outlay
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| n.费用，经费，支出；v.花费 | |
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undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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savors
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| v.意味，带有…的性质( savor的第三人称单数 )；给…加调味品；使有风味；品尝 | |
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39
jewelry
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| n.（jewllery）（总称）珠宝 | |
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40
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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41
brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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calumny
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| n.诽谤，污蔑，中伤 | |
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43
unbearable
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| adj.不能容忍的；忍受不住的 | |
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44
guild
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| n.行会，同业公会，协会 | |
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45
guilds
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| 行会，同业公会，协会( guild的名词复数 ) | |
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46
almighty
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| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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48
lodging
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| n.寄宿，住所；(大学生的)校外宿舍 | |
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49
admonishment
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| n.警告 | |
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promotion
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| n.提升，晋级；促销，宣传 | |
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predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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upwards
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| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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pandemonium
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| n.喧嚣，大混乱 | |
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delicacies
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| n.棘手( delicacy的名词复数 )；精致；精美的食物；周到 | |
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applicant
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| n.申请人，求职者，请求者 | |
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legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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impudence
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| n.厚颜无耻；冒失；无礼 | |
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blackmailing
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| 胁迫，尤指以透露他人不体面行为相威胁以勒索钱财( blackmail的现在分词 ) | |
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costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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flirtation
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| n.调情，调戏，挑逗 | |
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amazement
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| n.惊奇，惊讶 | |
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assented
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| 同意，赞成( assent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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squandered
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| v.（指钱，财产等）浪费，乱花( squander的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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pricked
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| 刺，扎，戳( prick的过去式和过去分词 )； 刺伤； 刺痛； 使剧痛 | |
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laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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conversing
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| v.交谈，谈话( converse的现在分词 ) | |
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asylums
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| n.避难所( asylum的名词复数 )；庇护；政治避难；精神病院 | |
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abominable
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| adj.可厌的，令人憎恶的 | |
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submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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utterances
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| n.发声( utterance的名词复数 )；说话方式；语调；言论 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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personalities
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| n. 诽谤，（对某人容貌、性格等所进行的）人身攻击； 人身攻击；人格, 个性, 名人( personality的名词复数 ) | |
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prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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82
queried
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| v.质疑，对…表示疑问( query的过去式和过去分词 )；询问 | |
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83
discriminate
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| v.区别，辨别，区分；有区别地对待 | |
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84
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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85
endorse
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| vt.(支票、汇票等)背书，背署；批注；同意 | |
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86
auspices
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| n.资助，赞助 | |
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87
abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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88
elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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89
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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90
defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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92
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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93
levy
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| n.征收税或其他款项，征收额 | |
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civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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