Jacob burst into a fit of laughter.
"It was the funniest thing you ever saw," he said, "Imagine a large room, with the chief presbyter sitting at a table, and eight other men, with sour countenances2 and large turned-down collars and bands, sitting round it. William Long and I faced them at the other end, looking as grave and sanctimonious3 as the rest of them. The proceedings4 were, of course, opened with a lengthy5 prayer, and then the old gentleman in the center introduced us as the commissioners6 from London. William rose, and having got up by heart the instructions to the commissioners, he said that he would first briefly7 introduce to his fellow divines the points as to which differences appeared to exist between the Presbyterians of the north and those of the south, and concerning which he was instructed to come to an agreement with them. First, he gave a list of the points at variance8; then he said that he understood that these, quoting from his document, were the views of his Scotch9 brethren; and he then proceeded to give briefly the arguments with which he had been furnished. He said that his reverend brother and himself were much wearied with long travel, and that they would fain defer10 the debate for another two days, but that in the meantime they would be glad to hear the views of their friends. Then did one after another of these eight worthy11 men rise, and for six mortal hours they poured forth12 their views. I do not know whether it was most difficult to avoid laughter or yawning; but, indeed, Master Harry, it was a weary time. I dared not look at William, for he put such grave attention and worshipful reverence13 on his face that you would have thought he had been born and bred to the work. When the last of the eight had sat dawn he rose again, and expressed a marvelous admiration14 of the learning and eloquence15 which his brethren had displayed. Many of their arguments he said, were new to him—and in this, indeed, I doubt not he spoke16 truth—and he perceived that it would be hard to answer all that they had so learnedly adduced. Upon the other hand, he had much to say; but he was willing to allow that upon some points he should have difficulty in combating their views. He prayed them, therefore, to defer the meeting for two days, when he would willingly give them his views upon the subject, and his learned brother would also address them. He proposed that the party should be as small a one as that he saw before him, and that, after hearing him, they should, if possible, come to some arrangement upon a few, at least, of the points in dispute, so as to leave as small a number as might be open to for the public disputation which would follow. The worshipful party appeared mightily17 taken with the idea, and, after an hour's prayer from the chairman, we separated. I hardly slept all night for laughing, and I would give much to see the faces of that honorable council when they hear that they have been fooled."
"You have both shown great wisdom, Jacob," Harry said, "and have behaved in a sore strait with much judgment18 and discretion19. It was lucky for you that your reverend friend did not, among his eight champions, think of inviting20 our little friend from London, for I fear that he would at once have denounced you as not being the divines whose credentials21 you presented."
"I was afraid of that," Jacob said, "and therefore begged him specially22, on this our first conference, to have only ministers of his own circle present. He mentioned that one or two godly ministers from London were present in the capital. I replied that I was well aware of that, but that, as these men were not favored with the instructions of the convention, and knew not the exact turn which affairs had taken up to the period of my leaving, their presence might be an embarrassment—which, indeed, was only the truth."
"We must make a circuit to-morrow," Harry said, "to avoid Stirling, and will go round by Doune, and thence make for the north. Once among the mountains we shall be safe from all pursuit, and from any interference by the Roundheads, for I believe that the clans23 of this part are all in favor of Montrose—Argyll's power lying far to the west."
"It will be a comfort," Jacob said, "not to be obliged to talk through one's nose, and to cast one's eyes upward. I imagine that these Highlanders are little better than savages26."
"That is so," Harry said. "They are, I believe, but little changed since the days when the Romans struggled with them, and could make no head north of the Forth."
The next day, by a long circuit, they traveled round Stirling, and reached the bridge of Doune, there crossing the Teith unquestioned. They soon left the main road, and struck into the hills. They had not traveled far when three strange figures suddenly presented themselves. These men were clad in a garb27 which to the lads was strange and wild indeed. The kilt, as worn by Highlanders on show occasions in the present day is a garment wholly unlike that worn by their ancestors, being, indeed, little more than a masquerade dress. The kilt of the old time resembled indeed the short petticoat now worn by savage25 peoples. It consisted of a great length of cloth wound round and round the loins, and falling like a loose petticoat to the knees, a portion being brought over one shoulder, and then wrapped round and round the body. It was generally of dark material; the tartans now supposed to be peculiar28 to the various clans being then unknown, or at least not worn by the common people, although the heads of the clans may have worn scarfs of those patterns. A Highland24 gentleman or chief, however, dressed in the same garb as Englishmen—that is, in armor, with doublet and hose. His wild followers29 lived in huts of the most primitive30 description, understood no language but their own, obeyed the orders of their chiefs to the death, and knew nothing either of kings or of parliaments. For arms these men carried a broad target or shield made of bull's hide, and a broadsword of immense length hanging behind them, the hilt coming above the shoulder.
What they said the lads could not understand. But when Harry repeated the word "Montrose," the Highlanders nodded, and pointed31 to signify that the road they were pursuing was the right one, and two of them at once set out with them as escorts.
For several days they traveled north, stopping at little groups of cabins, where they were always received with rough hospitality, the assertion of their guides that they were going to the great earl being quite sufficient passport for them. Bannocks of oatmeal with collops, sometimes of venison, sometimes of mountain sheep, were always at their service, washed down by a drink new to the boys, and which at first brought the water into their eyes. This was called usquebaugh, and had a strange peaty flavor, which was at first very unpleasant to them, but to which before they left Scotland they became quite accustomed. The last two days they traveled upon broad roads again, and being now in a country devoted32 to the Earl of Montrose, were under no apprehension33 whatever of interference.
At last they reached the place where the earl was residing. His castle differed in no way from those of the nobility of England. It was surrounded by walls and towers, and had a moat and other means of defense34. The gate was guarded by men similar in appearance to their guides, but dressed in better material, and with some attempt at uniformity. Large numbers of these were gathered in the courtyard, and among them were men-at-arms attired35 in southern fashion. The guides, having performed their duty of conducting these strangers from the borders of their country, now handed them over to an officer, and he, upon learning their errand, at once conducted them to the earl.
Montrose was a noble figure, dressed in the height of the fashion of the day. His face was oval, with a pointed mustache; long ringlets fell round his head; and his bearing was haughty36 and majestic37. He rose from his chair and advanced a step toward them.
"We are, sir," Harry said. "The king was pleased to commit to me various documents intended for your eye. We left him at Oxford39, and have journeyed north with as little delay as might be in these times. The dispatches, I believe, will speak for themselves, I have no oral instructions committed to me."
So saying, Harry delivered the various documents with which they were charged. The earl instructed the officer to see that they were well lodged40 and cared for, and at once proceeded to his private cabinet to examine the instructions sent him by the king. These were in effect that, so soon as the army of the convention moved south from Dundee, he should endeavor to make a great raid with his followers upon the south, specially attacking the country of Argyll, so as to create a diversion, and, if possible, cause the recall of the Scotch army to defend their own capital.
For some weeks the lads stopped with Montrose. They had been furnished with garments suitable to their condition, and Harry was treated by the earl with the greatest kindness and courtesy. He often conversed41 with him as to the state of politics and of military affairs in England, and expressed himself as sanguine42 that he should be able to restore the authority of the king in Scotland.
"These sour men of the conventicles have ever been stiff-necked and rebellious," he said, "and have enforced their will upon our monarchs43. I have not forgotten," he went on, striking the hilt of his sword angrily, "the insults which were put upon Queen Mary when she was preached to and lectured publicly by the sour fanatic44 Knox, and was treated, forsooth, as if she had been some trader's daughter who had ventured to laugh on a Sunday. Her son, too, was kept under the control of these men until he was summoned to England. It is time that Scotland were rid of the domination of these knaves45, and if I live I will sweep them from the land. In courage my wild men are more than a match for the Lowlanders. It is true that in the old days the clans could never carry their forays southward, for, unaccustomed to discipline and unprovided with horses or even with firearms, they fared but badly when opposed to steel-clad men and knights46 in armor. But I trust it will be different this time. I cannot hope to infuse any great discipline among them. But they can at least be taught to charge in line, and their broad claymores may be trusted to hew47 a way for them through the lines of the Lowlanders. I trust, above all things, that the king will not be persuaded to negotiate with the traitors48 who are opposed to him. I know, Master Furness, that, from what you have said, your views run not there with mine, and that you think a compromise is desirable. But you do not know these fanatics49 as I do. While they clamor for toleration, they are the narrowest of bigots, and will themselves tolerate nothing. Already I have news that the convention between the Scotch conventicle and the English rebels is agreed to, and that an order has gone forth that the Presbyterian rites50 are to be observed in all the churches of England. They say that thousands of divines will be turned from their churches and their places filled with ignorant fanatics, and this they call religious liberty. Why, when Laud51 was in power his rule was as a silken thread compared to the hempen52 rope of these bigots, and should the king make terms with them, it will be only to rule henceforth at their bidding, and to be but an instrument in their hands for enforcing their will upon the people of these countries."
Much as Harry desired peace and leaned toward compromise, he saw that there was much in what the earl said. All the accounts that reached them from the youth told of the iron tyranny which was being exercised throughout England. Everywhere good and sincere men were being driven from their vicarages to live how best they might, for refusing to accept the terms of the convention. Everywhere their places were filled with men at once ignorant, bigoted53, and intolerant; holy places were desecrated54; the cavalry55 of the Commons was stabled in St. Paul's; the colored windows of the cathedrals and churches were everywhere destroyed; monuments were demolished56; and fanaticism57 of the narrowest and most stringent58 kind was rampant59.
During the time they spent at the castle the lads were greatly amused in watching the sports and exercises of the Highlanders. These consisted in throwing great stones and blocks of wood, in contests with blunted claymores, in foot races, and in dances executed to the wild and strange music of the bagpipes—music which Jacob declared was worse than the caterwauling upon the housetops in Cheapside.
The lads had deferred60 their journey south owing to the troubled state of the country, and the fact that the whole of the south of Scotland was in the hands of the convention. They were therefore waiting an opportunity for taking ship and traveling by sea into Wales, where the followers of the king were in the ascendency. At length the earl told them that an occasion offered, and that although he would gladly keep them by him to accompany him when he moved south, if they considered that their duty compelled them to leave he would place them on board a ship bound for that destination. He did not furnish them with any documents, but bade Harry repeat to the king the sentiments which he had expressed, which, indeed, were but the repetition of loyal assurances which he had sent south by a trusty messenger immediately upon their arrival at the castle.
The boat in which they embarked61 was a small one, but was fast; which proved fortunate, for they were twice chased by ships of the Parliament. They landed, however, safely at Pembroke, and thence made their way through the mountains of Wales to Hereford, and joined the king, who was still at Oxford.
Events had traveled but slowly in England; the doings of the convention being at that time of greater importance than those of the armies. On the 19th of January the Scotch army had entered England, having marched from Edinburgh through the snow. The Marquis of Newcastle was in winter quarters at York. The town of Newcastle had held out successfully against the Scots. The English regiments62 in Ireland had been recalled; but had been defeated near Nantwich by Sir Thomas Fairfax. Negotiation63 after negotiation between the king and the Parliament had failed, and the king had issued writs64 for a Parliament to assemble at Oxford. This met on the 22d of January, and forty-three peers and a hundred and eighteen commoners had taken their place beside many absent with the army. Of the peers a large majority were with the Royalist Parliament at Oxford while at Westminster a majority of the members sent up by the towns assembled. The Royalist Parliament was sitting at Oxford when Harry arrived; but their proceedings had not upon the whole been satisfactory to the king. They had, indeed, passed votes for the raising of taxes and supplies; but had also insisted upon the king granting several reforms. Charles, untaught by adversity, was as obstinate65 as ever; and instead of using the opportunity for showing a fair disposition66 to redress67 the grievances68 which had led to the civil war, and to grant concessions69 which would have rallied all moderate persons to his cause, he betrayed much irritation70 at the opposition71 which he met with, and the convocation of Parliament, instead of bringing matters nearer to an issue, rather heightened the discontents of the times. The Parliament at Westminster, upon their side, formed a council, under the title of the committee of the two kingdoms, consisting of seven lords, fourteen members of the commons, and four Scottish commissioners, into whose hands the entire conduct of the war, the correspondence with foreign states, and indeed the whole executive power of the kingdom was given.
The king received Harry with great condescension72 and favor, and heard with satisfaction of the preparations which Montrose was making for an invasion of the Lowlands of Scotland, and promised Sir Henry to bestow73 the rank of knighthood upon his son as soon as he attained74 the age of twenty-one.
For some weeks Harry resided with his father at Furness Hall. He then fell back into Oxford upon the advance of an army from London destined75 to besiege76 that town. This force was far greater than any that the king could raise. It consisted of two separate forces, under the command of Essex and Waller. Presently the town was besieged77, and although the walls were very strong, the attacking force was so numerous that resistance appeared to be hopeless. On the night of the 3d of June the king left the city secretly, attended only by two or three personal friends, and passed safely between the two armies. These, instead of acting78 in unison79, in which case the besieging80 lines would have been complete, and the king unable to leave the place, were kept apart by the dissensions of their generals. A council of war took place, and Essex determined81 to march to the west. The committee in London ordered him to retrace82 his steps, and go in pursuit of the king, who had made for Worcester. But Essex replied to the committee that he could not carry on war in pursuance of directions from London, and that all military discipline would be subverted83 if they took upon themselves to direct his plans.
In the meantime, Waller, raising the siege of Oxford, had gone in pursuit of the king. Charles, seeing that his enemies were separated, returned to Oxford, where he was received with great enthusiasm, and the whole force there, marching out, fell upon Waller at Cropredy Bridge, near Banbury, and defeated him. Having scattered84 the rebels here, he turned his course west in pursuit of Essex, for his force was sufficient to cope with either of the armies separately, although he had been unable to meet them when united.
Harry and his father were not present at the battle of Cropredy Bridge, having with their troops left Oxford on the approach of the Roundheads, together with many other bodies of cavalry, as they could do no good in the case of a siege, and were wanted in the north, where Rupert was on his way to take the command. Joining his force, amounting in all to twenty thousand men, they advanced toward York. Leaving the greater portion of his army at a short distance away, Rupert entered York with two thousand men. Newcastle was in favor of prudent85 steps, knowing that dissensions existed in the Parliamentary army between the Scots and their English allies. Prince Rupert, however, insisted that he had the command of the king to fight at once, and so, with all the force he could collect, advanced against the Scots. Newcastle was much offended at the domineering manner and headstrong course of the prince and took no part in the forthcoming battle, in which his military genius and caution would have been of vast service to the royal cause.
On the 2d of July, having rested two days, the Royalist army marched out against the Roundheads. The contending parties met on Marston Moor86, and it was late in the evening when the battle began. It was short but desperate, and when it ended four thousand one hundred and fifty men had been killed. Here, as in every other fight in which he was engaged, the impetuosity of Prince Rupert proved the ruin of the Royalists. With his cavaliers upon the right of the Royalist army, he charged the Scotch horse, scattered them in every direction and rode after them, chasing and slaying87. The center of each army, composed of infantry88, fought desperately89, and without much advantage to either side. But upon the Royalist left the fate of the day was decided90. There a new element was introduced into the struggle, for the right of the Roundhead force was commanded by Cromwell, who had raised and disciplined a body of cavalry called the Ironsides. These men were all fanatics in religion and fought with a sternness and vigor91 which carried all before them. In the eastern counties they had already done great service; but this was the first pitched battle at which they had been present. Their onslaught proved irresistible92. The Royalist cavalry upon the left were completely broken, and the Roundhead horse then charged down upon the rear of the king's infantry. Had Rupert rallied his men and performed the same service upon the Parliament infantry, the battle might have been a drawn93 one; but, intoxicated94 with victory, he was chasing the Scottish horse far away, while Cromwell's Ironsides were deciding the fate of the battle. When he returned to the field all was over. Fifteen hundred prisoners, all the artillery95, and more than a hundred banners had fallen into the hands of the cavalry; and with the remnants of his army Prince Rupert retired96 with all haste toward Chester, while Newcastle left York and embarked at Scarborough for the Continent.
Colonel Furness' troop had been with the wing under Prince Rupert, and deep indeed was their mortification97 when, upon returning to the field of battle, they found that all was lost.
"Unless a very different discipline is introduced upon our side," Colonel Furness said to his son that night in York, "it is clear that the king's cause is ruined. The Ironsides fight in a solid mass, and, after having given a charge, they are ready at order to wheel about and to deliver their attack wheresoever their general commands them. With us, no sooner do we defeat the enemy than we break into confusion, each man scatters98 in pursuit as if we were hunting a fox, and when at last we draw rein99, miles away from the battle, we ever find that upon our return our footmen have been defeated. I fear much that Prince Rupert, with all his bravery, is a hindrance100 rather than an aid to the Royal cause. His counsels have always been on the side of resistance. He has supported the king in his too obstinate insistance upon what he deems his rights, while in the field his command is fatal to us. I fear, my boy, that the struggle will end badly, and I foresee bad times for England, and for all of us who have supported the cause of the king."
As the dispirited army marched back they received news which somewhat raised their hearts. The king had marched after Essex into Cornwall, and there had driven him into sore straits. He had endeavored to induce Essex to make a general treaty of peace; but the earl replied that he had no authority to treat, and that, even did he do so, the Parliament would not submit to be bound by it. With a considerable portion of his cavalry, he succeeded in passing through the Royal lines; but the whole of the infantry under General Skippon were forced to capitulate, the king giving them honorable terms, and requiring only the surrender of the artillery, arms, and ammunition101. The whole of the army returned as scattered fugitives102 to London.
The king resolved again to march upon the capital. Montrose was now in arms in Scotland, and had gained two considerable victories over the Covenanters. The defeat at Marston had been outbalanced by the victories over Waller and Essex, and the Scotch, alarmed by the successes of Montrose, were ready to listen to terms, Steadily103 the king advanced eastward104, and at Newbury the armies again met. As upon the previous occasion on that field, the battle led to no decisive results. Each side fought stoutly105, and at nightfall separated without achieving substantial results. The king fell back upon Oxford, and the Parliament army upon Readings and negotiations106 were once again renewed between king and Parliament.
点击收听单词发音
1 harry | |
vt.掠夺,蹂躏,使苦恼 | |
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2 countenances | |
n.面容( countenance的名词复数 );表情;镇静;道义支持 | |
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3 sanctimonious | |
adj.假装神圣的,假装虔诚的,假装诚实的 | |
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4 proceedings | |
n.进程,过程,议程;诉讼(程序);公报 | |
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5 lengthy | |
adj.漫长的,冗长的 | |
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6 commissioners | |
n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 );长官;委员;政府部门的长官 | |
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7 briefly | |
adv.简单地,简短地 | |
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8 variance | |
n.矛盾,不同 | |
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9 scotch | |
n.伤口,刻痕;苏格兰威士忌酒;v.粉碎,消灭,阻止;adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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10 defer | |
vt.推迟,拖延;vi.(to)遵从,听从,服从 | |
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11 worthy | |
adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
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12 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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13 reverence | |
n.敬畏,尊敬,尊严;Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称;v.尊敬,敬畏,崇敬 | |
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14 admiration | |
n.钦佩,赞美,羡慕 | |
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15 eloquence | |
n.雄辩;口才,修辞 | |
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16 spoke | |
n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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17 mightily | |
ad.强烈地;非常地 | |
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18 judgment | |
n.审判;判断力,识别力,看法,意见 | |
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19 discretion | |
n.谨慎;随意处理 | |
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20 inviting | |
adj.诱人的,引人注目的 | |
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21 credentials | |
n.证明,资格,证明书,证件 | |
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22 specially | |
adv.特定地;特殊地;明确地 | |
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23 clans | |
宗族( clan的名词复数 ); 氏族; 庞大的家族; 宗派 | |
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24 highland | |
n.(pl.)高地,山地 | |
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25 savage | |
adj.野蛮的;凶恶的,残暴的;n.未开化的人 | |
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26 savages | |
未开化的人,野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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27 garb | |
n.服装,装束 | |
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28 peculiar | |
adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
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29 followers | |
追随者( follower的名词复数 ); 用户; 契据的附面; 从动件 | |
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30 primitive | |
adj.原始的;简单的;n.原(始)人,原始事物 | |
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31 pointed | |
adj.尖的,直截了当的 | |
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32 devoted | |
adj.忠诚的,忠实的,热心的,献身于...的 | |
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33 apprehension | |
n.理解,领悟;逮捕,拘捕;忧虑 | |
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34 defense | |
n.防御,保卫;[pl.]防务工事;辩护,答辩 | |
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35 attired | |
adj.穿着整齐的v.使穿上衣服,使穿上盛装( attire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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36 haughty | |
adj.傲慢的,高傲的 | |
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37 majestic | |
adj.雄伟的,壮丽的,庄严的,威严的,崇高的 | |
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38 majesty | |
n.雄伟,壮丽,庄严,威严;最高权威,王权 | |
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39 Oxford | |
n.牛津(英国城市) | |
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40 lodged | |
v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 );暂住;埋入;(权利、权威等)归属 | |
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41 conversed | |
v.交谈,谈话( converse的过去式 ) | |
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42 sanguine | |
adj.充满希望的,乐观的,血红色的 | |
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43 monarchs | |
君主,帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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44 fanatic | |
n.狂热者,入迷者;adj.狂热入迷的 | |
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45 knaves | |
n.恶棍,无赖( knave的名词复数 );(纸牌中的)杰克 | |
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46 knights | |
骑士; (中古时代的)武士( knight的名词复数 ); 骑士; 爵士; (国际象棋中)马 | |
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47 hew | |
v.砍;伐;削 | |
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48 traitors | |
卖国贼( traitor的名词复数 ); 叛徒; 背叛者; 背信弃义的人 | |
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49 fanatics | |
狂热者,入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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50 rites | |
仪式,典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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51 laud | |
n.颂歌;v.赞美 | |
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52 hempen | |
adj. 大麻制的, 大麻的 | |
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53 bigoted | |
adj.固执己见的,心胸狭窄的 | |
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54 desecrated | |
毁坏或亵渎( desecrate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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55 cavalry | |
n.骑兵;轻装甲部队 | |
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56 demolished | |
v.摧毁( demolish的过去式和过去分词 );推翻;拆毁(尤指大建筑物);吃光 | |
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57 fanaticism | |
n.狂热,盲信 | |
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58 stringent | |
adj.严厉的;令人信服的;银根紧的 | |
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59 rampant | |
adj.(植物)蔓生的;狂暴的,无约束的 | |
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60 deferred | |
adj.延期的,缓召的v.拖延,延缓,推迟( defer的过去式和过去分词 );服从某人的意愿,遵从 | |
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61 embarked | |
乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 ); 装载; 从事 | |
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62 regiments | |
(军队的)团( regiment的名词复数 ); 大量的人或物 | |
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63 negotiation | |
n.谈判,协商 | |
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64 writs | |
n.书面命令,令状( writ的名词复数 ) | |
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65 obstinate | |
adj.顽固的,倔强的,不易屈服的,较难治愈的 | |
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66 disposition | |
n.性情,性格;意向,倾向;排列,部署 | |
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67 redress | |
n.赔偿,救济,矫正;v.纠正,匡正,革除 | |
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68 grievances | |
n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 );苦衷;不满;牢骚 | |
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69 concessions | |
n.(尤指由政府或雇主给予的)特许权( concession的名词复数 );承认;减价;(在某地的)特许经营权 | |
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70 irritation | |
n.激怒,恼怒,生气 | |
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71 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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72 condescension | |
n.自以为高人一等,贬低(别人) | |
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73 bestow | |
v.把…赠与,把…授予;花费 | |
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74 attained | |
(通常经过努力)实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 ); 达到; 获得; 达到(某年龄、水平、状况) | |
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75 destined | |
adj.命中注定的;(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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76 besiege | |
vt.包围,围攻,拥在...周围 | |
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77 besieged | |
包围,围困,围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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78 acting | |
n.演戏,行为,假装;adj.代理的,临时的,演出用的 | |
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79 unison | |
n.步调一致,行动一致 | |
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80 besieging | |
包围,围困,围攻( besiege的现在分词 ) | |
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81 determined | |
adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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82 retrace | |
v.折回;追溯,探源 | |
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83 subverted | |
v.颠覆,破坏(政治制度、宗教信仰等)( subvert的过去式和过去分词 );使(某人)道德败坏或不忠 | |
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84 scattered | |
adj.分散的,稀疏的;散步的;疏疏落落的 | |
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85 prudent | |
adj.谨慎的,有远见的,精打细算的 | |
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86 moor | |
n.荒野,沼泽;vt.(使)停泊;vi.停泊 | |
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87 slaying | |
杀戮。 | |
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88 infantry | |
n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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89 desperately | |
adv.极度渴望地,绝望地,孤注一掷地 | |
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90 decided | |
adj.决定了的,坚决的;明显的,明确的 | |
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91 vigor | |
n.活力,精力,元气 | |
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92 irresistible | |
adj.非常诱人的,无法拒绝的,无法抗拒的 | |
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93 drawn | |
v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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94 intoxicated | |
喝醉的,极其兴奋的 | |
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95 artillery | |
n.(军)火炮,大炮;炮兵(部队) | |
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96 retired | |
adj.隐退的,退休的,退役的 | |
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97 mortification | |
n.耻辱,屈辱 | |
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98 scatters | |
v.(使)散开, (使)分散,驱散( scatter的第三人称单数 );撒 | |
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99 rein | |
n.疆绳,统治,支配;vt.以僵绳控制,统治 | |
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100 hindrance | |
n.妨碍,障碍 | |
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101 ammunition | |
n.军火,弹药 | |
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102 fugitives | |
n.亡命者,逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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103 steadily | |
adv.稳定地;不变地;持续地 | |
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104 eastward | |
adv.向东;adj.向东的;n.东方,东部 | |
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105 stoutly | |
adv.牢固地,粗壮的 | |
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106 negotiations | |
协商( negotiation的名词复数 ); 谈判; 完成(难事); 通过 | |
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