Colonel Washington had been ordered, by the dying general, to press on on horseback to the camp of Dunbar, and to tell him to forward waggons6, provisions, and ammunition8; but the panic, which had seized the main force, had already been spread by flying teamsters to Dunbar's camp. Many soldiers and waggoners at once took flight, and the panic was heightened when the remnants of Braddock's force arrived. There was no reason to suppose that they were pursued, and even had they been so, their force was ample to repel9 any attack that could be made upon it; but probably their commander saw that, in their present state of utter demoralization, they could not be trusted to fight, and that the first Indian war whoop would start them again in flight. Still, it was clear that a retreat would leave the whole border open to the ravages10 of the Indians, and Colonel Dunbar was greatly blamed for the course he took.
A hundred waggons were burned, the cannon11 and shells burst, and the barrels of powder emptied into the stream, the stores of provisions scattered12 through the woods, and then the force began its retreat over the mountains to Fort Cumberland, sixty miles away. General Braddock died the day that the retreat began. His last words were:
"We shall know better how to deal with them next time."
The news of the disaster came like a thunderbolt upon the colonists14. Success had been regarded as certain, and the news that some fourteen hundred English troops had been utterly15 routed, by a body of French and Indians of half their strength, seemed almost incredible. The only consolation16 was that the hundred and fifty Virginians, who had accompanied the regulars, had all, as was acknowledged by the English officers themselves, fought with the greatest bravery, and had kept their coolness and presence of mind till the last, and that on them no shadow of the discredit17 of the affair rested. Indeed, it was said that the greater part were killed not by the fire of the Indians, but by that of the troops, who, standing18 in masses, fired in all directions, regardless of what was in front of them.
But Colonel Dunbar, not satisfied with retreating to the safe shelter of Fort Cumberland, to the amazement19 of the colonists, insisted upon withdrawing with his own force to Philadelphia, leaving the whole of the frontier open to the assaults of the hostile Indians. After waiting a short time at Philadelphia, he marched slowly on to join a force operating against the French in the region of Lake George, more than two hundred miles to the north. He took with him only the regulars, the provincial20 regiments22 being under the control of the governors of their own states.
Washington therefore remained behind in Virginia with the regiment21 of that colony. The blanks made in Braddock's fight were filled up, and the force raised to a thousand strong. With these he was to protect a frontier of three hundred and fifty miles long, against an active and enterprising foe23 more numerous than himself, and who, acting24 on the other side of the mountain, and in the shade of the deep forests, could choose their own time of attack, and launch themselves suddenly upon any village throughout the whole length of the frontier.
Nor were the troops at his disposal the material which a commander would wish to have in his hand. Individually they were brave, but being recruited among the poor whites, the most turbulent and troublesome part of the population, they were wholly unamenable to discipline, and Washington had no means whatever for enforcing it. He applied25 to the House of Assembly to pass a law enabling him to punish disobedience, but for months they hesitated to pass any such ordinance26, on the excuse that it would trench27 on the liberty of free white men.
The service, indeed, was most unpopular, and Washington, whose headquarters were at Winchester, could do nothing whatever to assist the settlements on the border. His officers were as unruly as the men, and he was further hampered28 by having to comply with the orders of Governor Dinwiddie, at Williamsburg, two hundred miles away.
"What do you mean to do?" he had asked James Walsham, the day that the beaten army arrived at Fort Cumberland.
"I do not know," James said. "I certainly will not continue with Dunbar, who seems to me to be acting like a coward; nor do I wish to go into action with regulars again; not, at least, until they have been taught that, if they are to fight Indians successfully in the forests, they must abandon all their traditions of drill, and must fight in Indian fashion. I should like to stay with you, if you will allow me."
"I should be very glad to have you with me," Washington said; "but I do not think that you will see much action here. It will be a war of forays. The Indians will pounce29 upon a village or solitary30 farm house, murder and scalp the inhabitants, burn the buildings to the ground, and in an hour be far away beyond reach of pursuit. All that I can do is to occupy the chief roads, by which they can advance into the heart of the colony, and the people of the settlements lying west of that must, perforce, abandon their homesteads, and fly east until we are strong enough to again take up the offensive.
"Were I in your place, I would at once take horse and ride north. You will then be in plenty of time, if inclined, to join in the expedition against the French on Fort George, or in that which is going to march on Niagara. I fancy the former will be ready first. You will find things better managed there than here. The colonists in that part have, for many years, been accustomed to Indian fighting, and they will not be hampered by having regular troops with them, whose officers' only idea of warfare31 is to keep their men standing in line as targets for the enemy.
"There are many bodies of experienced scouts33, to which you can attach yourself, and you will see that white men can beat the Indians at their own game."
Although sorry to leave the young Virginian officer, James Walsham thought that he could not do better than follow his advice, and accordingly, the next day, having procured34 another horse, he set off to join the column destined35 to operate on the lakes.
The prevision of Washington was shortly realized, and a cloud of red warriors36 descended37 on the border settlements, carrying murder, rapine, and ruin before them. Scores of quiet settlements were destroyed, hundreds of men, women, and children massacred, and in a short time the whole of the outlying farms were deserted39, and crowds of weeping fugitives flocked eastward40 behind the line held by Washington's regiment.
But bad as affairs were in Virginia, those in Pennsylvania were infinitely41 worse. They had, for many years, been on such friendly terms with the Indians, that many of the settlers had no arms, nor had they the protection in the way of troops which the government of Virginia put upon the frontier. The government of the colony was at Philadelphia, far to the east, and sheltered from danger, and the Quaker assembly there refused to vote money for a single soldier to protect the unhappy colonists on the frontier. They held it a sin to fight, and above all to fight with Indians, and as long as they themselves were free from the danger, they turned a deaf ear to the tales of massacre38, and to the pitiful cries for aid which came from the frontier. But even greater than their objection to war, was their passion of resistance to the representative of royalty42, the governor.
Petition after petition came from the border for arms and ammunition, and for a militia43 law to enable the people to organize and defend themselves; but the Quakers resisted, declaring that Braddock's defeat was a just judgment44 upon him and his soldiers for molesting45 the French in their settlement in Ohio. They passed, indeed, a bill for raising fifty thousand pounds for the king's use, but affixed46 to it a condition, to which they knew well the governor could not assent47; viz, that the proprietary48 lands were to pay their share of the tax.
To this condition the governor was unable to assent, for, according to the constitution of the colony, to which he was bound, the lands of William Penn and his descendants were free of all taxation49. For weeks the deadlock50 continued. Every day brought news of massacres51 of tens, fifties, and even hundreds of persons, but the assembly remained obstinate52; until the mayor, aldermen, and principal citizens clamoured against them, and four thousand frontiersmen started on their march to Philadelphia, to compel them to take measures for defence.
Bodies of massacred men were brought from the frontier villages and paraded through the town, and so threatening became the aspect of the population, that the Assembly of Quakers were at last obliged to pass a militia law. It was, however, an absolutely useless one. It specially53 excepted the Quakers from service, and constrained54 nobody, but declared it lawful55 for such as chose to form themselves into companies, and to elect officers by ballot56. The company officers might, if they saw fit, elect, also by ballot, colonels, lieutenant57 colonels, and majors. These last might then, in conjunction with the governor, frame articles of war, to which, however, no officer or man was to be subjected, unless, after three days' consideration, he subscribed59 them in presence of a justice of the peace, and declared his willingness to be bound by them.
This mockery of a bill, drawn60 by Benjamin Franklin while the savages61 were raging in the colony and the smoke of a hundred villages was ascending63 to the skies, was received with indignation by the people, and this rose to such a height that the Assembly must have yielded unconditionally64, had not a circumstance occurred which gave them a decent pretext65 for retreat.
The governor informed them that he had just received a letter from the proprietors66, as Penn's heirs were called, giving to the province five thousand pounds to aid in its defence, on condition that the money should be accepted as a free gift, and not as their proportion of any tax that was or might be laid by the Assembly.
Thereupon, the Assembly struck out the clause taxing the proprietory estates, and the governor signed the bill. A small force was then raised, which enabled the Indians to be to some extent kept in check; but there was no safety for the unhappy settlers in the west of Pennsylvania during the next three years, while the French from Montreal were hounding on their savage62 allies, by gifts and rewards, to deeds of massacre and bloodshed.
The northern colonies had shown a better spirit. Massachusetts, which had always been the foremost of the northern colonies in resisting French and Indian aggression67, had at once taken the lead in preparation for war. No less than 4500 men, being one in eight of her adult males, volunteered to fight the French, and enlisted68 for the various expeditions, some in the pay of the province, some in that of the king. Shirley, the governor of Massachusetts, himself a colonist13, was requested by his Assembly to nominate the commander. He did not choose an officer of that province, as this would have excited the jealousy69 of the others, but nominated William Johnson of New York--a choice which not only pleased that important province, but had great influence in securing the alliance of the Indians of the Five Nations, among whom Johnson, who had held the post of Indian commissioner70, was extremely popular.
Connecticut voted 1200 men, New Hampshire 500, Rhode Island 400, and New York 800, all at their own charge. Johnson, before assuming the command, invited the warriors of the Five Nations to assemble in council. Eleven hundred Indian warriors answered the invitation, and after four days' speech making agreed to join. Only 300 of them, however, took the field, for so many of their friends and relatives were fighting for the French, that the rest, when they sobered down after the excitement of the council, returned to their homes.
The object of the expedition was the attack of Crown Point--an important military post on Lake Champlain--and the colonists assembled near Albany; but there were great delays. The five colonial assemblies controlled their own troops and supplies. Connecticut had refused to send her men until Shirley promised that her commanding officer should rank next to Johnson, and the whole movement was for some time at a deadlock, because the five governments could not agree about their contributions of artillery71 and stores.
The troops were a rough-looking body. Only one of the corps72 had a blue uniform, faced with red. The rest wore their ordinary farm clothing. All had brought their own guns, of every description and fashion. They had no bayonets, but carried hatchets73 in their belts as a sort of substitute.
In point of morals the army, composed almost entirely74 of farmers and farmers' sons, was exemplary. It is recorded that not a chicken was stolen. In the camps of the Puritan soldiers of New England, sermons were preached twice a week, and there were daily prayers and much singing of psalms75; but these good people were much shocked by the profane76 language of the troops from New York and Rhode Island, and some prophesied77 that disaster would be sure to fall upon the army from this cause.
Months were consumed in various delays; and, on the 21st of August, just as they were moving forward, four Mohawks, whom Johnson had sent into Canada, returned with the news that the French were making great preparations, and that 8000 men were marching to defend Crown Point. The papers of General Braddock, which fell, with all the baggage of the army, into the hands of the French, had informed them of the object of the gathering at Albany, and now that they had no fear of any further attempt against their posts in Ohio, they were able to concentrate all their force for the defence of their posts on Lake Champlain.
On the receipt of this alarming news, a council of war was held at Albany, and messages were sent to the colonies asking for reinforcements. In the meantime, the army moved up the Hudson to the spot called the Great Carrying Place, where Colonel Lyman, who was second in command, had gone forward and erected78 a fort, which his men called after him, but was afterwards named Fort Edward.
James Walsham joined the army a few days before it moved forward. He was received with great heartiness79 by General Johnson, to whom he brought a letter of introduction from Colonel Washington, and who at once offered him a position as one of his aides-de-camp. This he found exceedingly pleasant, for Johnson was one of the most jovial80 and open hearted of commanders. His hospitality was profuse81, and, his private means being large, he was able to keep a capital table, which, on the line of march, all officers who happened to pass by were invited to share. This was a contrast, indeed, to the discipline which had prevailed in Braddock's columns, and James felt as if he were starting upon a great picnic, rather than upon an arduous82 march against a superior force.
After some hesitation83 as to the course the army should take, it was resolved to march for Lake George. Gangs of axemen were sent to hew85 a way, and, on the 26th, 2000 men marched for the lake, while Colonel Blanchard, of New Hampshire, remained with 500 to finish and defend Fort Lyman. The march was made in a leisurely86 manner, and the force took two days to traverse the fourteen miles between Fort Lyman and the lake. They were now in a country hitherto untrodden by white men save by solitary hunters.
They reached the southern end of the beautiful lake, which hitherto had received no English name, and was now first called Lake George in honour of the king. The men set to work, and felled trees until they had cleared a sufficient extent of ground for their camp, by the edge of the water, and posted themselves with their back to the lake. In their front was a forest of pitch pine, on their right a marsh87 covered with thick brush wood, on their left a low hill. Things went on in the same leisurely way which had marked the progress of the expedition.
No attempt was made to clear away the forest in front, although it would afford excellent cover for any enemy who might attack them, nor were any efforts made to discover the whereabouts or intention of the enemy. Every day waggons came up with provisions and boats.
On September 7th, an Indian scout32 arrived about sunset, and reported that he had found the trail of a body of men moving from South Bay, the southern extremity88 of Lake Champlain, towards Fort Lyman. Johnson called for a volunteer to carry a letter of warning to Colonel Blanchard. A waggoner named Adams offered to undertake the perilous89 service, and rode off with the letter. Sentries90 were posted, and the camp fell asleep.
While Johnson had been taking his leisure on Lake George, the commander of the French force, a German baron91 named Dieskau, was preparing a surprise for him. He had reached Crown Point at the head of 3573 men--regulars, Canadians, and Indians--and he at once moved forward, with the greater portion of his command, on Cariolon, or, as it was afterwards called, Ticonderoga, a promontory92 at the junction58 of Lake George with Lake Champlain, where he would bar the advance of the English, whichever road they might take.
The Indians with the French caused great trouble to their commander, doing nothing but feast and sleep, but, on September 4th, a party of them came in bringing a scalp and an English prisoner, caught near Fort Lyman.
He was questioned, under the threat of being given over to the Indians to torture, if he did not tell the truth, but the brave fellow, thinking he should lead the enemy into a trap, told them that the English army had fallen back to Albany, leaving 500 men at Fort Lyman, which he represented as being entirely indefensible.
Dieskau at once determined93 to attack that place, and, with 216 regulars of the battalions94 of Languedoc and La Reine, 684 Canadians, and about 600 Indians, started in canoes and advanced up Lake Champlain, till they came to the end of South Bay. Each officer and man carried provisions for eight days in his knapsack.
Two days' march brought them to within three miles of Fort Lyman, and they encamped close to the road which led to Lake George. Just after they had encamped, a man rode by on horseback. It was Adams, Johnson's messenger. He was shot by the Indians, and the letter found upon him. Soon afterwards, ten or twelve waggons appeared, in charge of ammunition drivers who had left the English camp without orders.
Some of the drivers were shot, two taken prisoners, and the rest ran away. The two prisoners declared that, contrary to the assertion of the prisoner at Ticonderoga, a large force lay encamped by the lake. The Indians held a council, and presently informed Dieskau that they would not attack the fort, which they believed to be provided with cannon, but would join in an attempt on the camp by the lake. Dieskau judged, from the report of the prisoners, that the colonists considerably95 outnumbered him, although in fact there was no great difference in numerical strength, the French column numbering 1500 and the colonial force 2200, besides 300 Mohawk Indians. But Dieskau, emulous of repeating the defeat of Braddock, and believing the assertions of the Canadians that the colonial militia was contemptible96, determined to attack, and early in the morning the column moved along the road towards the lake.
When within four miles of Johnson's camp, they entered a rugged97 valley. On their right was a gorge98, hidden in bushes, beyond which rose the rocky height of French Mountain. On their left rose gradually the slopes of West Mountain. The ground was thickly covered with thicket99 and forest. The regulars marched along the road, the Canadians and Indians pushed their way through the woods as best they could. When within three miles of the lake, their scout brought in a prisoner, who told them that an English column was approaching. The regulars were halted on the road, the Canadians and Indians moved on ahead, and hid themselves in ambush100 among the trees and bushes on either side of the road.
The waggoners, who had escaped the evening before, had reached Johnson's camp about midnight, and reported that there was a war party on the road near Fort Lyman. A council of war was held, and under an entire misconception of the force of the enemy, and the belief that they would speedily fall back from Fort Lyman, it was determined to send out two detachments, each 500 strong, one towards Fort Lyman, the other to catch the enemy in their retreat. Hendrick, the chief of the Mohawks, expressed his strong disapproval101 of this plan, and accordingly it was resolved that the thousand men should go as one body. Hendrick still disapproved102 of the plan, but nevertheless resolved to accompany the column, and, mounting on a gun carriage, he harangued103 his warriors with passionate104 eloquence105, and they at once prepared to accompany them. He was too old and fat to go on foot, and the general lent him a horse, which he mounted, and took his place at the head of the column.
Colonel Williams was in command, with Lieutenant Colonel Whiting as second. They had no idea of meeting the enemy near the camp, and moved forward so carelessly that not a single scout was thrown out in front or flank. The sharp eye of the old Indian chief was the first to detect a sign of the enemy, and, almost at the same moment, a gun was fired from the bushes. It is said that the Iroquois, seeing the Mohawks, who were an allied106 tribe, in the van, wished to warn them of danger. The warning came too late to save the column from disaster, but it saved it from destruction. From the thicket on the left a deadly fire blazed out, and the head of the column was almost swept away. Hendrick's horse was shot, and the chief killed with a bayonet as he tried to gain his feet.
Colonel Williams, seeing rising ground on his right, made for it, calling his men to follow; but, as he climbed the slope, the enemy's fire flashed out from behind every tree, and he fell dead. The men in the rear pressed forward to support their comrades, when the enemy in the bushes on the right flank also opened fire.
Then a panic began. Some fled at once for the camp, and the whole column recoiled107 in confusion, as from all sides the enemy burst out, shouting and yelling. Colonel Whiting, however, bravely rallied a portion of Williams' regiment, and, aided by some of the Mohawks, and by a detachment which Johnson sent out to his aid, covered the retreat, fighting behind the trees like the Indians, and falling back in good order with their faces to the enemy.
So stern and obstinate was their resistance that the French halted three-quarters of a mile from the camp. They had inflicted108 a heavy blow, but had altogether failed in obtaining the complete success they looked for. The obstinate defence of Whiting and his men had surprised and dispirited them, and Dieskau, when he collected his men, found the Indians sullen109 and unmanageable, and the Canadians unwilling110 to advance further, for they were greatly depressed111 by the loss of a veteran officer, Saint Pierre, who commanded them, and who had been killed in the fight. At length, however, he persuaded all to move forward, the regulars leading the way.
James Walsham had not accompanied the column, and was sitting at breakfast with General Johnson, on the stump112 of a tree in front of his tent, when, on the still air, a rattling113 sound broke out.
"Musketry!" was the general exclamation114.
An instantaneous change came over the camp. The sound of laughing and talking was hushed, and every man stopped at his work. Louder and louder swelled115 the distant sound, until the shots could no longer be distinguished116 apart. The rattle117 had become a steady roll.
"It is a regular engagement!" the general exclaimed. "The enemy must be in force, and must have attacked Williams' column."
General Johnson ordered one of his orderlies to mount and ride out at full speed and see what was going on. A quarter of an hour passed. No one returned to his work. The men stood in groups, talking in low voices, and listening to the distant roar.
"It is clearer than it was," the general exclaimed.
Several of the officers standing round agreed that the sound was approaching.
"To work, lads!" the general said. "There is no time to be lost. Let all the axemen fell trees and lay them end to end to make a breastwork. The rest of you range the waggons in a line behind, and lay the boats up in the intervals118. Carry the line from the swamp, on the right there, to the slope of the hill."
In an instant, the camp was a scene of animation119, and the forest resounded120 with the strokes of the axe84, and the shouts of the men as they dragged the waggons to their position.
"I was a fool," Johnson exclaimed, "not to fortify121 the camp before; but who could have supposed that the French would have come down from Crown Point to attack us here!"
In a few minutes terror-stricken men, whites and Indians, arrived at a run through the forest, and reported that they had been attacked and surprised by a great force in the forest, that Hendrick and Colonel Williams were killed, and numbers of the men shot down. They reported that all was lost; but the heavy roll of fire, in the distance, contradicted their words; and showed that a portion of the column, at least, was fighting sternly and steadily122, though the sound indicated that they were falling back.
Two hundred men had already been despatched to their assistance, and the only effect of the news was to redouble the efforts of the rest. Soon parties arrived carrying wounded; but it was not until an hour and a half after the engagement began, that the main body of the column were seen marching, in good order, back through the forest.
By this time the hasty defences were well-nigh completed, and all the men were employed in cutting down the thick brushwood outside, so as to clear the ground as far as possible, and so prevent the enemy from stealing up, under shelter, to the felled trees.
Three cannon were planted, to sweep the road that descended through the pines. Another was dragged up to the ridge123 of the hill. Two hundred and fifty men were now placed on each flank of the camp, the main body stood behind the waggons or lay flat behind the logs and boats, the Massachusetts men on the right, the Connecticut men on the left.
"Now, my lads," Johnson shouted, in his cheery voice, "you have got to fight. Remember, if they get inside not one of you will ever go back to your families to tell the tale, while if you fight bravely you will beat them back sure enough."
In a few minutes, ranks of white-coated soldiers could be seen moving down the roads, with their bayonets showing between the boughs124. At the same time, Indian war whoops125 rose loud in the forest, and then dark forms could be seen, bounding down the slope through the trees towards the camp in a throng126.
There was a movement of uneasiness among the young rustics127, few of whom ever heard a shot fired in anger before that morning; but the officers, standing pistol in hand, threatened to shoot any man who moved from his position.
Could Dieskau have launched his whole force at once upon the camp at that moment, he would probably have carried it, but this he was powerless to do. His regular troops were well in hand; but the mob of Canadians and Indians were scattered through the forest, shouting, yelling, and firing from behind trees.
He thought, however, that if he led the regulars to the attack, the others would come forward, and he therefore gave the word for the advance. The French soldiers advanced steadily, until the trees grew thinner. They were deployed128 into line, and opened fire in regular volleys. Scarcely had they done so, however, when Captain Eyre, who commanded the artillery, opened upon them with grape from his three guns, while from waggon7, and boat, and fallen log, the musketry fire flashed out hot and bitter, and, reeling under the shower of iron and lead, the French line broke up, the soldiers took shelter behind trees, and thence returned the fire of the defenders129.
Johnson received a flesh wound in the thigh130, and retired131 to his tent, where he spent the rest of the day. Lyman took the command, and to him the credit of the victory is entirely due.
For four hours the combat raged. The young soldiers had soon got over their first uneasiness, and fought as steadily and coolly as veterans. The musketry fire was unbroken. From every tree, bush, and rock the rifles flashed out, and the leaden hail flew in a storm over the camp, and cut the leaves in a shower from the forest. Through this Lyman moved to and fro among the men, directing, encouraging, cheering them on, escaping as by a miracle the balls which whistled round him. Save the Indians on the English side, not a man but was engaged, the waggoners taking their guns and joining in the fight.
The Mohawks, however, held aloof132, saying that they had come to see their English brothers fight, but, animated133 no doubt with the idea that, if they abstained134 from taking part in the fray135, and the day went against the English, their friends the Iroquois would not harm them.
The French Indians worked round on to high ground, beyond the swamp on the left, and their fire thence took the defenders in the flank. Captain Eyre speedily turned his guns in that direction, and a few well-directed shells soon drove the Indians from their vantage ground. Dieskau directed his first attack against the left and centre; but the Connecticut men fought so stoutly136, that he next tried to force the right, where the Massachusetts regiments of Titcomb, Ruggles, and Williams held the line. For an hour he strove hard to break his way through the intrenchments, but the Massachusetts men stood firm, although Titcomb was killed and their loss was heavy.
At length Dieskau, exposing himself within short range of the English lines, was hit in the leg. While his adjutant Montreuil was dressing137 the wound, the general was again hit in the knee and thigh. He had himself placed behind a tree, and ordered Montreuil to lead the regulars in a last effort against the camp.
But it was too late. The blood of the colonists was now up, and, singly or in small bodies, they were crossing their lines of barricade138, and working up among the trees towards their assailants. The movement became general, and Lyman, seeing the spirit of his men, gave the word, and the whole of the troops, with a shout, leaped up and dashed through the wood against the enemy, falling upon them with their hatchets and the butts139 of their guns.
The French and their allies instantly fled. As the colonists passed the spot where Dieskau was sitting on the ground, one of them, singularly enough himself a Frenchman, who had ten years before left Canada, fired at him and shot him through both legs. Others came up and stripped him of his clothes, but, on learning who he was, they carried him to Johnson, who received him with the greatest kindness, and had every attention paid to him.
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1
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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trophies
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| n.（为竞赛获胜者颁发的）奖品( trophy的名词复数 )；奖杯；（尤指狩猎或战争中获得的）纪念品；（用于比赛或赛跑名称）奖 | |
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fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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whoop
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| n.大叫，呐喊，喘息声；v.叫喊，喘息 | |
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6
waggons
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| 四轮的运货马车( waggon的名词复数 )； 铁路货车； 小手推车 | |
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waggon
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| n.运货马车，运货车；敞篷车箱 | |
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ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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repel
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| v.击退，抵制，拒绝，排斥 | |
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ravages
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| 劫掠后的残迹，破坏的结果，毁坏后的残迹 | |
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cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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colonist
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| n.殖民者，移民 | |
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colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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discredit
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| vt.使不可置信；n.丧失信义；不信，怀疑 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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19
amazement
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| n.惊奇，惊讶 | |
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20
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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21
regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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22
regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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23
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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24
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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25
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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26
ordinance
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| n.法令；条令；条例 | |
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27
trench
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| n./v.(挖)沟，(挖)战壕 | |
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28
hampered
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| 妨碍，束缚，限制( hamper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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29
pounce
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| n.猛扑；v.猛扑，突然袭击，欣然同意 | |
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30
solitary
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| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
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31
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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32
scout
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| n.童子军，侦察员；v.侦察，搜索 | |
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33
scouts
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| 侦察员[机，舰]( scout的名词复数 )； 童子军； 搜索； 童子军成员 | |
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34
procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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35
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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36
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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37
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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38
massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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39
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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40
eastward
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| adv.向东；adj.向东的；n.东方，东部 | |
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41
infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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42
royalty
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| n.皇家，皇族 | |
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43
militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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44
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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45
molesting
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| v.骚扰( molest的现在分词 )；干扰；调戏；猥亵 | |
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46
affixed
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| adj.[医]附着的，附着的v.附加( affix的过去式和过去分词 )；粘贴；加以；盖（印章） | |
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47
assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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48
proprietary
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| n.所有权，所有的；独占的；业主 | |
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49
taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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50
deadlock
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| n.僵局，僵持 | |
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51
massacres
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| 大屠杀( massacre的名词复数 )； 惨败 | |
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52
obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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53
specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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54
constrained
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| adj.束缚的,节制的 | |
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55
lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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56
ballot
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| n.（不记名）投票，投票总数，投票权；vi.投票 | |
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57
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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58
junction
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| n.连接，接合；交叉点，接合处，枢纽站 | |
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59
subscribed
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| v.捐助( subscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；签署，题词；订阅；同意 | |
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60
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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61
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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62
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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63
ascending
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| adj.上升的，向上的 | |
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64
unconditionally
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| adv.无条件地 | |
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65
pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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66
proprietors
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| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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67
aggression
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| n.进攻，侵略，侵犯，侵害 | |
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68
enlisted
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| adj.应募入伍的v.（使）入伍， （使）参军( enlist的过去式和过去分词 )；获得（帮助或支持） | |
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69
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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70
commissioner
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| n.（政府厅、局、处等部门）专员，长官，委员 | |
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71
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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72
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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73
hatchets
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| n.短柄小斧( hatchet的名词复数 )；恶毒攻击；诽谤；休战 | |
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74
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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75
psalms
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| n.赞美诗( psalm的名词复数 )；圣诗；圣歌；(中的) | |
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76
profane
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| adj.亵神的，亵渎的；vt.亵渎，玷污 | |
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77
prophesied
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| v.预告，预言( prophesy的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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78
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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79
heartiness
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| 诚实，热心 | |
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80
jovial
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| adj.快乐的，好交际的 | |
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81
profuse
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| adj.很多的，大量的，极其丰富的 | |
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82
arduous
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| adj.艰苦的，费力的，陡峭的 | |
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83
hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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84
axe
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| n.斧子；v.用斧头砍，削减 | |
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85
hew
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| v.砍；伐；削 | |
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86
leisurely
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| adj.悠闲的；从容的，慢慢的 | |
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87
marsh
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| n.沼泽，湿地 | |
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88
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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89
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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90
sentries
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| 哨兵，步兵( sentry的名词复数 ) | |
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91
baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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92
promontory
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| n.海角；岬 | |
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93
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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94
battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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95
considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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96
contemptible
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| adj.可鄙的，可轻视的，卑劣的 | |
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97
rugged
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| adj.高低不平的，粗糙的，粗壮的，强健的 | |
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98
gorge
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| n.咽喉，胃，暴食，山峡；v.塞饱，狼吞虎咽地吃 | |
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99
thicket
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| n.灌木丛，树林 | |
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100
ambush
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| n.埋伏(地点)；伏兵；v.埋伏；伏击 | |
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101
disapproval
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| n.反对，不赞成 | |
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102
disapproved
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| v.不赞成( disapprove的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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103
harangued
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| v.高谈阔论( harangue的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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104
passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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105
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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106
allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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107
recoiled
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| v.畏缩( recoil的过去式和过去分词 )；退缩；报应；返回 | |
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108
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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109
sullen
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| adj.愠怒的，闷闷不乐的，(天气等)阴沉的 | |
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110
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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111
depressed
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| adj.沮丧的，抑郁的，不景气的，萧条的 | |
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112
stump
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| n.残株，烟蒂，讲演台；v.砍断，蹒跚而走 | |
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113
rattling
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| adj. 格格作响的, 活泼的, 很好的 adv. 极其, 很, 非常 动词rattle的现在分词 | |
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114
exclamation
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| n.感叹号，惊呼，惊叹词 | |
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115
swelled
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| 增强( swell的过去式和过去分词 )； 肿胀； （使）凸出； 充满（激情） | |
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116
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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117
rattle
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| v.飞奔，碰响；激怒；n.碰撞声；拨浪鼓 | |
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118
intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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119
animation
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| n.活泼，兴奋，卡通片／动画片的制作 | |
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120
resounded
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| v.（指声音等）回荡于某处( resound的过去式和过去分词 )；产生回响；（指某处）回荡着声音 | |
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121
fortify
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| v.强化防御，为…设防；加强，强化 | |
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122
steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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123
ridge
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| n.山脊；鼻梁；分水岭 | |
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124
boughs
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| 大树枝( bough的名词复数 ) | |
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125
whoops
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| int.呼喊声 | |
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126
throng
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| n.人群，群众；v.拥挤，群集 | |
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127
rustics
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| n.有农村或村民特色的( rustic的名词复数 )；粗野的；不雅的；用粗糙的木材或树枝制作的 | |
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128
deployed
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| （尤指军事行动）使展开( deploy的过去式和过去分词 )； 施展； 部署； 有效地利用 | |
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129
defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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130
thigh
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| n.大腿；股骨 | |
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131
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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132
aloof
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| adj.远离的；冷淡的，漠不关心的 | |
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133
animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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134
abstained
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| v.戒（尤指酒），戒除( abstain的过去式和过去分词 )；弃权（不投票） | |
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135
fray
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| v.争吵；打斗；磨损，磨破；n.吵架；打斗 | |
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136
stoutly
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| adv.牢固地，粗壮的 | |
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137
dressing
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| n.(食物)调料；包扎伤口的用品，敷料 | |
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138
barricade
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| n.路障，栅栏，障碍；vt.设路障挡住 | |
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139
butts
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| 笑柄( butt的名词复数 )； （武器或工具的）粗大的一端； 屁股； 烟蒂 | |
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