The British, on entering the eastern town, found it a mere10 mass of ruins, with the dead bodies of the soldiers lying everywhere, half covered with the wreck11 of the works they had died in defending. The taking of this portion of Athlone had cost Ginckle dearly, and he was but little nearer the object of his efforts, for he was separated from the Irish town by the Shannon, and the western arch of the bridge was broken down by the defenders12.
Eleven large guns and three mortars13 now came up from Dublin, and he erected15 a succession of batteries upon the ruins of the English town, and opened fire upon the castle of Athlone, which, although a building of great strength, soon crumbled into ruins beneath the fire of the heavy artillery brought to bear upon it. A mill, which stood in the river, and was connected with the bridge, was set on fire, and the sixty soldiers posted in it, being unable to escape, were all burned. Night and day, seven great batteries played incessantly16 upon the town.
On the 26th of June, thirty waggons17 loaded with powder and a hundred carts with cannon6 balls arrived from Dublin, and enabled the besiegers to keep up their fire without intermission. The interior of the town was reduced to ruins--nothing remained erect14 save the city walls, in which the breaches19, as fast as they were made, were repaired by the Irish. The slaughter among those so employed was very heavy; but there was no lack of men, the places of those who fell being at once supplied by others willing to give their lives in the defence of the town.
At last, there was nothing more that the besiegers could do. The town was reduced to ashes, but the river and the broken arch still separated them from the ruins. To remain much longer where they were was impossible, for the country on every side was exhausted20, and no longer afforded food for man or horse. The country people had fled, from the cruelty and spoliation of Ginckle's foreign soldiery, carrying with them all their effects; and the Irish light troops and armed peasantry hovered22 round the camp, laid the country waste, and intercepted23 their supplies and communications with Dublin.
Ginckle held a council of war, to consider what was to be done. It was admitted that they must force the passage of the river without loss of time, or submit to the alternative of retreat, and the utter failure of the campaign. It was finally resolved to attempt the passage of the bridge by throwing a wooden gallery over the broken arch, and forcing their way across, at all cost. Additional batteries were now raised on the bank of the river, and a heavy fire was poured, without intermission, upon the Irish on their side of the broken arch.
Both parties had erected a breastwork on the bridge, at their respective sides of the breach18, and from behind this, day and night, a continued musketry fire was kept up, the grenadiers of the English army throwing grenades into the enemy's works. After some days, the breastwork on the Irish side was set on fire by the continued assault of shot and grenades. The wattles of which it was composed, dried by the hot weather, were soon in a blaze, and, under cover of the flames and smoke, the English ran forward the great beams they had prepared in readiness, and threw them across the gap in the bridge.
The fire from all the batteries on the English side was directed against the burning breastwork, while the grenadiers hastened to lay planks25 across the beams to complete the bridge. The work was well-nigh done when an Irish sergeant26 and ten men, all clad in armour27, leaped through the flames of the breastwork, and began to hew28 with their axes at the beams and planks.
For a moment, the British were paralysed at the daring action. Then the batteries and musketry fire again opened, a storm of shot and bullets swept across the bridge, and the whole of the gallant29 fellows fell dead; but in a moment another party, similarly armed, dashed through the flames and took their places.
Regardless of the fire they whirled their axes. Nine fell, but the last two gave the final stroke to the beams. The bridge fell with a crash into the river below, and the two survivors30 recrossed the breastwork and joined their friends within, amid the wild enthusiasm of the defenders; an enthusiasm in which even the baffled assailants joined, for the British grenadiers gave a cheer, in token of their admiration31 at the gallantry and devotion of the deed.
In all history, there is no record of a more gallant action than this, performed by two sergeants32 and twenty men, who thus encountered almost certain death to maintain their post. The destruction of the temporary bridge filled Ginckle and his officers with consternation33, and the manner in which their design had been baffled showed the spirit of the defenders, and the magnitude of the task which they had undertaken.
But it was resolved, at another council which was called, to attempt one more effort before abandoning the enterprise. A finished platform was constructed. This was to be thrown over the arch, and a chosen body of the bravest troops in the army were to throw themselves across, and try to force a passage. At the same time, a division was to cross the river by a ford21 near the bridge, and another to attempt to cross by a bridge of pontoons, prepared in readiness.
The Irish were informed, by French deserters, of what was going on in the English camp, and early on the morning of the assault, several strong divisions of the Irish army were seen marching down from the camp, two miles away, into the town. Here they were drawn34 up, in readiness to repulse35 the assault.
The British were some time before they were ready for the attack, but at ten o'clock the whole army stood in close order, ready to advance.
The first to move forward were those who were to carry the bridge. The Irish guns, which still remained intact, opened upon them, but they pressed forward along the bridge to the broken arch, and, with less trouble than had been anticipated, threw the platform across it. Instead of rushing forward at once, the grenadiers stood behind their breastwork and hurled36 their grenades at the Irish grenadiers, who stood in close order on the opposite edge.
These, however, stood their ground, and hurled their grenades with great effect into the column. One of these exploded against the English breastwork and set it on fire. It at once blazed up. A strong west wind was blowing, and drove the smoke and flames into the faces of the English grenadiers, who for some time strove in vain to extinguish the flames, notwithstanding the heavy fire which the defenders poured into them. They had at last to fall back, and the Irish, sallying from behind their breastwork, pulled down the burning timbers on to the bridge, which was soon in flames.
The other divisions of the English army, finding that the grenadiers on the bridge made no progress, did not attempt to perform their part of the work, and finally the whole retreated to their camp.
That evening, another council of war was held. Matters now looked desperate, and the fact that the enterprise had, this time, failed owing to the hesitation38 of the troops to push forward to the attack of the enemy, made the prospect39 appear more hopeless. Nevertheless, in spite of the opposition40 of Generals Ginckle and Mackey, the council determined that one more attempt should be made, and that this should be carried out at daylight next morning, in the hopes of taking the Irish by surprise.
It was accordingly given out that the army would retreat in the morning, and the heavy guns were withdrawn41 from the batteries. Saint Ruth, who was convinced that Athlone could not be taken, and who had spent the greater portion of his time in entertaining the ladies and gentry42 of the neighbourhood with balls and fetes, fell into the trap, and, contrary to the opinion and advice of the Irish generals, recalled from the town the regiments43 which had marched in that morning, and replaced them with only three battalions45 of inferior troops. The Irish officers remonstrated46 warmly, but Saint Ruth, to show his disdain47 for their opinions, invited a large party of ladies and gentlemen to an entertainment in the evening.
In the night, the British army prepared for the attack. The commanders of the respective divisions all led their troops in person.
The garrison48 of the town were all asleep. In Saint Ruth's camp the festivities were over, and the general and his officers had retired. The Irish sentinels, who noted49 the movement in the British camp, supposed that they were mustering50 to retreat, and thus the three British columns drew up inside the town wall, in readiness to advance, without a notion of their purpose being entertained on the opposite side of the river.
One column, headed by sixty chosen men in complete armour, was to cross the bridge and throw a platform over the arch; another to cross by the ford: the third by a pontoon bridge. When the church bell tolled51 six, the three columns advanced simultaneously52, and, before the Irish were thoroughly53 awake, the leading battalions had forded the river, the platform was in its place, and the troops pouring into the town.
A few guns were hastily discharged, and then the men of the three Irish regiments in the town fled in haste, to avoid capture by the columns pouring across the river by the ford and pontoon bridge. Many, indeed, were captured whilst asleep. Saint Ruth, roused from sleep by the sound of cannon, ordered the troops to arms, but it was too late. The town, or rather its ruins, were in the possession of the British, and the brilliant success, which had been won by the valour and determination of the Irish troops, was forfeited54 by the carelessness, folly55, and self-confidence of the French general.
Had he listened to the advice of the Irish officers, the attempt, like those which had preceded it, must have failed, and in that case there was nothing remained to Ginckle but a precipitous retreat to Dublin, with the loss of the whole of the advantages gained in the previous campaign, and the necessity of bringing the war to an end by the concession57 of the rights and privileges of the Irish Catholics and landowners. The whole course of history was changed by the folly of one man. Ginckle had taken Athlone, but it was at a vast cost of life, and he was more than ever impressed with the magnitude of the task of subduing58 Ireland, so long as the people were driven to desperation by the threatened confiscation59 of all their lands, and by the persecution60 of their religion. King William, too, was more anxious than ever for the termination of hostilities61, and, on the very day that the news of the fall of Athlone reached him, he issued a proclamation offering protection, security of all possessions, and continuance in any offices which they held under James, to all who would lay down their arms in three weeks' time.
The issue of such a proclamation as this, a year before, would have satisfied the Irish and put a stop to the war; but it was now too late. The promises made had been broken, over and over again, and the Irish had but too much reason to fear that, when all opposition ceased, the council and their train of greedy adherents62 would again obtain the ascendency, and would continue their work of spoliation and robbery.
Moreover, the Irish army did not feel itself in any way beaten. It was not its fault that the second siege of Athlone had not terminated as the former siege and that of Limerick had done, and that Ginckle's army was not hurrying back, defeated and disorganized, to Dublin. They felt that, at the battle of the Boyne, they had suffered no defeat, although, in accordance with the general plan, they had fallen back, and they eagerly desired to fight one battle to prove that, in the open field, they were more than a match for the mercenaries of King William.
The council and lords justices, who were aghast at the proclamation, which threatened to destroy their hopes of dividing among themselves and their friends all the lands of the Catholics of Ireland, did their best to prevent its acceptance, by spreading rumours63 that it was a mere bait, and that its promises would not be fulfilled; while Saint Ruth and his French officers did their best, also, to set the Irish against it.
Saint Ruth, who was really a good officer, was conscious that, so far from having gained credit, as he had expected from a command in Ireland, the misfortunes which had happened were entirely64 attributed to him, and he longed for an opportunity of wiping out the slur65 on his military reputation. He therefore urged upon the Irish generals that Ginckle had indeed gained but little; that all the hopes of William rested upon that army alone; and that, with its defeat, they could demand and obtain any terms they liked to lay down; besides which, he was able to assure them, by his advices from France, that Louis was making preparations for assisting them on a vastly larger scale than he had previously66 done. Thus, from a combination of circumstances, the proclamation elicited67 no response.
While the siege of Athlone was being carried on, the main body of Sarsfield's cavalry68 remained, for the most part, in the camp near the town; but commanders of small bodies of men, like the corps69 of Captain Davenant, which were regarded as irregulars, had liberty of action. Some made long raids to the east, and often spread confusion and dismay among the enemy, by appearing suddenly when no Irish troops were believed to be within a hundred miles. Some went down and joined the peasants, who were keeping up desultory70 fighting in the neighbourhood of Cork71, harassing72 the English whenever they moved from one point to another, or sent out parties to collect forage73 or provisions.
Captain Davenant, who had more than once respectfully urged upon Sarsfield the immense benefit which would result, were the whole of the Irish cavalry to place themselves upon the line of the enemy's communication, finding that the Irish general was unmoved by his arguments, several times endeavoured to carry out his ideas, as far as could be done with his own small force.
The inactivity of the Irish horse, throughout the long sieges of Athlone and Limerick, except only upon the occasion of the raid upon the siege train, is almost inexplicable75. They had nothing to fear from the enemy's cavalry, to whom they proved themselves immensely superior, whenever they met during the war, and they had it in their power, for months, to cut the British communications and so oblige them, either to detach so large a force to keep the roads open that they would have been unable to push on the siege, and would indeed have been in danger of being attacked and destroyed by the Irish infantry76; or to raise the siege, and fall back upon their bases, Dublin and Waterford.
The only possible explanations that can be offered are--first, that Sarsfield, although a dashing commander in action, was possessed77 of no military genius whatever; second, that he was prevented from moving by the jealousy78 of the French commanders-in-chief, who did not wish to see the credit of compelling the enemy to fall back monopolized79 by the Irish cavalry; or, third, that Sarsfield saw the advantages which could be obtained by throwing himself, with his cavalry, in the rear of the enemy, but deliberately80 remained inactive rather than leave the French generals to act, unchecked by his presence at headquarters. It can never be decided81 to which of these alternatives it was due that the Irish cavalry remained for so long a time inactive, and that William, and after him Ginckle, were permitted, unmolested save by a few detached bodies of horse, to maintain their long line of communications to their base, unchecked.
Upon one of his excursions in the rear of the English army, Captain Davenant's troops dashed down upon a convoy82 of waggons. The dragoons who were escorting them were killed or driven off. The drivers were collected in a group, for Captain Davenant always ordered that these men should not be injured, as they were not combatants, and were in most cases obliged to accompany their teams, which had been requisitioned for the service.
The men were collecting the waggons together, preparatory to setting them on fire, when Walter, on riding near the group of drivers, heard himself called by name. Turning round, he leapt from his horse and ran up to one of the prisoners.
"My dear John!" he exclaimed, "I am glad indeed to see you. Why, what brings you here?"
After exchanging hearty83 greetings, Walter led him away from the group, and the two sat down together on a bank.
"What brings you here?" Walter repeated.
"All the waggons within miles round Dublin have been requisitioned," John said; "and as our three were called for, my father suggested that I should accompany them, to see that the horses were fed and cared for."
"Which are your waggons?" Walter asked.
"The three last in the column."
Walter immediately ran to his father, told him what had happened, and begged that the three waggons should be exempted84 from the general destruction. Captain Davenant at once rode up to the men, and ordered the waggons to be unloaded and their contents added to the pyre which was being prepared, but that the waggons themselves should be taken back a quarter of a mile along the road, and left there under the charge of their drivers, who were not to move until joined by their owner. He then rode back, and shook hands with John.
"I am glad to see you," he said. "All are well, I hope, at both our homes?"
"Quite well, sir."
"Thank God for that! Now, I must leave you to see that our work is thoroughly carried out. You will find your waggons safe, a quarter of a mile along the road. I will leave you to tell all the home news to Walter, who will retell it to me afterwards."
"Now tell me all the news," Walter said, when they were together again.
"The news is not altogether pleasant," John replied. "The whole of the country round Dublin is being harried85 by the cavalry in garrison there. They pay no attention whatever to papers of protection, and care but little whether those they plunder86 are Protestant or Catholic, friend or foe87. They go about in small parties, like bands of brigands88, through the country; and those who go to Dublin to obtain redress89 for their exactions are received with indifference90, and sometimes with insult, by the authorities. Then, too, we have had trouble at home.
"My grandfather became more bigoted91 than ever, and would, if he had the power, have annihilated92 every Catholic in Ireland. My father and he had frequent quarrels, and I was in daily expectation of an open breach between them, and of my father giving up his share of the property, and taking us to England. He was a backslider, in my grandfather's eyes. The tales of battle, plunder, and murder seemed to have taken the latter back to his own fighting days; and he was rather inclined to consider the generals as lukewarm, than to join in the general indignation at their atrocious conduct.
"Even the sufferings of the Protestants did not seem to affect him. The Lord's work, he said, cannot be carried on without victims. It horrified93 me to hear him talk. If this was the religion of our fathers, I was fast coming to the conclusion that it was little better than no religion at all.
"I think my father and mother saw it in the same light, and the breach between them and my grandfather daily widened. But I have not told you the worst, yet. A party of cavalry rode up the other day, and were about, as usual, to seize upon some cattle. My father was out, and my grandfather stepped forward and asked them 'how they could lay it to their consciences to plunder Protestants when, a mile or two away, there were Catholics lording it over the soil--Catholics whose husbands and sons were fighting in the ranks of the army of James Stuart?'
"I was in the house with my mother, but we heard what was said; and she whispered to me to slip out behind, and find my father, and tell him what was being done. I made off; but before I had gone a quarter of a mile, I saw the soldiers riding off towards the castle, with my grandfather riding at their head. I was not long in finding my father, who at once called the men off from their work, and sent them off in all directions to raise the country; and in an hour two hundred men, armed with any weapon they could snatch up, were marching towards the castle, my father at their head. There were Catholics and Protestants among them--the latter had come at my father's bidding, the former of their own free will.
"We hurried along, anxiously fearing every moment to see flames rise from the castle. Fortunately, the soldiers were too busy in plundering94 to notice our approach, and we pounced95 down upon them and seized them unawares. They were stripping the place of everything worth carrying away, before setting it on fire. We burst into the hall, and there was a sight which filled my father and myself with anger and shame. Your grandmother was standing37 erect, looking with dignity mingled96 with disdain at my grandfather; while your mother, holding your brother's hands, stood beside her. My grandfather was standing upon a chair; in his hand he held a Bible, and was pouring out a string of denouncing texts at the ladies, and was, at the moment we entered, comparing them to the wicked who had fallen into a net.
"I don't think, Walter, his senses are quite right now. He is crazed with religion and hate, and I believe, at the time, he fancied himself in the meeting house. Anyhow, there he was, while two sergeants, who were supposed to be in command of the troop, were sitting on a table, with a flagon of wine between them, looking on with amusement. Their expression changed pretty quickly, when we rushed in.
"It needed all my father's efforts to prevent the whole party being hung, so furious were all the rescuers at the outrage97 upon the good ladies of the castle. But my father pointed98 out to them that, although such a punishment was well deserved, it would do harm rather than good to the ladies. They had orders of protection from the lords justices; and he should proceed at once, with four or five witnesses, to lay the matter before the general at Dublin, and demand the punishment of the offenders99. But if the party took the law into their own hands, and meted100 out the punishment the fellows deserved, the facts of the case would be lost sight of. There would be a cry of vengeance101 for the murder, as it would be called, of a party of soldiers, and it would serve as an excuse for harrying102 the whole district with fire and sword.
"Having at last persuaded the angry tenants103 and peasantry to lay aside their project of vengeance, my father went to the soldiers, who, tied hand and foot, were expecting nothing short of death. He ordered all their pistols and ammunition to be taken away, and their bonds to be loosed; then told them that their escape had been a narrow one, and that, with great difficulty, he had persuaded those who had captured them while engaged in deeds of outrage and plunder to spare them; but that a complaint would at once be made before the military authorities, and the law would deal with them. Finally, they were permitted to mount and ride off, after having been closely examined to see that they were taking with them none of the plunder of the house.
"Everything was then carefully replaced as they had found it; and my father at once rode off, with six of the leading tenants--three Protestants and three Catholics--and laid a complaint before the general. The latter professed104 himself much shocked, and lamented105 the impossibility of keeping strict discipline among the various regiments stationed in the towns. However, he went down with them at once to the barracks of the regiment44, ordered them to be formed up, and asked my father if he could identify the culprits.
"My father and those with him picked out fifteen, including the two sergeants, as having formed part of the body of plunderers; and the general had the whole tied up and flogged severely106, then and there, and declared that, the next time an outrage upon persons who had received letters of protection came to his ears, he would shoot every man who was proved to have been concerned in it. He also gave orders that a well-conducted noncommissioned officer, and four men, should be sent at once to Davenant Castle, and should there take up their quarters as a guard against any party of marauders, with the strictest orders to cause no annoyance107 or inconvenience to the inhabitants of the castle.
"I learned afterwards that Mr. Conyers, who had been interesting himself greatly on behalf of the ladies of the castle, is a great friend of the lords justices, and other members of the council, and is also acquainted with the general, which will account for the prompt measures taken to punish the marauders--a very rare and exceptional matter, I can tell you."
"I am sure we are greatly indebted to your father and you, for so promptly108 taking measures to assist my mother," Walter said. "I have no doubt the castle would have been burned, as well as plundered109, if it had not been for your rescue of them."
"It is not worth thinking about, Walter. We are heavily your debtors110, still, for the kindness of your father and yourself to me at Derry, and indeed on all other occasions. Besides, it was the least we could do, seeing that it was my grandfather's hatred111 of your family which brought the matter about."
"What became of your grandfather," Walter asked, "when you interrupted his sermon?"
"He fell down in a fit," John replied; "and perhaps it was the best thing he could do, for I don't know what my father and he would have said to each other, had it not been so. He was carried home, and he has not been the same man since. I don't think the subject was ever alluded112 to between my father and him; but I think that being balked113, just at the moment when he thought he had obtained the object of his hopes and prayers for the last forty years, has almost broken his heart.
"He goes about the house, scarce speaking a word, and seems to have lost almost all his energy. He has ceased to read the family prayers, and to hold forth114 morning and night. I do think he considers that the Lord has cheated him out of his lawful115 vengeance. It is awfully116 sad, Walter, though it is strange, to see such a travesty117 of religion as the tenets of my grandfather and some of the old men who, like him, represent the views of Cromwell's soldiers.
"Their religion cannot be called true Christianity. It is the Judaism of the times when the Jews were among the most ignorant of peoples. To me it is most shocking, and I would infinitely118 rather be a Mohammedan than hold such a faith as theirs. I thank God that my father and mother have shaken off such a yoke119, and brought me up according to the teaching of the New Testament120, rather than that of the Old."
By this time the waggons, with the exception of those under John Whitefoot's charge, had been collected in a mass, and fire had been applied121 to them. They were now a pile of flame. A few of the best and fastest looking of the horses were set aside to be carried off by the troop. The rest were shot, as the great object of the raids was to deprive the English army of its means of transport.
The troop then mounted. Captain Davenant and Walter took a hearty farewell of John, and intrusted him with hastily-written letters for home; and as the smoke of the burning train would soon bring down any parties of the enemy who happened to be in the neighbourhood, the troop then rode off at full speed, and arrived safely at Athlone without meeting with any further adventures.
After the fall of the city, Ginckle remained inactive some time, but, finding that his proclamation had no effect in inducing the Irish to lay down their arms, he reluctantly prepared to advance against them. In the interval122, he occupied himself in repairing the western wall of the city, and, as he had been joined by several regiments sent out to reinforce him, he resumed his advance with a force larger than that with which he had commenced the siege of Athlone. Before starting, he issued the most peremptory123 orders against a repetition of the acts which had so disgraced his army, and had done so much harm to the cause by banding the whole peasantry against them.
Saint Ruth chose his position with great skill. His camp extended more than two miles, along a range of hills called the heights of Kilcomeden. His right was protected by a rivulet124, and by hills and marshes125. On his left was a deep glen. Beyond this, along his whole front, a vast bog126 extended, in most places impassable for horse or foot. On the borders of the bog, on the left, stood the ruins of the little castle of Aughrim, occupying the only spot of firm ground which led to the camp.
To pass the bog at this point, it was necessary to go close by the castle wall, where there was a broken path only wide enough for two men to pass abreast127. The passage on the right of the bog was more open, but it was marshy128 and unsafe.
This position was much stronger than that which the Irish had held at the battle of the Boyne, and whereas, on that occasion, they had been very inferior in numbers to their assailants, they were now superior by some regiments in number. In the point of artillery the English had here, as at the Boyne, an overwhelming superiority.
Ginckle moved forward slowly and with caution, halting on the river Suck until he had been joined by every available soldier in Ireland.
On the morning of the 12th of July, the British army halted on the edge of the bog, that, like a great belt, encircled the Irish within it. The morning was foggy, and the mist did not clear off until towards noon. The Irish prepared for battle by having divine service performed at the head of their regiments, and Dr. Stafford, chaplain to the royal regiment of foot, and some other priests, passed through the ranks, urging upon the men their duty and obligation, as soldiers and Irishmen, to make every effort they could to rescue their country from the oppression of the Prince of Orange, and his army of foreigners.
Ginckle, on his part, as at Athlone, distributed money among the troops, and promised them the plunder of the enemy's camp. As the day cleared up, the British army was put in motion, and a strong column advanced against the enemy's right, where stood the house and grounds of Urachree, occupied by some Irish horse. A strong detachment of Danish cavalry headed the British column. They moved forward boldly, quickening their pace as they approached the Irish; but, on the latter charging them at full gallop129, they wheeled about and rode off at once in disorder130.
Ginckle immediately ordered two hundred of Cunningham's dragoons, who were considered the best cavalry in the army, to advance and drive back the Irish horse. The dragoons advanced at a trot131, but, seeing that the Irish quietly awaited their coming, they halted behind a hedge and awaited the arrival of the infantry. When these came up, the cavalry again moved forward.
The Irish horse now fell back on a little hill in their rear, where a body of infantry were posted. They then faced to the front and charged, and broke the English dragoons, who retreated, as the Danes had done, in confusion.
Eppinger's dragoons were ordered up to support Cunningham's, but the Irish horse had also received reinforcements before they arrived, and, after a fierce fight, the two English regiments were routed and driven off the field.
Ginckle rallied them, added Lord Portland's horse to their numbers, and again sent them against the Irish. These, however, had fallen back from Urachree, and had taken up a new position upon the rivulet behind it, in front of the solid ground by which, alone, the right wing of the Irish army could be approached. Here they remained, waiting the onset133 of the British cavalry; but these, perceiving that the ground was becoming more and more difficult, soon came to a halt, and then, wheeling about, fell back upon the infantry.
Seeing the successful stand which was made, by a small body of Irish horse, to the advance of the left wing, and that the spirit with which his troops were behaving was greatly inferior to that of the Irish, Ginckle called a council of war. Opinions were greatly at variance134. It was now nearly four o'clock, and it was, at first, decided to postpone135 the battle till the morning, and a messenger was sent to the baggage column in the rear to bring up the tents.
But other counsels finally prevailed. The order for the tents was countermanded136, and, at half-past four, the British infantry were ordered to advance. They pressed forward, in solid masses, across the ground where the cavalry fight had taken place, and the Irish horse fell back behind their infantry, who were posted behind the substantial hedges which intersected the ground beyond the rivulet. A heavy musketry fire was opened upon the British infantry as they advanced, but they pressed forward, in unbroken order, till they reached the hedges. These were long and obstinately137 contested.
The Irish had cut openings through the hedges by which they could retire, and, as they fell back from hedge to hedge, the advancing British were received by a fire from hedges on both flanks, as well as from the front. As the British poured regiment after regiment to the attack, Saint Ruth moved some bodies of horse and foot, from his left, to the support of his right wing.
This movement had been foreseen by Ginckle, who now gave orders for several battalions of infantry to cross the bog, and attack the Irish centre. At this point there was a path across the bog, or rather a place where the mud and water were not so deep as at other points, and where it was possible for it to be forded. Ginckle had found a peasant, who, for a large sum of money, disclosed the passage. It traversed the bog at its narrowest point, the hill of Kilcomeden here running out a shoulder far into it. Four regiments entered the morass138, with orders to cross it, and make their way to the nearest hedges on the sloping ground, where they were to post themselves till the cavalry, who were to attempt the passage by Aughrim Castle, could come round to their support.
The first part of the passage was unopposed, but the difficulty of passing was great, for the men were frequently up to their waists in mud, too soft to afford any firm footing, but solid enough to render it extremely difficult for the feet to be disengaged from it. At length, as they approached firmer ground, the Irish infantry advanced towards the edge of the bog, and received them with a steady fire. The English, although suffering heavily, pressed forward without firing a shot, till the ground became solid under their feet, when the Irish withdrew, and, as upon the right, took post behind the hedges which everywhere intersected the slopes.
The English, seeing the Irish retire, pressed forward, and another fierce contest raged in the inclosures; the Irish, according to their preconceived plan, falling gradually back. The British, in their ardour, forgot their orders to halt at the first hedge, and continued to press forward, until the constantly increasing numbers of the enemy recalled to their leaders the danger of the position.
Before them were the heights of Kilcomeden, with a strong force drawn up to receive them, while on both flanks the enemy were crowding down, to intercept24 their retreat. Colonel Earl, who was the senior officer, looked anxiously towards the right, from which quarter he expected the British cavalry to arrive to his assistance; but no sound reached him from that quarter; while on the left the sound of the conflict, instead of advancing, appeared to recede56, as if the British column was being forced back. Advancing before his own regiment, he called upon the soldiers to stand firm, for retreat would be destruction, and the only hope was to maintain their position till assistance arrived.
When the Irish saw that the enemy had halted, and could not be tempted139 to advance further, they poured down to the attack through the passages in the hedges. The British might have defended these hedges, as the Irish had done, but the soldiers saw that they would be taken in the flank and rear, and, observing a large body of cavalry ascending140 the hill, they were seized with a panic.
On the first shock of the Irish infantry, the four regiments broke and fled. They were hotly pursued, and slaughtered141 in great numbers, the Irish cavalry pouring through the openings in the hedges which had been prepared for them. At length, the fugitives142 reached the edge of the bog, where they gathered in a confused mass; which the officers, in vain, attempted to form into order. The cavalry charged down upon them, broke and scattered143 them, and drove them into the morass, followed by the Irish infantry, who were better acquainted with the ground, and more accustomed to traversing bogs144. The soldiers were driven into the deepest and most difficult portion of the morass, and a great slaughter took place.
The British artillery were planted on the edge of the morass, but so mingled were the two parties that they were unable to fire. Great numbers of the English were killed. Colonels Earl and Herbert, with many officers and men, were taken prisoners, and the remnant of the British were driven completely across the bog, to the shelter of their own cannon.
While this was passing in the centre, another division of Ginckle's army, consisting of English and French infantry, had crossed the bog by a passage more to the right. They also had met with no opposition in passing, and it was only when they reached the hedges, on the firm ground, that the Irish showed themselves, fired, and retreated. This division, more cautious than that of Earl, could not be tempted to pursue, but contented145 themselves with maintaining their ground under a heavy fire, awaiting anxiously the arrival of the British horse. They could see, however, no sign of them, but could perceive the Irish cavalry descending146 in large masses, preparing to charge, while the infantry were forming for an advance.
So far the Irish had been successful at every point. They had repulsed147 every attack made by the British left; had crushed the brigade, composed of the flower of the British infantry, which had assaulted the centre; and were now preparing to destroy the division which stood, unsupported, on their side of the bog.
At this moment, a tumult148 was heard on the left wing of the Irish, the direction from which the British division expected relief, and the Irish, aware of the importance of the pass of Aughrim, suspended their attack to await the events there.
Saint Ruth had directed the operations of the battle with as much skill as he had prepared for the assault. He had taken up his position on a point of the hill whence he had a complete view of the whole field of battle, and had moved his troops, with calmness and judgment149, to meet each of the attacks made upon them; and when he saw the destruction of the English regiment in the centre, he exclaimed, in the full confidence of victory, "Now I will drive the English to the walls of Dublin!"
There was, indeed, but one hope, on the part of the English, of retrieving150 the day; namely, the success of the attempt to force the passage at Aughrim. But two horsemen abreast could pass under the castle walls. Saint Ruth was aware of the passage, but thought it impassable for cavalry. It might easily have been made so, by cutting a deep gap across it; but here, as at Athlone, his overconfidence proved his destruction. He had, however, taken the precaution to erect a battery commanding the passage, and had placed some battalions of infantry there.
General Talmash, who commanded the English cavalry, knew that the battle was lost, unless he could succeed at this point; and, at the head of his command, he led the way along the pass, which was not only narrow, but broken and encumbered151 with the ruins of the castle wall. Saint Ruth beheld152 the attempt of the cavalry with astonishment153, and, with the remark: "They are brave fellows, it is a pity they should be sacrificed," sent orders for the Irish horse to move forward and prepare to charge them; and moved down the hill at the head of his officers to the battery.
There is no doubt as to what the result would have been, had the Irish horse charged. They were greatly superior in number, and the English cavalry who had got across the passage were still in confusion, and were suffering from the fire of the battery, and, indeed, even when in equal numbers, William's cavalry had never withstood the charge of the Irish. It seemed that nothing could avert154 the defeat of the body on which Ginckle's last hope rested.
But at this moment one of those events, by which Providence155 overrules the calculations of man, occurred. A cannonball struck Saint Ruth, as he stood in the middle of the battery and killed him instantly. The occurrence paralysed the Irish army. Sarsfield was away, there was no one to give orders, the news that some extraordinary calamity156 had happened spread rapidly, the men in the battery ceased firing, the cavalry, receiving no orders to charge, remained immovable.
Talmash took advantage of the pause to get the rest of his cavalry across the passage, and then, with his whole force, moved towards the centre. As he approached, the idea that the unknown calamity, of which they had heard, was that the British had defeated their own left, spread among the Irish, and they began to fall back. The British column on the edge of the bog advanced, Ginckle pushed several fresh battalions across the morass in the centre, and the Irish infantry fell back, disputing every inch of the ground.
The cavalry were still without orders, for strangely enough, no one assumed the command on the death of Saint Ruth. As night came on, the retreat of the Irish infantry became a rout132, but the cavalry halted on the summit of Kilcomeden, and covered the retreat.
The extraordinary circumstance, of the Irish army being left without orders after the death of Saint Ruth, has never been explained. The command should have devolved upon Sarsfield, but none of the accounts of the battle speak of him as being present. He had certainly not been consulted by Saint Ruth, and had not been present at the council of war before the battle; for the bad feeling, which had existed between him and Saint Ruth since that general arrived, had broken out into open dispute since the fall of Athlone. But it is inexplicable that there should have been no second in command, that no one should have come forward to give orders after the death of the general, that a victorious157 army should have been left, as a flock of sheep, without a shepherd.
Up to the moment of the death of Saint Ruth, the loss of the British had been very severe, as they had more than two thousand men killed and wounded, while that of the Irish was trifling158. But in the subsequent struggle the Irish, fighting each man for himself, without order or object, were slaughtered in vast numbers, their loss being estimated by the British writers at seven thousand men, a number which points to wholesale159 slaughter, rather than to the loss which could have been inflicted160 upon a brave army during little over an hour of daylight.
But, crushing as the defeat of the Irish had been, the victory was far from inspiring William or his army with the confidence they had felt at the outset of the war. Here, as at Athlone, it was almost a miracle which had saved the English from a terrible disaster. The Irish had proved themselves fully74 a match for the best soldiers that William could send against them, and, although their infantry had suffered terribly in the rout, their ranks would be speedily filled up again; while the cavalry, the arm in which the Irish had uniformly proved their superiority, had moved away from the field of battle intact and unbroken. Athlone and Aughrim therefore rendered William and his general more anxious than ever to bring the struggle to an end, not by the force of arms, but by offering every concession to the Irish.
The imminence161 of the peril162 had cowed even the party of confiscation, and they offered no opposition to the issue, by Ginckle, of proclamations renewing the offers of William. Ginckle himself moved forward, immediately after the battle, and granted the most liberal terms to the garrisons163 of the various small posts which he came upon. On arriving before Galway, he permitted that town and garrison to surrender on the terms of a pardon for all, security of property and estate, freedom of religious worship, and permission for the garrison to march away to Limerick, with drums beating and colours flying, the British furnishing horses for the transport of their cannon and baggage.
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1
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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crumbled
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| （把…）弄碎， （使）碎成细屑( crumble的过去式和过去分词 )； 衰落； 坍塌； 损坏 | |
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cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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repelled
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| v.击退( repel的过去式和过去分词 )；使厌恶；排斥；推开 | |
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slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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9
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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wreck
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| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
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defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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13
mortars
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| n.迫击炮( mortar的名词复数 )；砂浆；房产；研钵 | |
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14
erect
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| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
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15
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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16
incessantly
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| ad.不停地 | |
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waggons
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| 四轮的运货马车( waggon的名词复数 )； 铁路货车； 小手推车 | |
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18
breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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breaches
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| 破坏( breach的名词复数 )； 破裂； 缺口； 违背 | |
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20
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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Ford
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| n.浅滩，水浅可涉处；v.涉水，涉过 | |
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22
hovered
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| 鸟( hover的过去式和过去分词 )； 靠近（某事物）； （人）徘徊； 犹豫 | |
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23
intercepted
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| 拦截( intercept的过去式和过去分词 )； 截住； 截击； 拦阻 | |
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24
intercept
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| vt.拦截，截住，截击 | |
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25
planks
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| （厚）木板( plank的名词复数 )； 政纲条目，政策要点 | |
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26
sergeant
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| n.警官，中士 | |
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armour
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| （=armor）n.盔甲；装甲部队 | |
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hew
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| v.砍；伐；削 | |
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29
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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survivors
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| 幸存者，残存者，生还者( survivor的名词复数 ) | |
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31
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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32
sergeants
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| 警官( sergeant的名词复数 )； （美国警察）警佐； （英国警察）巡佐； 陆军（或空军）中士 | |
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33
consternation
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| n.大为吃惊，惊骇 | |
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34
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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repulse
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| n.击退，拒绝；vt.逐退，击退，拒绝 | |
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36
hurled
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| v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
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37
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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38
hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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40
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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41
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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42
gentry
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| n.绅士阶级，上层阶级 | |
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43
regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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45
battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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46
remonstrated
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| v.抗议( remonstrate的过去式和过去分词 )；告诫 | |
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47
disdain
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| n.鄙视，轻视；v.轻视，鄙视，不屑 | |
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48
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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49
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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50
mustering
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的现在分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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51
tolled
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| 鸣钟（toll的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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52
simultaneously
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| adv.同时发生地，同时进行地 | |
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53
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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54
forfeited
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| （因违反协议、犯规、受罚等）丧失，失去( forfeit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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55
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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56
recede
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| vi.退(去)，渐渐远去；向后倾斜，缩进 | |
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57
concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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58
subduing
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| 征服( subdue的现在分词 )； 克制； 制服； 色变暗 | |
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59
confiscation
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| n. 没收, 充公, 征收 | |
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60
persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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61
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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62
adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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63
rumours
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| n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 )；风闻；谣言；谣传 | |
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64
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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65
slur
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| v.含糊地说；诋毁；连唱；n.诋毁；含糊的发音 | |
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66
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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elicited
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| 引出，探出( elicit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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68
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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69
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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70
desultory
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| adj.散漫的，无方法的 | |
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71
cork
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| n.软木，软木塞 | |
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72
harassing
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| v.侵扰，骚扰( harass的现在分词 )；不断攻击（敌人） | |
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73
forage
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| n.(牛马的)饲料，粮草；v.搜寻，翻寻 | |
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74
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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75
inexplicable
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| adj.无法解释的，难理解的 | |
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76
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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77
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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78
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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79
monopolized
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| v.垄断( monopolize的过去式和过去分词 )；独占；专卖；专营 | |
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80
deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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81
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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82
convoy
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| vt.护送，护卫，护航；n.护送；护送队 | |
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83
hearty
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| adj.热情友好的；衷心的；尽情的，纵情的 | |
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84
exempted
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| 使免除[豁免]( exempt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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85
harried
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| v.使苦恼( harry的过去式和过去分词 )；不断烦扰；一再袭击；侵扰 | |
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86
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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87
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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88
brigands
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| n.土匪，强盗( brigand的名词复数 ) | |
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89
redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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90
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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91
bigoted
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| adj.固执己见的，心胸狭窄的 | |
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92
annihilated
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| v.（彻底）消灭( annihilate的过去式和过去分词 )；使无效；废止；彻底击溃 | |
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93
horrified
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| a.(表现出)恐惧的 | |
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94
plundering
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的现在分词 ) | |
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95
pounced
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| v.突然袭击( pounce的过去式和过去分词 )；猛扑；一眼看出；抓住机会（进行抨击） | |
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96
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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97
outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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98
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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99
offenders
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| n.冒犯者( offender的名词复数 )；犯规者；罪犯；妨害…的人（或事物） | |
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100
meted
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| v.（对某人）施以，给予（处罚等）( mete的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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101
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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102
harrying
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| v.使苦恼( harry的现在分词 )；不断烦扰；一再袭击；侵扰 | |
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103
tenants
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| n.房客( tenant的名词复数 )；佃户；占用者；占有者 | |
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104
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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105
lamented
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| adj.被哀悼的，令人遗憾的v.（为…）哀悼，痛哭，悲伤( lament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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106
severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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107
annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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108
promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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109
plundered
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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110
debtors
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| n.债务人，借方( debtor的名词复数 ) | |
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111
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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112
alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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113
balked
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| v.畏缩不前，犹豫( balk的过去式和过去分词 )；（指马）不肯跑 | |
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114
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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115
lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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116
awfully
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| adv.可怕地，非常地，极端地 | |
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117
travesty
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| n.歪曲，嘲弄，滑稽化 | |
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118
infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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119
yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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120
testament
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| n.遗嘱；证明 | |
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121
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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122
interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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123
peremptory
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| adj.紧急的，专横的，断然的 | |
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124
rivulet
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| n.小溪，小河 | |
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125
marshes
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| n.沼泽，湿地( marsh的名词复数 ) | |
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126
bog
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| n.沼泽；室...陷入泥淖 | |
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127
abreast
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| adv.并排地；跟上(时代)的步伐，与…并进地 | |
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128
marshy
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| adj.沼泽的 | |
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129
gallop
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| v./n.(马或骑马等)飞奔；飞速发展 | |
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130
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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131
trot
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| n.疾走，慢跑；n.老太婆；现成译本；(复数）trots:腹泻（与the 连用）；v.小跑，快步走，赶紧 | |
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132
rout
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| n.溃退，溃败；v.击溃，打垮 | |
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133
onset
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| n.进攻，袭击，开始，突然开始 | |
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134
variance
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| n.矛盾，不同 | |
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135
postpone
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| v.延期，推迟 | |
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136
countermanded
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| v.取消（命令），撤回( countermand的过去分词 ) | |
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137
obstinately
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| ad.固执地，顽固地 | |
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138
morass
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| n.沼泽，困境 | |
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139
tempted
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| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
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140
ascending
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| adj.上升的，向上的 | |
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141
slaughtered
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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142
fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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143
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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144
bogs
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| n.沼泽，泥塘( bog的名词复数 )；厕所v.（使）陷入泥沼， （使）陷入困境( bog的第三人称单数 )；妨碍，阻碍 | |
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145
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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146
descending
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| n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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147
repulsed
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| v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 )；驳斥；拒绝 | |
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148
tumult
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| n.喧哗；激动，混乱；吵闹 | |
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149
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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150
retrieving
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| n.检索（过程），取还v.取回( retrieve的现在分词 )；恢复；寻回；检索（储存的信息） | |
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151
encumbered
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| v.妨碍，阻碍，拖累( encumber的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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152
beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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153
astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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154
avert
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| v.防止，避免；转移(目光、注意力等) | |
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155
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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156
calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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157
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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158
trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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159
wholesale
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| n.批发；adv.以批发方式；vt.批发，成批出售 | |
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160
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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161
imminence
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| n.急迫，危急 | |
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162
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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163
garrisons
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| 守备部队，卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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