The movement was altogether unobserved by the garrison9, who had been taken completely by surprise by the sudden fire. The night had been exceptionally favourable10 for the attempt. The wind blew so strongly that the tramp of the columns and the sound of the wheels of the guns failed to reach the ears of the sentries11 on the walls. When the fire broke out the Afghans at once burned numbers of blue lights to endeavour to obtain a clear view of the attacking force; but the light failed to pierce the darkness, and the fireworks burned but fitfully owing to the force of the gale12. They therefore distributed themselves along the whole circuit of walls instead of concentrating upon the point where the attack was about to take place.
The Engineers had done their work admirably. They crept silently along the causeway which afforded a passage across the moat, and then up the steep ascent13 which led to the gate, unnoticed by those who manned the loopholes. Two minutes sufficed to place the sacks in position. The fuse was then fired, and the party ran back to such cover as they could find. At this moment the Afghans lit a large and brilliant blue light immediately over the gate, but before they could obtain any idea of what was passing below the explosion took place. The gate was blown to pieces, and masses of masonry14 and fractured beams fell into the passage beyond. Then a bugle15 was sounded by the Engineers, and the storming party rushed down and crept into the dark, blocked-up passage. Here they were fiercely opposed. The Afghans had rallied almost instantly from their first surprise, and rushed down to defend the passage. A desperate struggle took place in the dark, but British valour was tri[Pg 146]umphant, and the four companies of the 2nd and 17th Regiments16 fought their way into the interior of the fortress.
Had they been at once supported by the column behind them, commanded by Brigadier-general Sale, the capture of Ghuznee would have been comparatively bloodless; but as he was advancing he met one of the Engineer officers, who had been terribly bruised17 and injured by the explosion. Upon being questioned, the latter said that the gate had been blown in, but that the passage was blocked with the ruins. As in that case it would have been madness to advance, the general ordered the retreat to be sounded. The call was heard by the leading companies, but not obeyed. Instead of the troops retreating, they halted irresolutely18, rather than carry out an order the most unwelcome that can be given to British soldiers. Fortunately another Engineer officer soon came along and assured the brigadier that, although the passage was greatly blocked, the storming party had made their way through; whereupon the column at once rushed forward. The delay, however, had given the garrison time to rally, and large numbers had run down from the wall to take part in the fight. Many, however, despairing of successful resistance now that their assailants had won their way into the town, allowed the storming party to pass and then attempted to escape through the gateway20. But as they did so, General Sale with the head of his column arrived, and another desperate fight took place among the ruins of the gate.
The general himself was cut down, and his assailant endeavoured to complete his work. Sale succeeded in grasping his sword hand, but, weakened by his wound, must have been overpowered had not an officer run up and severely21 wounded the Afghan. The struggle continued, but the general managed to gain his feet and cut down his assailant.
The column was a long time in passing over the heap of[Pg 147] ruins, now further encumbered22 by wounded and dead. As soon as they had entered, the reserve, who had been suffering from the fire of the Afghans still on the walls, followed them, and while General Sale's division ascended23 the steep path that led to the citadel24, which rose far above the rest of the fortress, the reserve began the work of clearing out the Afghans from the houses. Large numbers of Afghans had taken refuge here as the troops entered, and these, rushing out, flung themselves upon the troops with the fury of despair. Many of these who had first entered, exhausted25 by their exertions26, were with the wounded sitting in the courtyard at the foot of the citadel. Upon these the fanatics27 rushed, cutting and slashing28 with their keen tulwars alike at the soldiers who started to their feet, the wounded on the ground, and their own horses, who, mad with terror, were galloping29 wildly over the courtyard. A series of desperate hand-to-hand conflicts were waged until the last of the Afghans were shot or bayoneted. The walls were cleared with little difficulty, but many soldiers were shot as they passed through the narrow streets of the native town. All resistance ceased at a quarter past five. Thus in two hours and a quarter after the first shot was fired, a fortress deemed impregnable and garrisoned30 by three thousand five hundred men was captured.
Ghuznee had been provisioned for six months, and so certain was Mohummed Hyder of the ability of the place to hold out that he had brought with him all the ladies of his zenana. In spite of the desperate nature of the fighting, not one of the Afghans who surrendered was injured, nor was the slightest insult offered to the ladies of the zenana or the women in the native town. The troops who had ascended to the citadel found the gates open, the Afghan prince having lost all hope as soon as he found the lower fortress in possession of the British. He was found hiding[Pg 148] in disguise, and was brought before Shah Soojah. The latter magnanimously said to him: "What has been has been; you have deserved evil at my hands, but you have this day behaved like a brave man. I forgive thee the past; go in peace." The young prince was then handed over to Sir Alexander Burnes for safe custody31.
The success had been cheaply purchased. Only seventeen non-commissioned officers and privates had been killed, and eighteen officers and a hundred and forty-seven men wounded. Of the Afghans, five hundred and fourteen bodies were buried next day; more than a hundred fugitives33 were killed outside the walls; upwards34 of a thousand horses, a great number of camels and mules35, vast quantities of provisions, ammunition36, and arms fell into the hands of the conquerors37, together with more than fifteen hundred prisoners. Over a thousand made their escape.
At the first outburst of firing Angus had sprung to his feet; as the fight increased in fury he was certain that a night attack was in progress, and he at once proceeded to drive in the wedges he had prepared. Just as he had completed this he heard the dull roar of the explosion, followed by loud and excited shouts, but the noise of the gale prevented him from catching38 the words. He had no doubt, however, that either the gate had been blown in or that a mine had been driven into the wall, and that the explosion of an immense charge of powder had effected a breach. Then came the sound of a heavy and continuous rattle39 of musketry. The cannon7 of the fortress opened fire, while those of the besiegers answered. By the occasional fall of masses of masonry, and the screams of women, he had no doubt that the British artillery were now directing their fire against the citadel, in order to add to the confusion among the defenders40 of the fortress.
HE TOOK DOWN THE PROP, AND THRUST IT SUDDENLY WITH ALL HIS FORCE THROUGH THE HOLE.
[Pg 149]
Presently he heard a rush of feet up the staircase, then the bolts of the door were pulled back, and a yell of rage and surprise arose as the door did not yield to the push against it. The staircase was a very narrow one, and but one person could mount at a time. As it terminated at the door, one man only could use his strength against it, and Angus felt perfectly42 sure that it would need a much greater pressure than this to force it open. He had already propped43 the plank44 against it, and stood with his foot at the lower end to prevent it from slipping. The man next to the door, finding that it did not yield, began to hammer with the hilt of his sword, but soon desisted, finding that his blows did not even shake it. There was a confused sound of talking, and then silence for a few minutes; then there was a renewed noise, and a heavy blow was struck at the door. Evidently a large block of wood had been brought up; but this did not greatly alarm Angus. The staircase was a circular one, and at most but two men could work the battering-ram, which on account of the confined space was necessarily short.
This proving unsuccessful, there was again silence. After an interval45 came blows of a sharper sound, an axe46 of some sort was being used. During the lulls47 of the wind the sounds of the struggle below could be plainly heard, and as it was now dawn Angus could have seen what was going on had not the loophole been on the opposite side, but from the sharpness of the sound he had no doubt that the firing was in the courtyard, and that his countrymen had effected an entrance. The chopping went on regularly. The door was thick and strong, and it was half an hour before the edge of the axe first showed through it; another five minutes and a hole a foot wide appeared some four feet from the ground. At this rate it would be some time before an[Pg 150] opening large enough for a man to pass through could be made. He took down the prop, and thrust it suddenly with all his force through the hole, striking the man who was wielding48 the axe full in the face.
There was a terrible cry, mingled49 with yells of rage from the others. Presently a pistol was thrust through the hole and fired; he had expected this, and had stood back. Again and again shots were fired. It was evident that there was an unwillingness50 on the part of his assailants to try the axe again. Presently he heard a shout from below. The words came up distinctly, "Mohummed Hyder's orders are that the attack is to cease," and Angus felt that he was saved. The prince, indeed, seeing that all was lost, had sent an officer in great haste to put a stop to the attack on his prisoner's cell. He no longer thought of carrying out his former intentions. The British army was not after all an impotent enemy to be insulted, but a victorious51 one to be appeased52, and as soon as he was informed of the attack on his prisoner's cell he had sent off to put a stop to it. It had not been made by his orders, but was the act of the soldiers on the wall near it, who, seeing that the British had entered, had determined53 to take vengeance54 upon the captive.
A few minutes later Angus heard the triumphant55 cheers of the troops as they poured in through the open gate of the citadel.
It was another hour before the contest in the courtyard below and on the walls of the fortress came to an end. Shortly afterwards he heard steps approaching, and through the hole in the door saw a British officer coming up the stair; behind him was Azim.
"I am glad indeed to see you, Campbell," the officer said, as he caught sight of his face. "We had all given you up as dead when we found that none of your escort came back;[Pg 151] but your boy, on questioning the prisoners, found out that you were confined here, and came at once to tell me. I see by the state of the door that you have been standing56 a siege. Are you uninjured?"
"Yes, my rascally57 troops seized me suddenly and brought me here. I will tell you about it as soon as I have unfastened the door."
"It is the first time I ever heard of a prison door having bolts on the inside."
"They are not bolts, as you will see directly."
It took some minutes to get all the wedges out. Macgregor then entered and shook Angus warmly by the hand, while Azim threw himself on his knees, and seizing his master's hand kissed it again and again, tears of joy streaming down his cheeks.
"Where in the world did you get these wedges?" Macgregor asked.
"I cut them out of this plank. It took me all day yesterday to make them and this mallet58. How the plank came here I don't know, but it certainly saved my life."
"That and your wits, Campbell. It was a capital idea, first-rate. I see there is blood on the staircase."
"The plank came in useful again. I used it as a battering-ram on the fellow who was chopping, and as I caught him full in the face, the blood is accounted for. As you see by the opposite wall, they fired a few shots through the hole afterwards, but of course I took good care to be out of the line of fire."
"Well, come along. Sir Alexander has been asking about you, but could get no information, and it might have been some time before you were set free had it not been for your boy."
On going down into the body of the citadel, Angus was most warmly greeted by Sir Alexander Burnes and the other[Pg 152] officers who knew him, for all supposed that he had been murdered. He explained to his chief why his life had been spared.
"You had a narrow escape indeed," the latter said, "for I have no doubt whatever that the Afghan would have carried out his threat had we attacked in a regular way. It is quite in accordance with their barbarous customs. But I certainly wonder that they did not kill you when we entered the fortress."
Macgregor then told the manner in which Angus had converted his little cell into a fort, and had resisted successfully the attacks made upon it.
"A very narrow escape indeed, Mr. Campbell," Sir Alexander Burnes said. "It was fortunate indeed that that piece of wood had been left in the cell; but the idea of cutting wedges from it and fastening the door would not have occurred to everyone. It was a most happy thought, and certainly was the means of saving your life. It was a treacherous59 business indeed of Hajee Khan Kakur, for I have no doubt that he was the concocter60 of the plot. He has given us the strongest grounds for suspicion ever since we left Candahar, and has continually been making excuses for lagging behind. We have strong reason for believing that if we had failed here, he would at once have turned against us."
"I do not think he knew of this, sir. When I was seized, the trooper said. 'Do you think that because our chief is a traitor61 we are traitors62 too?'"
"These fellows are very crafty63, Mr. Campbell, and Hajee has a special reputation that way, having before now turned traitor in spite of promises and vows64. He may very well have instructed one of his men to say this, in order that if, contrary to all probability, you ever rejoined the army, he[Pg 153] himself might be shielded by your repeating this speech. We have never put any trust in him since he joined us, though of course it was politic65 to seem to do so, as other chiefs might follow his example. He was questioned very sharply as to the orders he had given his men when you did not return that afternoon. Of course he swore by the Prophet that he had chosen men in whom he had the greatest confidence, which was, I have no doubt, true. However, as it was possible that you and they might have fallen into an ambush66, the matter was dropped for the time. But our suspicions gained ground when, as we came up here, no signs of a fight were discovered, no bodies either of men or horses, and I intended to reopen the matter as soon as things were a little settled down. Well, I can assure you I am heartily67 glad to see you back again safe and sound, and I shall not fail to report the matter to Sir John Keane, and tell him how cleverly you escaped the fate intended for you."
The army remained for a week at Ghuznee while preparations were being made for converting the fortress into a base from which further operations could be carried on. It was thought well to pause, so that the full effects of the disaster might be felt throughout the country before the advance began again. The fall of Ghuznee had indeed entirely69 disarranged the plan of campaign that had been decided70 upon by Dost Mahomed. The fortress had been provisioned for six months, and it was confidently believed that it could resist all attacks for that time. With the approach of winter, the position of a besieging71 army would be desperate. The cold would be intense, they would be surrounded on all sides by swarms72 of fierce tribesmen, would be unable to obtain provisions in the country round, and must either retire through the passes they had ascended, to Candahar,[Pg 154] or be forced by famine to surrender. In the former case, the disaster that afterwards occurred in endeavouring to retire from Cabul would probably have befallen them.
This plan was entirely brought to naught73 by the fall of Ghuznee, and six days later the brother of Dost Mahomed arrived in camp with an offer from the Ameer to surrender the government to Shah Soojah, on condition that he himself should, as the head of the Barukzyes, fill the hereditary74 office of wuzeer, or prime minister. As this would have placed the whole power of the state in his hands, the offer was refused, and on the 31st of July the army resumed its march. After three days' march, they learned that the Kuzzilbashes had mutinied. This body of troops were of Persian descent, and had for very many years formed an important part of the military power of Cabul, and held a position similar to that of the Janizaries of Constantinople and the Mamelukes of Egypt. Under but very slight control, they were constantly causing trouble by their insolence75 and exactions, and they now showed that they entertained no feeling either of loyalty76 or gratitude77 towards the dynasty which they served.
In spite of the exhortations78 of the Ameer, they insisted upon his granting them a discharge from his service, and as it was evident that the news from Ghuznee had so much dispirited the whole army that no reliance whatever could be placed on their fidelity79, the unfortunate monarch80 was obliged to allow the Kuzzilbashes to disband, and the rest of the army to disperse81, and to take to the mountains as a fugitive32, accompanied only by a small party of personal followers82. A force was at once sent in pursuit of him; but as the following of the traitor, Hajee Khan, formed the principal part of this force, the double-faced chief, who desired to make himself safe whatever turn affairs might take, so contrived83 that Dost Mahomed and his party were[Pg 155] not overtaken. In the meantime the main force marched forward to Cabul wholly unopposed. Twenty-two guns were found abandoned at the spot where the Ameer's army had dispersed84. These, placed in a strong defile85, and supported by a large force of tribesmen, might have long resisted our advance had the Kuzzilbashes and other Afghan horsemen swept round on our rear, and although British valour might have finally succeeded, it could only have been after a terrible struggle. But now the Ameer was a fugitive, the guns were in our hands, the Kuzzilbashes and native tribesmen had come in to salute86 their new ruler, and nothing remained but to enter the capital in triumph.
The entry took place on the 7th of August. The ceremony was an imposing87 one. Shah Soojah, after an exile of thirty years, rode at the head of the cortege, on a white charger with golden trappings. He wore a jewelled coronet, his arms and garments were ornamented88 with precious stones, and his waist encircled with a broad girdle of gold encrusted with rubies89 and emeralds. Accompanying him were the commander-in-chief, and Mr. Macnaghten and Sir Alexander Burnes, who were in full diplomatic dress. Two of the Shah's sons and a few of the principal chiefs rode behind him with a number of staff officers in full uniform. Following him came the army that had performed so long and difficult a march to place him on his throne. The surrounding country traversed was rich and fertile in the extreme, and almost covered with orchards90 of peaches and other fruits; under these crops of all sorts grew luxuriantly. On the eminences91 commanding the plain immense numbers of tribesmen assembled to witness the martial92 display.
On entering the city, the victors found the inhabitants clustered in the streets through which they passed to the royal residence in the Bala Hissar, a great citadel situated93 on a hill commanding the town, and so strongly fortified94 that[Pg 156] it would have been difficult to capture it unless by the aid of a regular siege train. The aspect of the inhabitants was perfectly peaceful; there were no shouts or exclamations95 of enthusiasm, but it was evident from the expression of satisfaction on their faces that the majority were well satisfied with the termination of the rule of the Barukzyes, whose exactions had pressed heavily upon them.
Dost Mahomed himself was popular. He was affable and kindly96 in disposition97; his decisions on all matters brought before him were just and fair; he was accessible to all having complaints to bring before him; and had he possessed98 a body of trustworthy infantry to overawe the marauding Kuzzilbashes and the semi-independent chiefs, there can be no doubt that his rule would have been a wise and beneficial one. Shah Soojah was the reverse of his rival. Haughty99 and arrogant100, he regarded and treated with contempt his new subjects, seldom granted audience, or troubled himself in any way with their affairs, rarely went abroad, and remained in almost constant seclusion101 in his palace.
The shops of Cabul excited the admiration102 of the officers and men of the British force. Probably nowhere else in the world could such a display of fruit have been collected. Here were piles of peaches equal to the finest product of English hothouses, grapes of five varieties, rosy103 apples, juicy pears, several delicious kinds of melons, almonds, pistachio nuts, walnuts104, quinces, cherries, and red and white mulberries, and vegetables of all kinds. The butchers' shops were cleanly and well arranged; there were public ovens, in which loaves, and the cakes of which the Afghans are extremely fond, were baking when the force entered. In the potters' shops were jars and drinking vessels105 of all kinds; Afghan, Persian, and Russian cloths, cloaks, furs of many kinds, sets of china and Dresden porcelain106 in the shops of the wealthier traders; and behind these open shops[Pg 157] were inner apartments with very fine and costly107 shawls, silks, precious stones, valuable carpets, and tea imported by way of Bokhara. Conspicuous108 were the shops of manufacturers of swords and daggers109, and makers110 of scabbards and belts, shields and chain armour111, and even of bookbinders, who manufactured covers for manuscript copies of Persian poems and stories. Unfortunately for the moral of the army, there were also manufactories of spirits. Since leaving Candahar no spirit rations68 had been served out, and the troops had greatly benefited in health during their arduous112 work by the privation, but the power to purchase vile113 spirits at a very low price now tempted19 many into drinking to intoxication114, and lowered at once their health and discipline.
Mr. Macnaghten and his staff had a fine building in the Bala Hissar allotted115 to them. Sir Alexander Burnes with his assistants occupied a house in the city. The position of Burnes was an unsatisfactory one. He had a right to expect that after his previous residence in Cabul he would be appointed British resident there, and he had only accepted a secondary position upon the understanding that Macnaghten's appointment was a temporary one. He had on the way up rendered much valuable assistance, but he had no strictly116 defined duties. His opinion was seldom asked, and if given, was wholly disregarded. For this he was himself somewhat to blame. His temperament117 was a changeable one. At times he was full of enthusiasm and saw everything in the rosiest118 light; at other times he was depressed119 and despondent120, and came to be regarded as a prophet of evil. Having no serious work to occupy his mind, he worried over trifles, exaggerated the importance of the bazaar121 rumours122, and was often filled with the gloomiest anticipations123.
The war had been undertaken altogether in opposition124 to[Pg 158] his advice. He had been most favourably125 impressed with Dost Mahomed, and his remonstrances126 against the attempt to force Shah Soojah on the Afghans had been so strong and persistent127, that the home government, in defending themselves from the public indignation excited by subsequent disaster, even went the length of suppressing some of his despatches and garbling128 others, after he was no longer alive to proclaim the falsification.
Once at Cabul, his opportunities for doing useful service came to an end. Macnaghten, who was always sanguine129 to an extent that, in the light of subsequent events, seemed to border on insanity130, was all-powerful with the new Ameer. The expression of any opinion which ran counter to his own was in the highest degree distasteful to him, and it was only in negotiations131 for the supply of the troops, and with the petty chiefs, that Burnes and his staff found any employment.
Although Pushtoo was the language of the country-people who came in with goods, the inhabitants of Cabul almost universally spoke132 Persian, and Angus Campbell and Azim found themselves quite at home among them.
On the 3rd of September, a force under Colonel Wade133, which had advanced through the Khyber Pass, arrived at Cabul. It was a mixed body composed principally of Pathans and Sikhs. It had met with comparatively small resistance, but had rendered valuable service, as a large force had been detached from Dost Mahomed's army to oppose its advance, and thus greatly weakened the army with which the Ameer had intended to meet the British advance from Candahar. The Afghan force had been recalled in haste after the news of the fall of Ghuznee, but had not arrived until after the disbandment of the Ameer's army and his flight to the Bamian Pass, when it had also broken up, and Wade was therefore able to reach Cabul without opposition.
[Pg 159]
It was now necessary to decide what should be done with the army of occupation. Macnaghten was pressing by a constant succession of letters that large reinforcements should be sent up in order to win back for Shah Soojah the territories that had once formed part of the Afghan empire. He urged that in order to check Russian aggression134 an army should not only occupy Herat, but should extend its operations until it became paramount135 at Bokhara; while, on the other hand, Peshawur and the territory wrested136 from Afghanistan by the Sikhs should be reconquered, and the Sikh nation, which was becoming more and more hostile to us, should be brought into subjection. But fortunately Lord Auckland, now freed from the pernicious influence of Macnaghten and surrounded by discreet137 counsellors, was by no means disposed to turn a favourable ear to these fantastic projects. The cost of the army of occupation was a heavy drain on the revenue of India, and so far from any assistance being rendered by Afghanistan, Shah Soojah was constantly clamouring for subsidies138 to enable him to maintain his position. The absence of so many troops was also much felt in India, for they were greatly needed on the frontiers of the Beloochees as well as those of the Sikhs. Macnaghten had so persistently139 asserted that Shah Soojah was personally popular with the Afghans, that it was decided that only a comparatively small force was needed to uphold his authority in case Dost Mahomed should make an effort to recover his throne, and orders were given that the greater portion of the Bombay army should march down through the Kojuk and Bolan Passes, and most of the Bengal troops through the Khyber, leaving some six regiments, with a proportion of artillery, at Cabul, with garrisons140 at Ghuznee, Candahar, Quettah, and Jellalabad.
Macnaghten in vain remonstrated141 and entreated142. It was settled that the movement should begin at the end of Sep[Pg 160]tember, so that the troops could regain143 the plains before winter set in in earnest. September passed quietly. The climate at this time was perfect, and the troops enjoyed the rest, with the abundance of fruit and vegetables. There were reviews and races. Shah Soojah established an order of knighthood, and held a grand durbar, at which the principal officers were invested, with great ceremony, with the insignia of the new order. On the 18th of the month the Bombay column started on its march, but news having been brought down from the force that had occupied the Bamian Pass, that Dost Mahomed was collecting a formidable army, the authorities were induced to maintain a great portion of the Bengal force round Cabul. Great difficulties arose with reference to provisioning these troops through the winter. There was abundant accommodation for them in the Bala Hissar and its citadel, but Shah Soojah strongly objected to the presence of a large body of troops there. Macnaghten, with his usual weakness, gave way.
On the 15th of October Sir John Keane, with that portion of the Bengal force that was to return, set out. The Ameer left two days later, to spend the winter in the more genial144 climate of Jellalabad, and Macnaghten accompanied him. Sanguine as he was, he could not help feeling uneasy at the situation. The British occupation had greatly benefited the merchants and traders, the farmers and cultivators of Cabul, but it had seriously injured the poorer portion of the community. The natural result of so large an army, well supplied with money, being stationed in the city, was to raise the price of all articles of consumption prodigiously145, and to cause wide-spread discontent. The exactions of the native tax-collectors pressed heavily upon all the tribesmen. The British officers, by the terms of the treaty with Shah Soojah, were unable to interfere146 in any way with the internal affairs of the country; but when the natives revolted[Pg 161] against the unjust exactions it was they who were called upon to suppress them, consequently the infidel supporters of the Ameer became more and more hated by the people, and it was soon dangerous for them to go beyond the limits of their camps. The Ameer himself resented the state of subjection in which he considered that he was held, though he could not dispense147 with British bayonets and British money. Macnaghten left behind him experienced administrators148. Burnes, Conolly, Leech149, Todd, and Lord had all long acquaintance with the country, and if anyone could, under such circumstances, have reconciled the country to foreign occupation, they would have done so.
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1
breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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detour
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| n.绕行的路，迂回路；v.迂回，绕道 | |
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fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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gunpowder
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| n.火药 | |
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garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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sentries
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| 哨兵，步兵( sentry的名词复数 ) | |
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gale
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| n.大风，强风，一阵闹声（尤指笑声等） | |
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ascent
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| n.(声望或地位)提高；上升，升高；登高 | |
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masonry
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| n.砖土建筑；砖石 | |
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bugle
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| n.军号，号角，喇叭；v.吹号，吹号召集 | |
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regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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bruised
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| [医]青肿的，瘀紫的 | |
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irresolutely
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| adv.优柔寡断地 | |
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tempted
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| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
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20
gateway
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| n.大门口，出入口，途径，方法 | |
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21
severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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22
encumbered
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| v.妨碍，阻碍，拖累( encumber的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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23
ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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24
citadel
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| n.城堡；堡垒；避难所 | |
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25
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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26
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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27
fanatics
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| 狂热者，入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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28
slashing
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| adj.尖锐的；苛刻的；鲜明的；乱砍的v.挥砍( slash的现在分词 )；鞭打；割破；削减 | |
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29
galloping
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| adj. 飞驰的, 急性的 动词gallop的现在分词形式 | |
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30
garrisoned
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| 卫戍部队守备( garrison的过去式和过去分词 )； 派部队驻防 | |
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31
custody
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| n.监护，照看，羁押，拘留 | |
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32
fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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33
fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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34
upwards
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| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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35
mules
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| 骡( mule的名词复数 )； 拖鞋； 顽固的人； 越境运毒者 | |
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36
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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37
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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38
catching
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| adj.易传染的，有魅力的，迷人的，接住 | |
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39
rattle
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| v.飞奔，碰响；激怒；n.碰撞声；拨浪鼓 | |
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40
defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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41
prop
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| vt.支撑；n.支柱，支撑物；支持者，靠山 | |
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42
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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43
propped
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| 支撑，支持，维持( prop的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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44
plank
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| n.板条，木板，政策要点，政纲条目 | |
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45
interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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46
axe
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| n.斧子；v.用斧头砍，削减 | |
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47
lulls
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| n.间歇期（lull的复数形式）vt.使镇静，使安静（lull的第三人称单数形式） | |
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48
wielding
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| 手持着使用（武器、工具等）( wield的现在分词 )； 具有； 运用（权力）； 施加（影响） | |
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49
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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50
unwillingness
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| n. 不愿意，不情愿 | |
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51
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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52
appeased
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| 安抚，抚慰( appease的过去式和过去分词 )； 绥靖（满足另一国的要求以避免战争） | |
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53
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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54
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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55
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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56
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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57
rascally
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| adj. 无赖的，恶棍的 adv. 无赖地，卑鄙地 | |
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58
mallet
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| n.槌棒 | |
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59
treacherous
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|
| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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60
concocter
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| n.调制者，策划者 | |
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61
traitor
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| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
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62
traitors
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| 卖国贼( traitor的名词复数 )； 叛徒； 背叛者； 背信弃义的人 | |
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63
crafty
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| adj.狡猾的，诡诈的 | |
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64
vows
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| 誓言( vow的名词复数 )； 郑重宣布，许愿 | |
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65
politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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66
ambush
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| n.埋伏(地点)；伏兵；v.埋伏；伏击 | |
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67
heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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68
rations
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| 定量( ration的名词复数 )； 配给量； 正常量； 合理的量 | |
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69
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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70
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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71
besieging
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的现在分词 ) | |
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72
swarms
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| 蜂群，一大群( swarm的名词复数 ) | |
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73
naught
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| n.无，零 [=nought] | |
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74
hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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75
insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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76
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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77
gratitude
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|
| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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78
exhortations
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| n.敦促( exhortation的名词复数 )；极力推荐；（正式的）演讲；（宗教仪式中的）劝诫 | |
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79
fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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80
monarch
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|
| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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81
disperse
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| vi.使分散；使消失；vt.分散；驱散 | |
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82
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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83
contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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84
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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85
defile
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| v.弄污，弄脏；n.(山间)小道 | |
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86
salute
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|
| vi.行礼，致意，问候，放礼炮；vt.向…致意，迎接，赞扬；n.招呼，敬礼，礼炮 | |
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87
imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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88
ornamented
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| adj.花式字体的v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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89
rubies
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| 红宝石( ruby的名词复数 )； 红宝石色，深红色 | |
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90
orchards
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| （通常指围起来的）果园( orchard的名词复数 ) | |
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91
eminences
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| 卓越( eminence的名词复数 )； 著名； 高地； 山丘 | |
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92
martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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93
situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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94
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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95
exclamations
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| n.呼喊( exclamation的名词复数 )；感叹；感叹语；感叹词 | |
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96
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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97
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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98
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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99
haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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100
arrogant
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|
| adj.傲慢的，自大的 | |
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101
seclusion
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| n.隐遁，隔离 | |
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102
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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103
rosy
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| adj.美好的，乐观的，玫瑰色的 | |
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104
walnuts
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| 胡桃（树）( walnut的名词复数 )； 胡桃木 | |
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105
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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106
porcelain
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|
| n.瓷；adj.瓷的，瓷制的 | |
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107
costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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108
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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109
daggers
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| 匕首，短剑( dagger的名词复数 ) | |
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110
makers
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| n.制造者，制造商（maker的复数形式） | |
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111
armour
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| （=armor）n.盔甲；装甲部队 | |
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112
arduous
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| adj.艰苦的，费力的，陡峭的 | |
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113
vile
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| adj.卑鄙的，可耻的，邪恶的；坏透的 | |
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114
intoxication
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| n.wild excitement;drunkenness；poisoning | |
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115
allotted
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| 分配，拨给，摊派( allot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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116
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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117
temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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118
rosiest
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| adj.玫瑰色的( rosy的最高级 )；愉快的；乐观的；一切都称心如意 | |
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119
depressed
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| adj.沮丧的，抑郁的，不景气的，萧条的 | |
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120
despondent
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| adj.失望的，沮丧的，泄气的 | |
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121
bazaar
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| n.集市，商店集中区 | |
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122
rumours
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| n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 )；风闻；谣言；谣传 | |
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123
anticipations
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| 预期( anticipation的名词复数 )； 预测； （信托财产收益的）预支； 预期的事物 | |
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124
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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125
favourably
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| adv. 善意地，赞成地 =favorably | |
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126
remonstrances
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| n.抱怨，抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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127
persistent
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| adj.坚持不懈的，执意的；持续的 | |
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128
garbling
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| v.对（事实）歪曲，对（文章等）断章取义，窜改( garble的现在分词 ) | |
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129
sanguine
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| adj.充满希望的，乐观的，血红色的 | |
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130
insanity
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| n.疯狂，精神错乱；极端的愚蠢，荒唐 | |
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131
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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132
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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133
wade
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| v.跋涉，涉水；n.跋涉 | |
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134
aggression
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| n.进攻，侵略，侵犯，侵害 | |
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135
paramount
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| a.最重要的，最高权力的 | |
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136
wrested
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| （用力）拧( wrest的过去式和过去分词 )； 费力取得； （从…）攫取； （ 从… ） 强行取去… | |
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137
discreet
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| adj.(言行)谨慎的；慎重的；有判断力的 | |
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138
subsidies
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| n.补贴，津贴，补助金( subsidy的名词复数 ) | |
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139
persistently
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| ad.坚持地；固执地 | |
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140
garrisons
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| 守备部队，卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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141
remonstrated
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| v.抗议( remonstrate的过去式和过去分词 )；告诫 | |
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142
entreated
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| 恳求，乞求( entreat的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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143
regain
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| vt.重新获得，收复，恢复 | |
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144
genial
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| adj.亲切的，和蔼的，愉快的，脾气好的 | |
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145
prodigiously
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| adv.异常地，惊人地，巨大地 | |
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146
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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147
dispense
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| vt.分配，分发；配(药)，发(药)；实施 | |
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148
administrators
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| n.管理者( administrator的名词复数 )；有管理（或行政）才能的人；（由遗嘱检验法庭指定的）遗产管理人；奉派暂管主教教区的牧师 | |
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149
leech
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| n.水蛭，吸血鬼，榨取他人利益的人；vt.以水蛭吸血；vi.依附于别人 | |
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