“You have done well so far,” Garibaldi said, as he joined them. “Now it will be our turn, and we shall have tougher work than you had, for they will be prepared. I suppose your loss was not heavy?”
“Very trifling1 indeed; there were but three dead brought in, and there were some ten or twelve wounded.”
“It was just the sort of action to raise the spirits of the men, and they are all in the humour for fighting. I shall therefore lead them out here. But we cannot hope to succeed with a rush as you did—they will be prepared for us this time; the best men would be killed before we reached them, and the mass behind, but few of whom have guns, would be simply massacred.”
The volunteers, who had undergone a rough sort of drill, were assembled before the French had concluded their preparations for an assault. Garibaldi appointed Captain Percival to take charge of the gate, having with him two hundred of the volunteers, behind whom were the armed citizens. These clamoured to go out as before; but Garibaldi raised his hand for silence, and then told them that he would not lead them to a useless massacre2 against an army of well-armed soldiers.
“Your duty,” he said, “is to remain here. If we have to fall back, you will open to let us pass. We shall be ready to do our share when necessary; but the defence of the gate will be for a while entrusted3 to you. If the enemy force an entrance, fall upon them as you would upon wild beasts; their discipline and their arms would be of no great advantage in a hand-to-hand fight. Each man must fight as he would were he protecting his family from a band of wolves—hatchet and pike must meet musket5 and bayonet, those who have knives must dive among the throng6 and use them fearlessly. It is a great charge that we entrust4 to you: we go out to fight; you will guard the city and all you hold dear.”
A loud cheer showed that he had struck the right chord, and the mob drew back as he led out some five thousand volunteers. These advanced to within musket-shot of the enemy, and then scattering7, took shelter behind houses and cottages, walls and ruins. The French cannon8 opened fire as the movement was going on. These were answered by the guns on the walls, and as the French advanced a murderous fire was opened by their hidden foes9. The battle raged for several hours. Sometimes the French advanced close up to the position held by the Garibaldians, but as soon as they did so, they were exposed also to the fire from the men on the walls; and in spite of Captain Percival’s efforts, groups of men made their way down the road and joined the firing line, lying down until the moment should come when they could spring like wild cats upon the French.
Once or twice, when the assailants pressed back the Garibaldians in spite of their efforts, they found themselves presently opposed by a crowd that seemed to leap from the ground, and who, with wild shouts, rushed upon them so furiously that they recoiled10 almost panic-struck before so unaccustomed an enemy. Men were pulled down, and as Garibaldi had given strict orders that no French soldier should be killed except when fighting, these were carried back triumphantly12 into the city. At last General Oud?not, seeing that his troops were making no progress, and that, even if they could force their way into the city, they would suffer terribly in street-fighting with such assailants, gave the order for his men to retire. This they did sullenly13, while a roar of triumphant11 shouting rose from the volunteers, the men on the walls, and the crowd that covered every house and vantage-ground, from which a view of what was passing outside could be obtained.
The Italian loss was only about a hundred men killed and wounded, whereas the French lost three hundred killed and wounded and five hundred prisoners. So unprepared was the French general for such a resistance, that he had to undergo the humiliation14 of sending in to Garibaldi to ask him to supply him with surgeons to dress the wounds of the French soldiers. During the fighting the French artillery15 had done far more injury to works of art in Rome than they had inflicted16 upon the defenders17, as the artillery played principally upon the dome18 of St. Peter’s and the Vatican, both of which buildings were much damaged.
The joy caused in Rome by this victory was prodigious19. Fires blazed that night on all the hills, every house was illuminated20, the people thronged21 the streets, shouting and cheering. They had, indeed, much to be proud of: five thousand almost undrilled volunteers had defeated seven thousand of the best troops of France.
“WALKING UP AND DOWN THE ROOM LIKE A CAGED LION”
“WALKING UP AND DOWN THE ROOM LIKE A CAGED LION”
The French retired22 at once to Palo, on the road to Civita Vecchia. Garibaldi gave his troops a few hours’ rest, and then moved out to attack the French, and took up a most advantageous23 position. His troops were flushed with victory, while the French were cowed and dispirited; and he was on the point of attacking, when General Oud?not sent a messenger to treat for an armistice24, and as a proof of his sincerity25 offered to give up Ugo Bassi, a priest who had remained by the side of a wounded man when the Garibaldians had for a moment retired. Garibaldi would peremptorily26 have refused the request, for he was confident that he should defeat and capture the whole of the French. Mazzini, however, with his two associates in the triumvirate, still clung to the hope that the French would aid them, and determined27 to accept the armistice, fearing that were the whole French army destroyed, the national feeling would be so embittered28 that there would no longer be any hope whatever of an alliance. Garibaldi protested, declaring that the armistice would but enable the French reinforcements to arrive. Mazzini, however, persisted in the decision, and actually released the five hundred prisoners in exchange for the priest.
The folly29 of this violent democrat30 sealed the fate of Rome. Had Garibaldi been permitted to carry out his plans, the French army would have been destroyed or made prisoners to a man, and the enthusiasm that such a glorious victory would have excited throughout all Italy would have aroused the whole population to burst their bonds. Furious at this act of folly, Garibaldi and his troops re-entered Rome. He was greeted with enthusiasm by the people, but disliking such ovations31, he slipped away with Captain Percival to the latter’s house. Professor Forli had taken no part in the fighting outside the walls, but stationing himself with the troops that manned them, had kept up a vigorous fire whenever the enemy were within gunshot. After the repulse32 of the second attack he had returned home.
“The stupidity of these people is incredible,” Garibaldi, who had scarcely spoken a word since he had turned back towards Rome, burst out, waving aside the chair that the professor offered him, and walking up and down the room like a caged lion. “We held the French in the palms of our hands, and they have allowed them to escape. A fortnight, and we shall have three times their number to face, and you know what the result will be. I regard the cause as lost, thrown away by Mazzini—a man who has never taken part in a battle, who kept himself shut up in the capital when the fighting was going on, a man of the tongue and not of action. It is too disgusting. I am a republican; but if a republic is to be in the hands of men like these, they will drive me to become a monarchist again. Carlo Alberto was weak, but he was at least a man; he staked his throne for the cause, and when it was lost, retired. Mazzini stakes nothing, for he has a safe-conduct; if he loses, he will set to to intrigue33 again, careless who may fall or what may come to Italy, if his own wild ideas cannot prevail; he desires a republic, but it is a republic that he himself shall manipulate. Well, if it must be, it must. I am no statesman, but simply a fighting man. I shall fight till the last; and the failure must rest upon the head of him who has brought it about.”
“It is a bad business,” Captain Percival said quietly. “I thoroughly34 agree with you, Garibaldi, in all you say; but as you know of old, I am not much given to words. I began this thing, and shall go through with it. I think, as you do, the cause is lost; but every blow we strike will find an echo in Italy, and a harvest will grow from the seeds some day. As to Mazzini and his two companions, I am not surprised. When you stir up muddy water, the scum will at first rise to the top. So it was in the first throes of the French Revolution, so it is here; the mob orators35, the schemers, come to power, and there they remain until overthrown36 by men of heart and action. After Robespierre and Marat came Napoleon, a great man whom I acknowledge I admire heartily37, enemy though he was of England; after Mazzini Italy may find her great men. I know you do not like Cavour; I admire him immensely. He is obliged to be prudent38 and cautious now; but when the time comes he will be regarded as the champion of free Italy; and from what I have heard of him, the young King Victor Emmanuel will be a sovereign worthy40 of him.”
“I hope it may prove so,” Garibaldi said shortly; “at present the prospect41 does not seem to me a fair one. And you, professor?”
“I shall carry out my plans, and when Rome falls, as fall it doubtless will, I shall, if I escape, join my wife at Leghorn, and go and establish myself in England. I have friends and correspondents there, and I have my son-in-law, who has promised me a home. Here I could not stay—I am a marked man; and the day that the Pope enters in triumph I should be consigned42 to a dungeon43 under St. Angelo.”
“There should be no difficulty in escaping,” Garibaldi said. “With fifteen miles of wall it would need fifty thousand men to surround them; and the French will want all their strength at the point where they attack us.”
It was evident that some time must elapse before there would be any change in the situation at Rome. Mazzini was sending despatches to Ledru Rollin and the French Assembly, imploring44 them to abstain45 from interference that would lead to the destruction of the Roman Republic; and until these could be acted upon, or, on the other hand, fresh troops arrived from France, matters would be at a standstill. In the meantime, danger threatened from another quarter; for the King of Naples was preparing to move with ten thousand men to reinstate the Pope. This force, with twenty pieces of cannon, had advanced as far as Albano. Three days after the battle, Garibaldi told Captain Percival that he was about to start that evening with four thousand men to meet the Neapolitan army, and asked him to accompany him.
“The troops will not be warned till an hour before we set out. It is important that no whisper shall reach the enemy as to our intentions or strength.”
“I shall be glad to go with you,” the Englishman said. “After the way your men fought against the French, I have no doubt that they will make short work of the Neapolitans, however great the odds46 against them. Bomba is hated by his own subjects; and it is hardly likely that they will fight with any zeal47 in his cause. They are very different foes from the French.”
Accordingly, at eight o’clock on the evening of May 4th, Captain Percival mounted and joined Garibaldi and his staff, and they rode to Tivoli, halting among the ruins of Adrian’s Villa48.
The next morning scouts49 were sent off towards Albano, and returned in the evening with the news that the Neapolitans were still there, and showed no signs of any intention to advance, the news of the defeat of the French having, no doubt, greatly quenched50 King Ferdinand’s ardour.
On the 8th the Garibaldians moved to Palestrina, and the general despatched a body of men to drive back the scattered51 parties of Neapolitans who were raiding the country. This was done with little loss, the Neapolitans in all cases retiring hastily when approached. Garibaldi had information that evening that orders had been given for the main body of the enemy to advance and attack him on the following day. The information proved correct; and before noon the Neapolitan force was seen approaching, seven thousand strong. Garibaldi had no cannon with him, having set out in the lightest marching order. He distributed a portion of his force as skirmishers, keeping the rest in hand for the decisive moment. The Neapolitan artillery opened fire, and the main body advanced in good order; but as soon as a heavy fire was opened by the skirmishers, much confusion was observed in their ranks. Two other parties were at once sent out; and these, taking every advantage of cover, soon joined in the fray52, opening a galling53 fire upon each flank.
Several times the Neapolitans attempted to advance, urged on by their officers; but the skirmishing line in their front was strengthened from the reserves whenever they did so, until the whole of the Garibaldians, with the exception of a thousand of the steadiest troops, were engaged, and an incessant54 fire was maintained against the heavy ranks of the enemy, whose artillery produced but little effect against their almost unseen foes. For three hours the conflict continued; then, as the Garibaldian reserve advanced, the confusion among the enemy reached a point at which it could no longer be controlled, and Ferdinand’s army fled like a flock of sheep. Garibaldi and his staff had exposed themselves recklessly during the fight, riding about among their troops, encouraging them, and warning them not to be carried away by their impetuosity into making an attack, until the enemy were thoroughly shaken and the orders issued for a general charge.
A heavy fire was maintained upon the staff by the Neapolitans; and it seemed to them that Garibaldi had a charmed life, for although several of the staff fell, he continued to ride up and down as if altogether oblivious55 of the rain of bullets. He did not, however, escape unscathed, being wounded both in the hand and foot. The fugitives56 did not halt until they had crossed the frontier into Neapolitan territory. The Garibaldians remained for two or three days at Palestrina; and seeing that the Neapolitans showed no signs of an intention to advance again, returned by a rapid march to Rome.
Mazzini’s efforts had been to some extent successful. The French Assembly declared that for France to aid in suppressing a people determined to obtain their freedom was altogether in contradiction with the condition on which the republic had been instituted, and sent M. de Lesseps as an envoy57 to Rome. Napoleon, however, was of opinion that the reverse to the French arms must be wiped out, and on his own authority despatched large reinforcements to Oud?not.
To the indignation of Garibaldi’s friends and of the greater part of the population of Rome, it was found, on the return of the force to the capital, that, in spite of the brilliant successes that had been gained, Mazzini and the demagogues had superseded58 him in his command, and had appointed Colonel Roselli over his head. This step was the result of their jealousy59 of the popularity that Garibaldi had gained. His friends advised him not to submit to so extraordinary a slight; but the general simply replied that a question of this kind had never troubled him, and that he was ready to serve, even as a common soldier, under any one who would give him a chance of fighting the enemy of his country. On the 14th the Neapolitan army again advanced and occupied Palestrina; and the Roman army, now ten thousand strong, marched out on the 16th. Garibaldi, with two thousand men, moved in advance. Although Roselli was nominally60 in command of the army, he was conscious of Garibaldi’s greater abilities, and deferred61, on all points, to the opinion of the man who was regarded by all as being still their Commander-in-chief.
When within two miles of Velletri Garibaldi met a strong column of Neapolitans; these, however, after but a slight resistance, took to flight, and shut themselves up in the town. Garibaldi sent back for reinforcements, but none arrived until too late in the day for the attack to be made; and in the morning it was found that the enemy had evacuated62 the place, the soldiers being so cowed by their superstitious63 fear of Garibaldi that the officers in vain attempted to rally them, and they fled in a disorderly mob. The panic reached the other portion of the army, and before morning the whole had again crossed the frontier. Garibaldi, at the head of his division, followed them up; and receiving authority to carry the war into the enemy’s country, was marching upon Naples, when he was recalled in all haste to aid in the defence of Rome, Oud?not having given notice, in spite of a treaty agreed upon between M. de Lesseps, on the part of the French Assembly, and Mazzini, that he would attack Rome on Monday, June 4th.
Oud?not was, however, guilty of an act of gross treachery, for, relying upon his intimation, the city was lulled64 into a sense of security that no attack would be made until the day named, whereas before daybreak on the 3rd his troops stole up and took possession of the buildings just outside the gate of San Pancrazio, and, before the Roman troops could assemble, captured the Porta Molle, after a desperate resistance by a few men who had gathered together on the alarm being given. The firing was the first intimation that Rome received of the treacherous65 man?uvre of Oud?not. Again the church bells pealed66 out, and the populace rushed to defend their walls. Garibaldi felt that the occupation by the enemy of two great villas67, a short distance from the wall, would enable them to place their batteries in such close proximity68 to the San Pancrazio gate that it was necessary at all hazards to recapture them; and, with his brave Lombard volunteers, he sallied out and attacked the French desperately69.
All day long the fight continued, both parties being strongly reinforced from time to time; but in fighting of this kind the discipline of the French soldiers, and the military knowledge of their officers, gave them a great advantage over the Italians, who fought with desperate bravery, but without that order and community of effort essential in such a struggle. In vain did Garibaldi and Colonel Medici, the best of his officers, expose themselves recklessly in their endeavours to get their men to attack in military order and to concentrate their efforts at the given point; in vain did the soldiers show a contempt for death beyond all praise. When night fell the French still held possession of the outposts they had gained, and the Italians fell back within the walls.
That night Garibaldi held a council of war, at which Captain Percival was present. The latter and Colonel Medici were strongly of opinion that a renewal70 of the fighting of that day would be disastrous71. The loss had already been very great, and it had been proved that, however valiantly72 they fought, the volunteers were unable to wrest73 the strong positions held by a superior force of well-disciplined men; for the French army now numbered forty thousand, while that of the defenders was but twelve thousand, and of these more than half had joined within the last three weeks. A series of such failures as those they had encountered would very quickly break the spirit of the young troops, and would but precipitate74 the end. These opinions prevailed, and it was decided75 that for the present they should remain on the defensive76, maintaining a heavy cannonade from the walls, and making occasional sorties to harass77 the besiegers. In the meantime, the bridge across the Tiber should be destroyed, and, if possible, mines should be driven to blow up the batteries that would be erected78 by the French under cover of the positions they held.
These tactics were followed out. The French engaged upon the erection of the batteries were harassed79 by a continuous cannonade. Sorties were frequently made, but these were ere long abandoned; the loss suffered on each occasion being so heavy that the troops no longer fought with the courage and enthusiasm that had so animated80 them during the first day’s fighting. The attempt to blow up the bridge across the river by means of a barge81 loaded with explosives failed, and none of the defenders possessed82 the knowledge that would have enabled them to blow in the centres of the arches. The mines were equally unsuccessful, as the French countermined, and by letting in the water formed a streamlet that ran into the Tiber, filled the Italian works, and compelled the defenders to desist from their labours. Nevertheless, the progress of the siege was hindered; and although it was certain that the city, if unaided, must fall ere long, Mazzini still clung to the hope that the treaty made by Lesseps and carried by him to Paris would be recognised. This last hope was crushed by the arrival of a French envoy with the declaration that the French Government disavowed any participation83 in the Convention signed by M. de Lesseps.
Even Garibaldi now admitted that further resistance would only bring disaster upon the city, and cause an absolutely useless loss of life. Mazzini and his two colleagues persisted in their resolution to defend the town to the last, even if the French laid it in ashes, and they even reproached Garibaldi with cowardice84. On the night of the 21st the French gained possession of the San Pancrazio gate, having driven a passage up to it unnoticed by the defenders. They at once seized the wall and captured two bastions, after a desperate defence by Garibaldi. They then planted cannon upon these and began to bombard the city. Twelve guns were also planted in a breach85 that had been effected in the wall, and terrible havoc86 was made among the villas and palaces in the western part of the city.
Roselli proposed that the whole defending force should join in an attack on the French batteries; but to that Garibaldi would not consent, on the grounds that these could not be carried without immense loss, and that, even if captured, they could not be held against the force the French would bring up to retake them. Gradually the assailants pushed their way forward, encountering a determined resistance at the capture of the Villa Savorelli. On the evening of the 27th no fewer than four hundred of its defenders fell by bayonet wounds, showing how desperately they had contested every foot of the advance. On the morning of the 30th three heavy columns of French advanced simultaneously87, and carried the barricades88 the Romans had erected. Garibaldi, with the most determined of his men, flung himself upon the enemy; and for a time the desperation with which they fought arrested the advance. But it was a last effort, and Garibaldi sent to Mazzini to say that further resistance was impossible.
He was summoned before the triumvirate, and there stated that, unless they were resolved to make Rome a second Saragossa, there was no possible course but to surrender. In the end the triumvirate resigned, issuing a proclamation that the republic gave up a defence which had become impossible. The assembly then appointed Garibaldi as dictator, and he opened negotiations89 with the French. So enthusiastic were the citizens that, in spite of the disasters that had befallen them, many were still in favour of erecting90 barricades in every street and defending every house. The majority, however, acquiesced91 in Garibaldi’s decision that further resistance would be a crime, since it would only entail92 immense loss of life and the destruction of the city. For three days negotiations were carried on, and then Garibaldi, with four thousand men, left the city and marched for Tuscany, while the French occupied Rome. But in Tuscany the patriots93 met with but a poor reception, for the people, though favourable94, dared not receive them. The French had followed in hot pursuit; the Austrians in Tuscany were on the look-out for them; and at last, exhausted95 and starving, they took refuge in the little republic of San Marino. Here they were kindly96 received; but an Austrian army was advancing, and the authorities of the republic were constrained97 to petition that the Garibaldians, now reduced to but fifteen hundred men, should be allowed to capitulate, and that they themselves should not be punished for having given them refuge.
These terms were granted, but the Archduke insisted upon Garibaldi himself surrendering. The general, however, effected his escape with his wife and twelve followers98, embarking99 on board a fishing-boat, and they reached the mouth of the Po; the rest of the band were permitted by the Austrians to return to their homes. Garibaldi, alone, with his dying wife, was able to conceal100 himself among some bushes near the river; his companions were all taken by the Austrians and shot. Nine other boats, laden101 with his followers, could not get off before the pursuing Austrians arrived; and a heavy fire being directed upon them, they were forced to surrender. Garibaldi’s faithful wife, who had been his companion throughout all his trials, died a few days later. The Austrian pursuit was so hot that he was forced to leave her body; and after many dangers, he reached Genoa. He was not allowed to remain in Sardinia; and from thence took ship to Liverpool, and there embarked102 for New York.
Fortunately for Captain Percival, he and Professor Forli had, when on June 27th Garibaldi himself recognised that all further resistance was useless, determined to leave the city. When he stated his decision to Garibaldi, the latter warmly approved.
“You have done all that could be done, comrade,” he said; “it would be worse than folly for you to remain here, and throw away your life. Would that all my countrymen had fought as nobly for freedom as you have done, for a cause that is not yours!”
“I have a right to consider it so, having made Rome my home for years, and being married to the daughter of a Roman. However, we may again fight side by side, for assuredly this will not be the last time that an attempt will be made to drive out the despots; and I feel sure that Italy will yet be free. I trust that you do not mean to stay here until it is too late to retire. You must remember that your life is of the greatest value to the cause, and that it is your duty, above all things, to preserve it for your country.”
“I mean to do so,” Garibaldi said. “As soon as all see that further resistance is useless, I shall leave Rome. If I find that any spark of life yet remains103 in the movement, I shall try to fan it into flame; if not, I shall again cross the Atlantic until my country calls for me.”
That evening Captain Percival and the professor left the town. There was no difficulty in doing so, as the whole French force was concentrated at the point of attack. The professor had exchanged his ordinary clothes for some of his companion’s, and their appearance was that of two English tourists, when in the morning they entered Ostia, at the mouth of the Tiber, by the road leading from Albano. As many fugitives from Rome had, during the past month, embarked from the little port, and it was no unusual thing for English tourists to find their way down there, they had no difficulty in chartering a fishing-craft to take them to Leghorn, it being agreed that they should be landed a mile or two from the town, so that they could walk into it without attracting any attention, as they would assuredly be asked for passports were they to land at the port.
The voyage was altogether unattended by incident; and on landing they made a detour104 and entered the town from the west, sauntering quietly along, as if they had merely been taking a walk in the country. Ten minutes later they entered the lodging105 that Madame Forli had taken, after staying for a few days at an hotel. Great indeed was the joy which their arrival excited. The two ladies had been suffering terrible anxiety since the fighting began at Rome, and especially since it was known that the French had obtained possession of one of the gates, and that a fierce struggle was going on. They were sure their husbands would keep their promise to leave the city when the situation became desperate; but it was too likely that Captain Percival might have fallen, for it was certain that he would be in the thick of the fighting by the side of Garibaldi. It was, then, with rapturous delight that they were greeted, and it was found that both were unharmed.
It was at once decided to start by a steamer that would leave the next day. Both the ladies possessed passports: Muriel that which had been made out for her husband and herself on their return from their visit to England; while her mother had one which the professor had obtained for both of them when the troubles first began, and he foresaw that it was probable he might have to leave the country. Therefore no difficulty was experienced on this score; and when the party went on board the next day the documents were stamped without any questions being asked. Not the least delighted among them to quit Leghorn was Frank, who was now four years old. He had found it dull indeed in their quiet lodging at Leghorn, and missed his father greatly, and his grandfather also, for the professor was almost as fond of the child as its parents.
There were but few passengers besides themselves, for in the disturbed state of Italy, and, indeed, of all Europe, there were very few English tourists in 1848; and even those who permanently106 resided in Italy had for the most part left. The passengers, therefore, were, with the exception of the two ladies and Captain Percival, all Italians, who were, like Signor Forli, leaving because they feared that the liberal opinions they had ventured to express—when it seemed that with the accession of a liberal pontiff to the papal chair better times were dawning for Italy—would bring them into trouble now it was but too evident that the reign39 of despotism was more firmly established than ever.
The steamer touched at Genoa, and here the greater portion of her passengers left, among them Professor Forli’s party. They took train to Milan, where they stopped for a few days, crossed the Alps by the St. Gothard’s Pass, spent a fortnight in Switzerland, and then journeyed through Bale, down the Rhine to Cologne, and thence to England. They were in no hurry, for time was no object to any of them, as they were well supplied with money; and after the excitement and trouble of the last few months, the quiet and absence of all cause for uneasiness was very pleasant to them. On their arrival at Tom Percival’s town residence in Cadogan Place sad news awaited them. Only a fortnight before, his yacht had been run down at sea, and he and the greater part of the crew had perished.
点击收听单词发音
1 trifling | |
adj.微不足道的;没什么价值的 | |
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2 massacre | |
n.残杀,大屠杀;v.残杀,集体屠杀 | |
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3 entrusted | |
v.委托,托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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4 entrust | |
v.信赖,信托,交托 | |
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5 musket | |
n.滑膛枪 | |
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6 throng | |
n.人群,群众;v.拥挤,群集 | |
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7 scattering | |
n.[物]散射;散乱,分散;在媒介质中的散播adj.散乱的;分散在不同范围的;广泛扩散的;(选票)数量分散的v.散射(scatter的ing形式);散布;驱散 | |
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8 cannon | |
n.大炮,火炮;飞机上的机关炮 | |
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9 foes | |
敌人,仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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10 recoiled | |
v.畏缩( recoil的过去式和过去分词 );退缩;报应;返回 | |
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11 triumphant | |
adj.胜利的,成功的;狂欢的,喜悦的 | |
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12 triumphantly | |
ad.得意洋洋地;得胜地;成功地 | |
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13 sullenly | |
不高兴地,绷着脸,忧郁地 | |
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14 humiliation | |
n.羞辱 | |
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15 artillery | |
n.(军)火炮,大炮;炮兵(部队) | |
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16 inflicted | |
把…强加给,使承受,遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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17 defenders | |
n.防御者( defender的名词复数 );守卫者;保护者;辩护者 | |
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18 dome | |
n.圆屋顶,拱顶 | |
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19 prodigious | |
adj.惊人的,奇妙的;异常的;巨大的;庞大的 | |
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20 illuminated | |
adj.被照明的;受启迪的 | |
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21 thronged | |
v.成群,挤满( throng的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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22 retired | |
adj.隐退的,退休的,退役的 | |
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23 advantageous | |
adj.有利的;有帮助的 | |
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24 armistice | |
n.休战,停战协定 | |
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25 sincerity | |
n.真诚,诚意;真实 | |
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26 peremptorily | |
adv.紧急地,不容分说地,专横地 | |
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27 determined | |
adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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28 embittered | |
v.使怨恨,激怒( embitter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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29 folly | |
n.愚笨,愚蠢,蠢事,蠢行,傻话 | |
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30 democrat | |
n.民主主义者,民主人士;民主党党员 | |
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31 ovations | |
n.热烈欢迎( ovation的名词复数 ) | |
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32 repulse | |
n.击退,拒绝;vt.逐退,击退,拒绝 | |
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33 intrigue | |
vt.激起兴趣,迷住;vi.耍阴谋;n.阴谋,密谋 | |
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34 thoroughly | |
adv.完全地,彻底地,十足地 | |
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35 orators | |
n.演说者,演讲家( orator的名词复数 ) | |
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36 overthrown | |
adj. 打翻的,推倒的,倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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37 heartily | |
adv.衷心地,诚恳地,十分,很 | |
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38 prudent | |
adj.谨慎的,有远见的,精打细算的 | |
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39 reign | |
n.统治时期,统治,支配,盛行;v.占优势 | |
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40 worthy | |
adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
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41 prospect | |
n.前景,前途;景色,视野 | |
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42 consigned | |
v.把…置于(令人不快的境地)( consign的过去式和过去分词 );把…托付给;把…托人代售;丟弃 | |
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43 dungeon | |
n.地牢,土牢 | |
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44 imploring | |
恳求的,哀求的 | |
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45 abstain | |
v.自制,戒绝,弃权,避免 | |
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46 odds | |
n.让步,机率,可能性,比率;胜败优劣之别 | |
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47 zeal | |
n.热心,热情,热忱 | |
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48 villa | |
n.别墅,城郊小屋 | |
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49 scouts | |
侦察员[机,舰]( scout的名词复数 ); 童子军; 搜索; 童子军成员 | |
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50 quenched | |
解(渴)( quench的过去式和过去分词 ); 终止(某事物); (用水)扑灭(火焰等); 将(热物体)放入水中急速冷却 | |
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51 scattered | |
adj.分散的,稀疏的;散步的;疏疏落落的 | |
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52 fray | |
v.争吵;打斗;磨损,磨破;n.吵架;打斗 | |
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53 galling | |
adj.难堪的,使烦恼的,使焦躁的 | |
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54 incessant | |
adj.不停的,连续的 | |
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55 oblivious | |
adj.易忘的,遗忘的,忘却的,健忘的 | |
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56 fugitives | |
n.亡命者,逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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57 envoy | |
n.使节,使者,代表,公使 | |
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58 superseded | |
[医]被代替的,废弃的 | |
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59 jealousy | |
n.妒忌,嫉妒,猜忌 | |
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60 nominally | |
在名义上,表面地; 应名儿 | |
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61 deferred | |
adj.延期的,缓召的v.拖延,延缓,推迟( defer的过去式和过去分词 );服从某人的意愿,遵从 | |
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62 evacuated | |
撤退者的 | |
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63 superstitious | |
adj.迷信的 | |
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64 lulled | |
vt.使镇静,使安静(lull的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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65 treacherous | |
adj.不可靠的,有暗藏的危险的;adj.背叛的,背信弃义的 | |
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66 pealed | |
v.(使)(钟等)鸣响,(雷等)发出隆隆声( peal的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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67 villas | |
别墅,公馆( villa的名词复数 ); (城郊)住宅 | |
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68 proximity | |
n.接近,邻近 | |
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69 desperately | |
adv.极度渴望地,绝望地,孤注一掷地 | |
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70 renewal | |
adj.(契约)延期,续订,更新,复活,重来 | |
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71 disastrous | |
adj.灾难性的,造成灾害的;极坏的,很糟的 | |
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72 valiantly | |
adv.勇敢地,英勇地;雄赳赳 | |
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73 wrest | |
n.扭,拧,猛夺;v.夺取,猛扭,歪曲 | |
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74 precipitate | |
adj.突如其来的;vt.使突然发生;n.沉淀物 | |
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75 decided | |
adj.决定了的,坚决的;明显的,明确的 | |
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76 defensive | |
adj.防御的;防卫的;防守的 | |
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77 harass | |
vt.使烦恼,折磨,骚扰 | |
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78 ERECTED | |
adj. 直立的,竖立的,笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立,建立 | |
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79 harassed | |
adj. 疲倦的,厌烦的 动词harass的过去式和过去分词 | |
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80 animated | |
adj.生气勃勃的,活跃的,愉快的 | |
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81 barge | |
n.平底载货船,驳船 | |
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82 possessed | |
adj.疯狂的;拥有的,占有的 | |
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83 participation | |
n.参与,参加,分享 | |
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84 cowardice | |
n.胆小,怯懦 | |
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85 breach | |
n.违反,不履行;破裂;vt.冲破,攻破 | |
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86 havoc | |
n.大破坏,浩劫,大混乱,大杂乱 | |
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87 simultaneously | |
adv.同时发生地,同时进行地 | |
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88 barricades | |
路障,障碍物( barricade的名词复数 ) | |
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89 negotiations | |
协商( negotiation的名词复数 ); 谈判; 完成(难事); 通过 | |
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90 erecting | |
v.使直立,竖起( erect的现在分词 );建立 | |
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91 acquiesced | |
v.默认,默许( acquiesce的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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92 entail | |
vt.使承担,使成为必要,需要 | |
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93 patriots | |
爱国者,爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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94 favourable | |
adj.赞成的,称赞的,有利的,良好的,顺利的 | |
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95 exhausted | |
adj.极其疲惫的,精疲力尽的 | |
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96 kindly | |
adj.和蔼的,温和的,爽快的;adv.温和地,亲切地 | |
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97 constrained | |
adj.束缚的,节制的 | |
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98 followers | |
追随者( follower的名词复数 ); 用户; 契据的附面; 从动件 | |
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99 embarking | |
乘船( embark的现在分词 ); 装载; 从事 | |
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100 conceal | |
v.隐藏,隐瞒,隐蔽 | |
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101 laden | |
adj.装满了的;充满了的;负了重担的;苦恼的 | |
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102 embarked | |
乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 ); 装载; 从事 | |
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103 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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104 detour | |
n.绕行的路,迂回路;v.迂回,绕道 | |
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105 lodging | |
n.寄宿,住所;(大学生的)校外宿舍 | |
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106 permanently | |
adv.永恒地,永久地,固定不变地 | |
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