When Admirals Penn and Venables landed in Jamaica, in 1655, there was not a remnant left of the sixty thousand natives whom the Spaniards had found there a century and a half before. Their pitiful tale is told only by those caves, still known among the mountains, where thousands of human skeletons strew9 the ground. In their place dwelt two foreign races,—an effeminate, ignorant, indolent white community of fifteen hundred, with a black slave population quite as large and infinitely10 more hardy11 and energetic. The Spaniards were readily subdued by the English: the negroes remained unsubdued. The slaveholders were banished12 from the island: the slaves only exiled themselves to the mountains; thence the English could not dislodge them, nor the buccaneers whom the English employed. And when Jamaica subsided13 into a British colony, and peace was made with Spain, and the children of Cromwell's Puritan soldiers were beginning to grow rich by importing slaves for Roman-Catholic Spaniards, the Maroons still held their own wild empire in the mountains, and, being sturdy heathens every one, practised Obeah rites14 in approved pagan fashion.
The word Maroon1 is derived15, according to one etymology16, from the Spanish word Marrano, a wild boar,—these fugitives18 being all boar-hunters; according to another, from Marony, a river separating French and Dutch Guiana, where a colony of them dwelt and still dwells; and by another still, from Cimarron, a word meaning untamable, and used alike for apes and runaway19 slaves. But whether these rebel marauders were regarded as monkeys or men, they made themselves equally formidable. As early as 1663, the Governor and Council of Jamaica offered to each Maroon, who should surrender, his freedom and twenty acres of land; but not one accepted the terms. During forty years, forty-four Acts of Assembly were passed in respect to them, and at least a quarter of a million pounds sterling20 were expended21 in the warfare22 against them. In 1733, the force employed in this service consisted of two regiments23 of regular troops, and the whole militia24 of the island; but the Assembly said that "the Maroons had within a few years greatly increased, notwithstanding all the measures that had been concerted for their suppression," "to the great terror of his Majesty26's subjects," and "to the manifest weakening and preventing the further increase of strength and inhabitants of the island."
The special affair in progress, at the time of these statements, was called Cudjoe's War. Cudjoe was a gentleman of extreme brevity and blackness, whose full-length portrait can hardly be said to adorn27 Dallas's History of the Maroons; but he was as formidable a guerrilla as Marion. Under his leadership, the various bodies of fugitives were consolidated28 into one force, and thoroughly29 organized. Cudjoe, like Schamyl, was religious as well as military head of his people; by Obeah influence he established a thorough freemasonry among both slaves and insurgents30; no party could be sent forth31, by the government, but he knew it in time to lay an ambush32, or descend33 with fire and sword on the region left unprotected. He was thus always supplied with arms and ammunition34; and as his men were perfect marksmen, never wasted a shot, and never risked a battle, his forces naturally increased, while those of his opponents were decimated. His men were never captured, and never took a prisoner; it was impossible to tell when they were defeated; in dealing35 with them, as Pelissier said of the Arabs, "peace was not purchased by victory;" and the only men who could obtain the slightest advantage against them were the imported Mosquito Indians, or the "Black Shot," a company of Government negroes. For nine full years this particular war continued unchecked, Gen. Williamson ruling Jamaica by day and Cudjoe by night.
The rebels had every topographical advantage, for they held possession of the "Cockpits." Those highlands are furrowed36 through and through, as by an earthquake, with a series of gaps or ravines, resembling the California ca?ons, or those similar fissures37 in various parts of the Atlantic States, known to local fame either poetically38 as ice-glens, or symbolically39 as purgatories40. These Jamaica chasms41 vary from two hundred yards to a mile in length; the rocky walls are fifty or a hundred feet high, and often absolutely inaccessible42, while the passes at each end admit but one man at a time. They are thickly wooded, wherever trees can grow; water flows within them; and they often communicate with one another, forming a series of traps for an invading force. Tired and thirsty with climbing, the weary soldiers toil43 on, in single file, without seeing or hearing an enemy, up the steep and winding44 path they traverse one "cockpit," then enter another. Suddenly a shot is fired from the dense45 and sloping forest on the right, then another and another, each dropping its man; the startled troops face hastily in that direction, when a more murderous volley is poured from the other side; the heights above flash with musketry, while the precipitous path by which they came seems to close in fire behind them. By the time the troops have formed in some attempt at military order, the woods around them are empty, and their agile46 and noiseless foes48 have settled themselves into ambush again, farther up the defile49, ready for a second attack, if needed. But one is usually sufficient; disordered, exhausted50, bearing their wounded with them, the soldiers retreat in panic, if permitted to escape at all, and carry fresh dismay to the barracks, the plantations, and the Government House.
It is not strange, then, that high military authorities, at that period, should have pronounced the subjugation51 of the Maroons a thing more difficult than to obtain a victory over any army in Europe. Moreover, these people were fighting for their liberty, with which aim no form of warfare seemed to them unjustifiable; and the description given by Lafayette of the American Revolution was true of this one,—"the grandest of causes, won by contests of sentinels and outposts." The utmost hope of a British officer, ordered against the Maroons, was to lay waste a provision-ground, or cut them off from water. But there was little satisfaction in this: the wild-pine leaves and the grapevine-withes supplied the rebels with water; and their plantation-grounds were the wild pineapple and the plantain-groves, and the forests, where the wild boars harbored, and the ringdoves were as easily shot as if they were militiamen. Nothing but sheer weariness of fighting seems to have brought about a truce52 at last, and then a treaty, between those high contracting parties, Cudjoe and Gen. Williamson.
But how to execute a treaty between these wild Children of the Mist and respectable diplomatic Englishmen? To establish any official relations without the medium of a preliminary bullet, required some ingenuity53 of manoeuvring. Cudjoe was willing, but inconveniently54 cautious: he would not come halfway55 to meet any one; nothing would content him but an interview in his own chosen cockpit. So he selected one of the most difficult passes, posting in the forests a series of outlying parties, to signal with their horns, one by one, the approach of the plenipotentiaries, and then to retire on the main body. Through this line of dangerous sentinels, therefore, Col. Guthrie and his handful of men bravely advanced; horn after horn they heard sounded, but there was no other human noise in the woods, and they had advanced till they saw the smoke of the Maroon huts before they caught a glimpse of a human form.
A conversation was at last opened with the invisible rebels. On their promise of safety, Dr. Russell advanced alone to treat with them; then several Maroons appeared, and finally Cudjoe himself. The formidable chief was not highly military in appearance, being short, fat, humpbacked, dressed in a tattered56 blue coat without skirts or sleeves, and an old felt hat without a rim57. But if he had blazed with regimental scarlet58, he could not have been treated with more distinguished59 consideration; indeed, in that case, "the exchange of hats" with which Dr. Russell finally volunteered, in Maroon fashion, to ratify60 negotiations61, might have been a less severe test of good fellowship. This fine stroke of diplomacy63 had its effect, however; the rebel captains agreed to a formal interview with Col. Guthrie and Capt. Sadler, and a treaty was at last executed with all due solemnity, under a large cotton-tree at the entrance of Guthrie's Defile. This treaty recognized the military rank of "Capt. Cudjoe," "Capt. Accompong," and the rest; gave assurance that the Maroons should be "forever hereafter in a perfect state of freedom and liberty;" ceded64 to them fifteen hundred acres of land; and stipulated65 only that they should keep the peace, should harbor no fugitive17 from justice or from slavery, and should allow two white commissioners66 to remain among them, simply to represent the British Government.
During the following year a separate treaty was made with another large body of insurgents, called the Windward Maroons. This was not effected, however, until after an unsuccessful military attempt, in which the mountaineers gained a signal triumph. By artful devices,—a few fires left burning with old women to watch them,—a few provision-grounds exposed by clearing away the bushes,—they lured68 the troops far up among the mountains, and then surprised them by an ambush. The militia all fled, and the regulars took refuge under a large cliff in a stream, where they remained four hours up to their waists in water, until finally they forded the river, under full fire, with terrible loss. Three months after this, however, the Maroons consented to an amicable69 interview, exchanging hostages first. The position of the white hostage, at least, was not the most agreeable; he complained that he was beset70 by the women and children with indignant cries of "Buckra, Buckra," while the little boys pointed71 their fingers at him as if stabbing him, and that with evident relish72. However, Capt. Quao, like Capt. Cudjoe, made a treaty at last; and hats were interchanged, instead of hostages.
Independence being thus won and acknowledged, there was a suspension of hostilities73 for some years. Among the wild mountains of Jamaica, the Maroons dwelt in a savage74 freedom. So healthful and beautiful was the situation of their chief town, that the English Government has erected75 barracks there of late years, as being the most salubrious situation on the island. They breathed an air ten degrees cooler than that inhaled76 by the white population below; and they lived on a daintier diet, so that the English epicures77 used to go up among them for good living. The mountaineers caught the strange land-crabs, plodding78 in companies of millions their sidelong path from mountain to ocean, and from ocean to mountain again. They hunted the wild boars, and prepared the flesh by salting and smoking it in layers of aromatic79 leaves, the delicious "jerked hog80" of buccaneer annals. They reared cattle and poultry81, cultivated corn and yams, plantains and cocoas, guavas, and papaws and mameys, and avocados, and all luxurious82 West-Indian fruits; the very weeds of their orchards83 had tropical luxuriance in their fragrance84 and in their names; and from the doors of their little thatched huts they looked across these gardens of delight to the magnificent lowland forests, and over those again to the faint line of far-off beach, the fainter ocean-horizon, and the illimitable sky.
They had senses like those of American Indians; tracked each other by the smell of the smoke of fires in the air, and called to each other by horns, using a special note to designate each of their comrades, and distinguishing it beyond the range of ordinary hearing. They spoke85 English diluted86 with Spanish and African words, and practised Obeah rites quite undiluted with Christianity. Of course they associated largely with the slaves, without any very precise regard to treaty stipulations; sometimes brought in fugitives, and sometimes concealed87 them; left their towns and settled on the planters lands when they preferred them: but were quite orderly and luxuriously88 happy. During the formidable insurrection of the Koromantyn slaves, in 1760, they played a dubious89 part. When left to go on their own way, they did something towards suppressing it; but when placed under the guns of the troops, and ordered to fire on those of their own color, they threw themselves on the ground without discharging a shot. Nevertheless, they gradually came up into reputable standing25; they grew more and more industrious90 and steady; and after they had joined very heartily91 in resisting D'Estaing's threatened invasion of the island in 1779, it became the fashion to speak of "our faithful and affectionate Maroons."
In 1795, their position was as follows: Their numbers had not materially increased, for many had strayed off and settled on the outskirts92 of plantations; nor materially diminished, for many runaway slaves had joined them; while there were also separate settlements of fugitives, who had maintained their freedom for twenty years. The white superintendents94 had lived with the Maroons in perfect harmony, without the slightest official authority, but with a great deal of actual influence. But there was an "irrepressible conflict" behind all this apparent peace, and the slightest occasion might, at any moment, revive all the old terror. That occasion was close at hand.
Capt. Cudjoe and Capt. Accompong, and the other founders95 of Maroon independence, had passed away; and "Old Montagu" reigned96 in their stead, in Trelawney Town. Old Montagu had all the pomp and circumstance of Maroon majesty: he wore a laced red coat, and a hat superb with gold lace and plumes97; none but captains could sit in his presence; he was helped first at meals, and no woman could eat beside him; he presided at councils as magnificently as at table, though with less appetite; and possessed98, meanwhile, not an atom of the love or reverence99 of any human being. The real power lay entirely100 with Major James, the white superintendent93, who had been brought up among the Maroons by his father (and predecessor), and who was the idol101 of this wild race. In an evil hour, the Government removed him, and put a certain unpopular Capt. Craskell in his place; and as there happened to be, about the same time, a great excitement concerning a hopeful pair of young Maroons, who had been seized and publicly whipped on a charge of hog-stealing, their kindred refused to allow the new superintendent to remain in the town. A few attempts at negotiation62 only brought them to a higher pitch of wrath102, which ended in their despatching the following peculiar103 diplomatic note to the Earl of Balcarres: "The Maroons wishes nothing else from the country but battle, and they desires not to see Mr. Craskell up here at all. So they are waiting every moment for the above on Monday. Mr. David Schaw will see you on Sunday morning for an answer. They will wait till Monday, nine o'clock, and if they don't come up, they will come down themselves." Signed, "Col. Montagu and all the rest."
It turned out, at last, that only two or three of the Maroons were concerned in this remarkable104 defiance105; but meanwhile it had its effect. Several ambassadors were sent among the insurgents, and were so favorably impressed by their reception as to make up a subscription106 of money for their hosts, on departing; only the "gallant107 Col. Gallimore," a Jamaica Camillus, gave iron instead of gold, by throwing some bullets into the contribution-box. And it was probably in accordance with his view of the subject, that, when the Maroons sent ambassadors in return, they were at once imprisoned108, most injudiciously and unjustly; and when Old Montagu himself and thirty-seven others, following, were seized and imprisoned also, it is not strange that the Maroons, joined by many slaves, were soon in open insurrection.
Martial109 law was instantly proclaimed throughout the island. The fighting men among the insurgents were not, perhaps, more than five hundred; against whom the Government could bring nearly fifteen hundred regular troops and several thousand militiamen. Lord Balcarres himself took the command, and, eager to crush the affair, promptly110 marched a large force up to Trelawney Town, and was glad to march back again as expeditiously111 as possible. In his very first attack, he was miserably112 defeated, and had to fly for his life, amid a perfect panic of the troops, in which some forty or fifty were killed,—including Col. Sandford, commanding the regulars, and the bullet-loving Col. Gallimore, in command of the militia,—while not a single Maroon was even wounded, so far as could be ascertained113.
After this a good deal of bush-fighting took place. The troops gradually got possession of several Maroon villages, but not till every hut had been burnt by its owner. It was in the height of the rainy season; and, between fire and water, the discomfort114 of the soldiers was enormous. Meanwhile the Maroons hovered115 close around them in the woods, heard all their orders, picked off their sentinels, and, penetrating116 through their lines at night, burned houses and destroyed plantations far below. The only man who could cope with their peculiar tactics was Major James, the superintendent just removed by Government; and his services were not employed, as he was not trusted. On one occasion, however, he led a volunteer party farther into the mountains than any of the assailants had yet penetrated117, guided by tracks known to himself only, and by the smell of the smoke of Maroon fires. After a very exhausting march, including a climb of a hundred and fifty feet up the face of a precipice118, he brought them just within the entrance of Guthrie's Defile. "So far," said he, pointing to the entrance, "you may pursue, but no farther; no force can enter here; no white man except myself, or some soldier of the Maroon establishment, has ever gone beyond this. With the greatest difficulty I have penetrated four miles farther, and not ten Maroons have gone so far as that. There are two other ways of getting into the defile, practicable for the Maroons, but not for any one of you. In neither of them can I ascend119 or descend with my arms, which must be handed to me, step by step, as practised by the Maroons themselves. One of the ways lies to the eastward120, and the other to the westward121; and they will take care to have both guarded, if they suspect that I am with you; which, from the route you have come to-day, they will. They now see you, and if you advance fifty paces more, they will convince you of it." At this moment a Maroon horn sounded the notes indicating his name; and, as he made no answer, a voice was heard, inquiring if he were among them. "If he is," said the voice, "let him go back, we do not wish to hurt him, but as for the rest of you, come on and try battle if you choose." But the gentlemen did not choose.
In September the House of Assembly met. Things were looking worse and worse. For five months a handful of negroes and mulattoes had defied the whole force of the island, and they were defending their liberty by precisely122 the same tactics through which their ancestors had won it. Half a million pounds sterling had been spent within this time, besides the enormous loss incurred123 by the withdrawal124 of so many able-bodied men from their regular employments. "Cultivation125 was suspended," says an eye-witness; "the courts of law had long been shut up; and the island at large seemed more like a garrison126 under the power of law-martial, than a country of agriculture and commerce, of civil judicature, industry, and prosperity." Hundreds of the militia had died of fatigue127, large numbers had been shot down, the most daring of the British officers had fallen; while the insurgents had been invariably successful, and not one of them was known to have been killed. Capt. Craskell, the banished superintendent, gave it to the Assembly as his opinion, that the whole slave population of the island was in sympathy with the Maroons, and would soon be beyond control. More alarming still, there were rumors128 of French emissaries behind the scenes; and though these were explained away, the vague terror remained. Indeed, the lieutenant-governor announced in his message that he had satisfactory evidence that the French Convention was concerned in the revolt. A French prisoner, named Murenson, had testified that the French agent at Philadelphia (Fauchet) had secretly sent a hundred and fifty emissaries to the island, and threatened to land fifteen hundred negroes. And though Murenson took it all back at last, yet the Assembly was moved to make a new offer of three hundred dollars for killing129 or taking a Trelawney Maroon, and a hundred and fifty dollars for killing or taking any fugitive slave who had joined them. They also voted five hundred pounds as a gratuity130 to the Accompong tribe of Maroons, who had thus far kept out of the insurrection; and various prizes and gratuities131 were also offered by the different parishes, with the same object of self-protection.
The commander-in-chief being among the killed, Col. Walpole was promoted in his stead, and brevetted as general, by way of incentive132. He found a people in despair, a soldiery thoroughly intimidated133, and a treasury134 not empty, but useless. But the new general had not served against the Maroons for nothing, and was not ashamed to go to school to his opponents. First, he waited for the dry season; then he directed all his efforts towards cutting off his opponents from water, and, most effectual move of all, he attacked each successive cockpit by dragging up a howitzer, with immense labor135, and throwing in shells. Shells were a visitation not dreamed of in Maroon philosophy, and their quaint136 compliments to their new opponent remain on record. "Damn dat little buckra!" they said, "he cunning more dan dem toder. Dis here da new fashion for fight: him fire big ball arter you, and when big ball 'top, de damn sunting [something] fire arter you again." With which Parthian arrows of rhetoric137 the mountaineers retreated.
But this did not last long. The Maroons soon learned to keep out of the way of the shells, and the island relapsed into terror again. It was deliberately138 resolved at last, by a special council convoked139 for the purpose, "to persuade the rebels to make peace." But as they had not as yet shown themselves very accessible to softer influences, it was thought best to combine as many arguments as possible, and a certain Col. Quarrell had hit upon a wholly new one. His plan simply was, since men, however well disciplined, had proved powerless against Maroons, to try a Spanish fashion against them, and use dogs. The proposition was met, in some quarters, with the strongest hostility140. England, it was said, had always denounced the Spaniards as brutal141 and dastardly for hunting down the natives of that very soil with hounds; and should England now follow the humiliating example? On the other side, there were plenty who eagerly quoted all known instances of zo?logical warfare: all Oriental nations, for instance, used elephants in war, and, no doubt, would gladly use lions and tigers also, but for their extreme carnivorousness, and their painful indifference142 to the distinction between friend and foe47; why not, then, use these dogs, comparatively innocent and gentle creatures? At any rate, "something must be done;" the final argument always used, when a bad or desperate project is to be made palatable143. So it was voted at last to send to Havana for an invoice144 of Spanish dogs, with their accompanying chasseurs; and the efforts at persuading the Maroons were postponed145 till the arrival of these additional persuasives. And when Col. Quarrell finally set sail as commissioner67 to obtain the new allies, all scruples146 of conscience vanished in the renewal147 of public courage and the chorus of popular gratitude148; a thing so desirable must be right; thrice they were armed who knew their Quarrell just.
But after the parting notes of gratitude died away in the distance, the commissioner began to discover that he was to have a hard time of it. He sailed for Havana in a schooner149 manned with Spanish renegadoes, who insisted on fighting every thing that came in their way,—first a Spanish schooner, then a French one. He landed at Batabano, struck across the mountains towards Havana, stopped at Besucal to call on the wealthy Marquesa de San Felipe y San Jorge, grand patroness of dogs and chasseurs, and finally was welcomed to Havana by Don Luis de las Casas, who overlooked, for this occasion only, an injunction of his court against admitting foreigners within his government; "the only accustomed exception being," as Don Luis courteously150 assured him, "in favor of foreign traders who came with new negroes." To be sure, the commissioner had not brought any of these commodities; but then he had come to obtain the means of capturing some, and so might pass for an irregular practitioner151 of the privileged profession.
Accordingly, Don Guillermo Dawes Quarrell (so ran his passport) found no difficulty in obtaining permission from the governor to buy as many dogs as he desired. When, however, he carelessly hinted at the necessity of taking, also, a few men who should have care of the dogs,—this being, after all, the essential part of his expedition,—Don Luis de las Casas put on instantly a double force of courtesy, and assured him of the entire impossibility of recruiting a single Spaniard for English service. Finally, however, he gave permission and passports for six chasseurs. Under cover of this, the commissioner lost no time in enlisting152 forty; he got them safe to Batabano; but at the last moment, learning the state of affairs, they refused to embark153 on such very irregular authority. When he had persuaded them, at length, the officer of the fort interposed objections. This was not to be borne, so Don Guillermo bribed154 him and silenced him; a dragoon was, however, sent to report to the governor; Don Guillermo sent a messenger after him, and bribed him too; and thus at length, after myriad155 rebuffs, and after being obliged to spend the last evening at a puppet-show in which the principal figure was a burlesque156 on his own personal peculiarities157, the weary Don Guillermo, with his crew of renegadoes, and his forty chasseurs and their one hundred and four muzzled158 dogs, set sail for Jamaica.
These new allies were certainly something formidable, if we may trust the pictures and descriptions in Dallas's History. The chasseur was a tall, meagre, swarthy Spaniard or mulatto, lightly clad in cotton shirt and drawers, with broad straw hat, and moccasins of raw-hide; his belt sustaining his long, straight, flat sword or machete, like an iron bar sharpened at one end; and he wore by the same belt three cotton leashes159 for his three dogs, sometimes held also by chains. The dogs were a fierce breed, crossed between hound and mastiff, never unmuzzled but for attack, and accompanied by smaller dogs called finders. It is no wonder, when these wild and powerful creatures were landed at Montego Bay, that terror ran through the town, doors were everywhere closed, and windows crowded; not a negro dared to stir; and the muzzled dogs, infuriated by confinement160 on shipboard, filled the silent streets with their noisy barking and the rattling161 of their chains.
How much would have come of all this in actual conflict, does not appear. The Maroons had already been persuaded to make peace upon certain conditions and guaranties,—a decision probably accelerated by the terrible rumors of the bloodhounds, though they never saw them. It was the declared opinion of the Assembly, confirmed by that of Gen. Walpole, that "nothing could be clearer than that, if they had been off the island, the rebels could not have been induced to surrender." Nevertheless, a treaty was at last made, without the direct intervention162 of the quadrupeds. Again commissioners went up among the mountains to treat with negotiators at first invisible; again were hats and jackets interchanged, not without coy reluctance163 on the part of the well-dressed Englishmen; and a solemn agreement was effected. The most essential part of the bargain was a guaranty of continued independence, demanded by the suspicious Maroons. Gen. Walpole, however, promptly pledged himself that no such unfair advantage should be taken of them as had occurred with the hostages previously164 surrendered, who were placed in irons; nor should any attempt be made to remove them from the island. It is painful to add, that this promise was outrageously165 violated by the Colonial Government, to the lasting166 grief of Gen. Walpole, on the ground that the Maroons had violated the treaty by a slight want of punctuality in complying with its terms, and by remissness167 in restoring the fugitive slaves who had taken refuge among them. As many of the tribe as surrendered, therefore, were at once placed in confinement, and ultimately shipped from Port Royal to Halifax, to the number of six hundred, on the 6th of June, 1796. For the credit of English honor, we rejoice to know that Gen. Walpole not merely protested against this utter breach169 of faith, but indignantly declined the sword of honor which the Assembly had voted him, in its gratitude, and then retired170 from military service forever.
The remaining career of this portion of the Maroons is easily told. They were first dreaded171 by the inhabitants of Halifax, then welcomed when seen, and promptly set to work on the citadel172, then in process of reconstruction173, where the "Maroon Bastion" still remains,—their only visible memorial. Two commissioners had charge of them, one being the redoubtable174 Col. Quarrell; and twenty-five thousand pounds were appropriated for their temporary support. Of course they did not prosper6; pensioned colonists175 never do, for they are not compelled into habits of industry. After their delicious life in the mountains of Jamaica, it seemed rather monotonous176 to dwell upon that barren soil,—for theirs was such that two previous colonies had deserted177 it,—and in a climate where winter lasts seven months in the year. They had a schoolmaster, and he was also a preacher; but they did not seem to appreciate that luxury of civilization, utterly178 refusing, on grounds of conscience, to forsake179 polygamy, and, on grounds of personal comfort, to listen to the doctrinal discourses181 of their pastor182, who was an ardent183 Sandemanian. They smoked their pipes during service time, and left Old Montagu, who still survived, to lend a vicarious attention to the sermon. One discourse180 he briefly184 reported as follows, very much to the point: "Massa parson say no mus tief, no mus meddle185 wid somebody wife, no mus quarrel, mus set down softly." So they sat down very softly, and showed an extreme unwillingness186 to get up again. But, not being naturally an idle race,—at least, in Jamaica the objection lay rather on the other side,—they soon grew tired of this inaction. Distrustful of those about them, suspicious of all attempts to scatter187 them among the community at large, frozen by the climate, and constantly petitioning for removal to a milder one, they finally wearied out all patience. A long dispute ensued between the authorities of Nova Scotia and Jamaica, as to which was properly responsible for their support; and thus the heroic race, that for a century and a half had sustained themselves in freedom in Jamaica, were reduced to the position of troublesome and impracticable paupers188, shuttlecocks between two selfish parishes. So passed their unfortunate lives, until, in 1800, their reduced population was transported to Sierra Leone, at a cost of six thousand pounds; since which they disappear from history.
It was judged best not to interfere189 with those bodies of Maroons which had kept aloof190 from the late outbreak, at the Accompong settlement, and elsewhere. They continued to preserve a qualified191 independence, and retain it even now. In 1835, two years after the abolition192 of slavery in Jamaica, there were reported sixty families of Maroons as residing at Accompong Town, eighty families at Moore Town, one hundred and ten families at Charles Town, and twenty families at Scott Hall, making two hundred and seventy families in all,—each station being, as of old, under the charge of a superintendent. But there can be little doubt, that, under the influences of freedom, they are rapidly intermingling with the mass of colored population in Jamaica.
The story of the exiled Maroons attracted attention in high quarters, in its time: the wrongs done to them were denounced in Parliament by Sheridan, and mourned by Wilberforce; while the employment of bloodhounds against them was vindicated193 by Dundas, and the whole conduct of the Colonial Government defended, through thick and thin, by Bryan Edwards. This thorough partisan194 even had the assurance to tell Mr. Wilberforce, in Parliament, that he knew the Maroons, from personal knowledge, to be cannibals, and that, if a missionary195 were sent among them in Nova Scotia, they would immediately eat him; a charge so absurd that he did not venture to repeat it in his History of the West Indies, though his injustice196 to the Maroons is even there so glaring as to provoke the indignation of the more moderate Dallas. But, in spite of Mr. Edwards, the public indignation ran quite high in England, against the bloodhounds and their employers, so that the home ministry197 found it necessary to send a severe reproof198 to the Colonial Government. For a few years the tales of the Maroons thus emerged from mere168 colonial annals, and found their way into annual registers and parliamentary debates; but they have long since vanished from popular memory. Their record still retains its interest, however, as that of one of the heroic races of the world; and all the more, because it is with their kindred that the American nation has to deal, in solving one of the most momentous199 problems of its future career.
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maroon
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| v.困住，使（人）处于孤独无助之境；n.逃亡黑奴；孤立的人；酱紫色，褐红色；adj.酱紫色的，褐红色的 | |
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maroons
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| n.逃亡黑奴（maroon的复数形式）vt.把…放逐到孤岛（maroon的第三人称单数形式） | |
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peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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plantations
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| n.种植园，大农场( plantation的名词复数 ) | |
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billiards
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| n.台球 | |
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prosper
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| v.成功，兴隆，昌盛；使成功，使昌隆，繁荣 | |
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dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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8
subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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9
strew
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| vt.撒；使散落；撒在…上，散布于 | |
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infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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11
hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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subsided
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| v.（土地）下陷（因在地下采矿）( subside的过去式和过去分词 )；减弱；下降至较低或正常水平；一下子坐在椅子等上 | |
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rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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15
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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16
etymology
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| n.语源；字源学 | |
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17
fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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18
fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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19
runaway
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| n.逃走的人，逃亡，亡命者；adj.逃亡的，逃走的 | |
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20
sterling
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| adj.英币的(纯粹的，货真价实的)；n.英国货币(英镑) | |
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21
expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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22
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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23
regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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24
militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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25
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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26
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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27
adorn
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| vt.使美化，装饰 | |
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28
consolidated
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| a.联合的 | |
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29
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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30
insurgents
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| n.起义，暴动，造反( insurgent的名词复数 ) | |
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31
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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32
ambush
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| n.埋伏(地点)；伏兵；v.埋伏；伏击 | |
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33
descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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34
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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35
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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36
furrowed
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| v.犁田，开沟( furrow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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37
fissures
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| n.狭长裂缝或裂隙( fissure的名词复数 )；裂伤；分歧；分裂v.裂开( fissure的第三人称单数 ) | |
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38
poetically
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| adv.有诗意地，用韵文 | |
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39
symbolically
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| ad.象征地，象征性地 | |
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40
purgatories
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| n.炼狱( purgatory的名词复数 )；（在炼狱中的）涤罪；暂时受苦的地方；暂时的苦难 | |
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41
chasms
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| 裂缝( chasm的名词复数 )； 裂口； 分歧； 差别 | |
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42
inaccessible
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| adj.达不到的，难接近的 | |
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43
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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44
winding
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| n.绕，缠，绕组，线圈 | |
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45
dense
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| a.密集的，稠密的，浓密的；密度大的 | |
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46
agile
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| adj.敏捷的，灵活的 | |
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47
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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48
foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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49
defile
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| v.弄污，弄脏；n.(山间)小道 | |
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50
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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51
subjugation
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| n.镇压，平息，征服 | |
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52
truce
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| n.休战，(争执，烦恼等的)缓和；v.以停战结束 | |
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53
ingenuity
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| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
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54
inconveniently
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| ad.不方便地 | |
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55
halfway
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| adj.中途的，不彻底的，部分的；adv.半路地，在中途，在半途 | |
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56
tattered
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| adj.破旧的，衣衫破的 | |
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57
rim
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| n.(圆物的)边，轮缘；边界 | |
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58
scarlet
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| n.深红色，绯红色，红衣；adj.绯红色的 | |
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59
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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60
ratify
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| v.批准，认可，追认 | |
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61
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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62
negotiation
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| n.谈判，协商 | |
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63
diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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64
ceded
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| v.让给，割让，放弃( cede的过去式 ) | |
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65
stipulated
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| vt.& vi.规定；约定adj.[法]合同规定的 | |
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66
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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67
commissioner
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| n.（政府厅、局、处等部门）专员，长官，委员 | |
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68
lured
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| 吸引，引诱（lure的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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69
amicable
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| adj.和平的，友好的；友善的 | |
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70
beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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71
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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72
relish
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| n.滋味，享受，爱好，调味品；vt.加调味料，享受，品味；vi.有滋味 | |
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73
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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74
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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75
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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76
inhaled
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| v.吸入( inhale的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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77
epicures
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| n.讲究饮食的人( epicure的名词复数 ) | |
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78
plodding
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| a.proceeding in a slow or dull way | |
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79
aromatic
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| adj.芳香的，有香味的 | |
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80
hog
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| n.猪；馋嘴贪吃的人；vt.把…占为己有，独占 | |
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81
poultry
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| n.家禽，禽肉 | |
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82
luxurious
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| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
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83
orchards
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| （通常指围起来的）果园( orchard的名词复数 ) | |
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84
fragrance
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| n.芬芳，香味，香气 | |
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85
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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86
diluted
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| 无力的，冲淡的 | |
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87
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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88
luxuriously
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| adv.奢侈地，豪华地 | |
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89
dubious
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| adj.怀疑的，无把握的；有问题的，靠不住的 | |
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90
industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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91
heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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92
outskirts
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| n.郊外，郊区 | |
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93
superintendent
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| n.监督人，主管，总监；(英国)警务长 | |
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94
superintendents
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| 警长( superintendent的名词复数 )； （大楼的）管理人； 监管人； （美国）警察局长 | |
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95
founders
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| n.创始人( founder的名词复数 ) | |
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96
reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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97
plumes
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| 羽毛( plume的名词复数 )； 羽毛饰； 羽毛状物； 升上空中的羽状物 | |
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98
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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99
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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100
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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101
idol
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| n.偶像，红人，宠儿 | |
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102
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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103
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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104
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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105
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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106
subscription
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| n.预订，预订费，亲笔签名，调配法，下标（处方） | |
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107
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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108
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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109
martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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110
promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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111
expeditiously
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| adv.迅速地，敏捷地 | |
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112
miserably
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| adv.痛苦地；悲惨地；糟糕地；极度地 | |
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113
ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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114
discomfort
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| n.不舒服，不安，难过，困难，不方便 | |
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115
hovered
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| 鸟( hover的过去式和过去分词 )； 靠近（某事物）； （人）徘徊； 犹豫 | |
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116
penetrating
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| adj.（声音）响亮的，尖锐的adj.（气味）刺激的adj.（思想）敏锐的，有洞察力的 | |
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117
penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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118
precipice
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| n.悬崖，危急的处境 | |
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119
ascend
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| vi.渐渐上升，升高；vt.攀登，登上 | |
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120
eastward
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| adv.向东；adj.向东的；n.东方，东部 | |
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121
westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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122
precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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123
incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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124
withdrawal
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| n.取回，提款；撤退，撤军；收回，撤销 | |
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125
cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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126
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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127
fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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128
rumors
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| n.传闻( rumor的名词复数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷v.传闻( rumor的第三人称单数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷 | |
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129
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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130
gratuity
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| n.赏钱，小费 | |
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131
gratuities
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| n.报酬( gratuity的名词复数 )；小账；小费；养老金 | |
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132
incentive
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| n.刺激；动力；鼓励；诱因；动机 | |
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133
intimidated
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| v.恐吓；威胁adj.害怕的；受到威胁的 | |
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134
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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135
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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136
quaint
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| adj.古雅的，离奇有趣的，奇怪的 | |
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137
rhetoric
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| n.修辞学，浮夸之言语 | |
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138
deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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139
convoked
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| v.召集，召开（会议）( convoke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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140
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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141
brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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142
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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143
palatable
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| adj.可口的，美味的；惬意的 | |
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144
invoice
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| vt.开发票；n.发票，装货清单 | |
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145
postponed
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| vt.& vi.延期，缓办，（使）延迟vt.把…放在次要地位；[语]把…放在后面（或句尾）vi.（疟疾等）延缓发作（或复发） | |
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146
scruples
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| n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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147
renewal
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| adj.(契约)延期，续订，更新，复活，重来 | |
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148
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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149
schooner
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| n.纵帆船 | |
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150
courteously
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| adv.有礼貌地，亲切地 | |
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151
practitioner
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| n.实践者，从事者；(医生或律师等)开业者 | |
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152
enlisting
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| v.（使）入伍， （使）参军( enlist的现在分词 )；获得（帮助或支持） | |
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153
embark
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| vi.乘船，着手，从事，上飞机 | |
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154
bribed
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| v.贿赂( bribe的过去式和过去分词 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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155
myriad
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| adj.无数的；n.无数，极大数量 | |
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156
burlesque
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| v.嘲弄，戏仿；n.嘲弄，取笑，滑稽模仿 | |
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157
peculiarities
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| n. 特质, 特性, 怪癖, 古怪 | |
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158
muzzled
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| 给（狗等）戴口套( muzzle的过去式和过去分词 )； 使缄默，钳制…言论 | |
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159
leashes
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| n.拴猎狗的皮带( leash的名词复数 ) | |
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160
confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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161
rattling
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| adj. 格格作响的, 活泼的, 很好的 adv. 极其, 很, 非常 动词rattle的现在分词 | |
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162
intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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163
reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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164
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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165
outrageously
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| 凶残地； 肆无忌惮地； 令人不能容忍地； 不寻常地 | |
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166
lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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167
remissness
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| n.玩忽职守；马虎；怠慢；不小心 | |
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168
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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169
breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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170
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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171
dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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172
citadel
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| n.城堡；堡垒；避难所 | |
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173
reconstruction
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| n.重建，再现，复原 | |
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174
redoubtable
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| adj.可敬的；可怕的 | |
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175
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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176
monotonous
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| adj.单调的，一成不变的，使人厌倦的 | |
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177
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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178
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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179
forsake
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| vt.遗弃，抛弃；舍弃，放弃 | |
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180
discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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181
discourses
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| 论文( discourse的名词复数 )； 演说； 讲道； 话语 | |
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182
pastor
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| n.牧师，牧人 | |
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183
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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184
briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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185
meddle
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| v.干预，干涉，插手 | |
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186
unwillingness
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| n. 不愿意，不情愿 | |
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187
scatter
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| vt.撒，驱散，散开；散布/播；vi.分散，消散 | |
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188
paupers
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| n.穷人( pauper的名词复数 )；贫民；贫穷 | |
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189
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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190
aloof
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| adj.远离的；冷淡的，漠不关心的 | |
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191
qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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192
abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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193
vindicated
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| v.澄清（某人/某事物）受到的责难或嫌疑( vindicate的过去式和过去分词 )；表明或证明（所争辩的事物）属实、正当、有效等；维护 | |
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194
partisan
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| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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195
missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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196
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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197
ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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198
reproof
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| n.斥责，责备 | |
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199
momentous
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| adj.重要的，重大的 | |
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