In my time I have seen much good done by Christians12 with a view to extend their faith. Some few, like Samuel Morley, who excelled all lay Dissenters14 I have known in the manly15 sense of the dignity and independence of Nonconformity, would do generous things from the humaneness16 of their own minds alone. Some Quakers and Unitarians have had this quality. Others, Churchmen, Roman Catholics, and orthodox Christians, I have known to mitigate17 privation for the "Lord's sake," not for humanity's sake. This was to some extent the case of the Rev18. Frederick Denison Maurice, Canon Kingsley, and their noble colleagues, Edward Vansittart Neale, Judge Thomas Hughes, and J. M. Ludlow. They became Christian11 Socialists20 not so much because they cared for Socialism, as Maurice owned his "object was not to Socialise society, but to Christianise Socialism." Startled by the dislike and even resentment21 against Christianity expressed by men of poverty and intelligence at being asked to adopt a belief which brought them no relief, Maurice, Kingsley, and their associates concluded that privation was the cause of alienation22 from the Church. In like manner Dissenters thought that it was the bad condition of industrial life which kept working people from chapel23. None realised that alienation from Christianity had its seat in the understanding—in intellectual dissatisfaction with the tenets of Theology. The absentees from church and chapel alleged24 that no relief came of belief, and never had since the days when manna fell in the Jewish wilderness25, and loaves and fishes were miraculously26 plentiful27 on the hills of Galilee. There was no sense or profit in adopting a faith which had been unproductive for nearly 2,000 years. It had taken the slave, the serf, and the hired worker a long time to see this. But at last experience had told upon the thoughtful. But the theologians neither in the dominant28, nor dominated camps perceived it.
Very generous is Kingsley's sympathy, in "Alton Locke," with the lot of working people, but he believed that when the rebellious29 shoemaker fully30 realises that good priests would mitigate the lot of those who labour in workshops or in fields and mines, he will become reconciled to the Thirty-nine Articles. Alton Locke is a Church Chartist—not one of the Chartists of real life whom I knew, who were current in Kingsley's days, who signed the famous document which Place drew and Roebuck revised. They had principles. They did not seek paternal31 government of friendly Churchmen, nor of Positivists, nor that nobly organised kind of passive competence32 which Mr. Ruskin meditated33 for the people. The real Chartists—like the Co-operators—sought self-government for the people by the people. The alienation of the people from church and chapel was not founded on lack of spiritual patronage34, or thirst for it, but from intellectual dissatisfaction with theological tenets.
Christians, from the Vatican to the Primitive35 Methodist conventicle, are all so persuaded of the infallibility of their interpretation36 of the Scriptures37, and are so convinced of the perfect sufficiency of their tenets for the needs of all the world, that they regard difference of opinion as springing from wilful38 misunderstanding, or from the "evil heart at enmity with God"—a mad doctrine39 beneath the notice of the average lunatic. Natural variety of intellect, the infinite hosts of personal views, and the infinitude of individual experience—which silently create new convictions—are not taken into account, and conscientious40 dissent13 seems to the antediluvian41 theologian an impossibility. Even the most liberal of eminent42 Unitarians in England, W. J. Fox, regarded, what we now know as the Agnostic—hesitation to declare as true that which the declarer does not know to be so—as a species of mental disease.
That Kingsley lived in a refracting medium, in which the straightest facts appeared bent43 when placed in it, was evident when he wrote: "Heaven defend us from the Manchester School, for of all narrow, conceited44, hypocritical, and atheistic45 schemes of the universe the Cobden and Bright one is exactly the worst." There was no reason why Kingsley should be a Chartist, since he had all he wanted secured, and had contempt in his heart for Chartist tenets. He wrote: "The Bible gives the dawn of the glorious future, such as no universal suffrage46, free trade, communism, organisation47 of labour, or any other Morrison pill measure can give." He exulted48 in the existence of the forces which made against the people. He exclaimed: "As long as the Throne, the House of Lords, and the Press are what I thank God they are!" he was grateful. The state of things which existed, it was the object of Chartism to change.
These rampant49 ideas of Kingsley were far from being Chartist sentiments. At a meeting in Castle Street, London, the Rev. Charles Kingsley and Mr. Thomas Hughes were present, working men comprising the audience, an old grey-headed Chartist, of a Republican way of thinking, whose experience of monarchy50 was limited to his share of taxation51 for its support, hissed53 at the introduction of the Queen's name. Mr. Hughes, then a young athlete, turned upon the old Six Points politician and said: "Any one who hissed at the Queen's name would have to reckon with him"—meaning that he would knock him down, or put him out of the meeting. If, at a Chartist meeting, one athletic54 leader had similarly threatened an old grey-headed Royalist who hissed some Republican name, it would have been described, in all respectable papers, as "a ruffianly proceeding55." The Hughes incident showed Christian Socialist19 sympathy with Chartism was not of an enthusiastic character. At other times Mr. Hughes had nobler moods, but he, like Kingsley, had few qualifications for delineating Chartists.
Judge Hughes, like Canon Kingsley and his Christian Socialist colleagues, saw everything in the light of Theology. He saw nothing else by itself. He relates "the appearance of a little grey, shrivelled man at the grave of Mr. Maurice at the cemetery56 at Hampstead, one of the staff of the leading Chartist newspaper," as a proof of his conversion57. This was gratitude58, not conversion. Had I not been at the Bolton Co-operative Congress at the time, I should have been at the same grave. When the news came of Maurice's death, it did not occur to his friend, Mr. Neale, that the Congress would pass a resolution in honour of Maurice. I suggested it to him, and he said to me, "You had better draw up the resolution," which I did, and moved it. It was unanimously and gratefully passed. Though I was foremost to express the respect of working men, and the sense of obligation they were under, for Maurice's great services to Co-operation, and his establishment of the Working Men's College, it did not imply that I had come to accept the Thirty-nine Articles. Relevant appreciation59, real gratitude, and admiration60, do not imply coincidence of opinion on other and alien questions.
How little the creator of Alton Locke was a Chartist, or a sympathiser with Chartism, was seen when he described "Mr. Julian Harney and Feargus O'Connor and the rest of the smoke of the pit." Kingsley said "his only quarrel with the Charter was that it did not go far enough." All his meaning was that it should have comprised social, instead of political reform, which was what all who were opposed to political freedom said. This only meant that he wanted Chartists to take up social, and drop political reform. This appears in the passage in which he said, "The Charter disappointed me bitterly when I read it. It seemed a harmless cry enough, but a poor, bald, constitution-mongering cry as ever I heard. The French cry of organisation of labour is worth a thousand of it."* Organisation of labour is a great thing, but it is not political equality or liberty. Kingsley's Chartist had no political soul.
There is noble sympathy with labour, and there are passages which should always be read with honour in "Alton Locke." But the book is written in derision of Chartism and Liberal politics. Alton Locke himself was like his creator. Kingsley's acts were the acts of a friend, his arguments the arguments of an enemy; and Alton Locke, despite the noble personal qualities with which he is endowed, was a confused political traitor61, who bartered62 the Kingdom of Man for the Kingdom of Heaven, when he might have stood by both.
So much for the Church Chartist. Now turn to the Positivist Chartist, and see whether there be any backbone65 of political emancipation66 in him, or whether his vertebra is of jelly, like Alton Locke's. To the Positivist Chartist is given the stronger name of "Radical67."
One of the remarkable68 volumes George Eliot gave to the world bears the name of "Felix Holt, the Radical." But when she comes to delineate the Radical, he turns out to be a Positivist—of good quality of his kind, but still not a Radical.
As Canon Kingsley drew the Church Chartist, so George Eliot drew the Positivist Radical. Neither drew the selected hero as he was, but as each thought he ought to be.
A Radical is one who goes to the root of things. He deals with evils having a political origin, which he intends to remove by political means. Radicals69 were far older than the Chartists. Radicalism70 was a force in reform before Chartism began. The Radical more or less evolves his creed71 by observation of the condition of things surrounding him; the Chartist had his creed ready made for him. The Chartist may be said to begin with political effects, the Radical with political causes. Anyhow, the Radical was always supposed to know what he was, and why he was what he was. Felix Holt was not built that way. George Eliot had greater power of penetrating72 into character than Kingsley, but she made the same mistake in Felix Holt that Kingsley made in Alton Locke. Felix Holt is a revolutionist from indignation. His social insurgency73 is based on resentment at injustice74. Very noble is that form of dissatisfaction, but political independence is not his inspiration. Freedom, equality of public rights, are not in his mind. His disquiet75 is not owing to the political inability of his fellows to control their own fortunes. Content comes to Felix when the compassion76 of others ameliorates or extinguishes the social evils from which his fellows suffer. He is the Chartist of Positivism without a throb77 of indignation at political subjection. That may be Positivism, but it is not Radicalism.
Felix Holt discloses his character in his remark that "the Radical question was how to give every man a man's share in life. But I think that is to expect voting to do more towards it than I do."
"A man's share in life" was the Baboeuf doctrine of Communism, which English Radicals never had. Holt's depreciation78 of the power of voting was the argument of the benevolent79 but beguiling80 Tory. It was part of the Carlylean contempt of a ten-thousandth part of a voice in the "national palava." This meant distrust, not only of the suffrage, but of Parliament itself. When both are gone, despotism becomes supreme81. When Felix Holt talked so, he had ceased to be a Radical—if he ever was one.
The power of voting has changed the status and dignity of working men—not much yet, but more will come. Hampered82 and incomplete as the suffrage is, it has put the workers on the way to obtain what they want, though they are a little puzzled which turning to take now they are on the road.
Felix Holt continues: "I want the working men to have power.... and I can see plainly enough that our all having power will do little towards it at present.... If we have false expectations about men's characters, we are very much like the idiot who thinks he can carry milk in a can without a bottom. In my opinion the notions about what mere83 voting will do, are very much that sort" Felix declares that all the "scheme about voting and districts and annual parliaments [all points of the Charter] will not give working men what they want."*
* See "Felix Holt, the Radical," vol i. pp. 265-266,
Blackwood's edition of George Eliot
Felix has much more to say in disparagement84 of political aspiration4 which is like reading one of Lord Salisbury's speeches when he was Lord Cranborne, but without the bitterness and contempt by which we knew the genuine Salisbury mind. The Eliot spirit is better—the argument more sympathetic, but the purport85 is the same. It means: "Leave politics alone. You will find all the redress86 that is good for you elsewhere."
This, if true, is not Radicalism which sought to help itself, and not rise by compassion. Radicals may have expected too much from political reform—they may have thought political power to be an end instead of a means whereby better public conditions can be obtained, by which social effort could better be compassed, and its projects carried out. It is true that social condition can be improved by men of purpose and character under despotism, but this does not prove that despotism is desirable, since it can make itself at will an effectual obstacle to progress, and as a rule does so. The policy of seeking the best political condition in which social progress can be made, is Radicalism. The policy of contentment with things as they are, seeking social condition apart from politics, is Socialism, as it has been understood in England. "Felix Holt," like "Alton Locke," abounds87 in noble sentiments, exalts88 the character of working men, vindicates89 their social claims with eloquence90. But Felix Holt was no more a Radical than Alton Locke was a Chartist. Alton Locke is against Chartism. Felix Holt is against Radicalism. Sir Leslie Stephen has written the most fascinating estimate of the writings and genius of George Eliot that has been produced. He has interesting things to say of Felix Holt, but it does not occur to him to say what he was so well able to say, whether he was a Radical or not—or if one, of what species. Therefore it has been necessary to place before the reader the evidence which will enable him to decide the question for himself.
In reference to this chapter, Mr. J. M. Ludlow wrote to me, saying:
["That you above all men should find fault with Kingsley or any one else for setting social above political reform, I own, amazes me. But it is not true in any sense of the words that Kingsley wanted Chartists to 'take up social and drop political reform.' In his first letter to Thomas Cooper (Life, vol. i. p. 182), he expressly says: 'I would shed the last drop of my blood for the social and political emancipation of the people.' [The italics are mine.] Again, you misquote General Maurice's (not Mr. Maurice's) words, when you say that 'Maurice owned that his object was not to socialise society, but to Christianise Socialism.' General Maurice's words are: 'Beyond all doubt he dreaded91 becoming the head of a party of Christian Socialists. His great wish was to Christianise Socialism, not to Christian-socialise the universe' (Life, vol. ii. p. 47).
"Your story about the 'old grey-headed Chartist' and T. Hughes does not tally92 altogether with the statement in Mr. Maurice's Life (vol. ii. p. 13), but as I do not recollect93 being present (nor, I believe, were you) on the occasion, I cannot say which is right. I should have thought that an 'old greyheaded Chartist' would have had more courtesy as well as more sense than to hiss52 the Queen."
Mr. Ludlow's letter throws a flood of light on the mistakes of Canon Kingsley and his colleagues. Mr. Ludlow "is amazed that I above all men should blame any man for setting social above political reform." It is now some fifty years since Mr. Ludlow first did me the honour to notice what I wrote or said. Yet I think he never knew me to subordinate political to social reform. I always thought it base to teach men to barter63 political freedom for social benefits. The leaders of early co-operation in the days before Mr. Ludlow knew it—being like Robert Owen, mostly of a Tory way of thinking—deprecated political reform, and thought its pursuit unnecessary, as their social remedy would do everything for the people. I always dissented94 from this doctrine and resented it, as the politician, if you do not watch him, will come some day and throw the savings95 of a century into a sea of imperial blood. Mr. Ludlow quotes a letter from Kingsley to Thomas Cooper, in which he says he "would shed the last drop of his blood for the social and political emancipation of the people." What! for the "smoke of the pit"? as he described the agitation96 for the Charter. What! "shed his blood" for a "Morrison pill measure"—shed the last drop of his blood" for a poor, bald, constitution-mongering cry as ever he heard"? I agree that this is extraordinary political enthusiasm. Still it was no proof that Kingsley was a Chartist, and that was my point. General Maurice's version of his father's saying that "his object was not to socialise society," shows that Maurice cared no more for Socialism (which at that time meant co-operative communism) than Kingsley cared for Chartism. Both meant well to the people in a theological—not a political way. The old grey-headed Chartist hissed the Queen's office, not herself. Republicans ever made that distinction.]
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partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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dictates
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| n.命令，规定，要求( dictate的名词复数 )v.大声讲或读( dictate的第三人称单数 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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aspiration
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| n.志向，志趣抱负；渴望；(语)送气音；吸出 | |
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aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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connoisseur
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| n.鉴赏家，行家，内行 | |
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fervid
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| adj.热情的；炽热的 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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dissent
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| n./v.不同意，持异议 | |
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dissenters
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| n.持异议者，持不同意见者( dissenter的名词复数 ) | |
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manly
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| adj.有男子气概的；adv.男子般地，果断地 | |
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humaneness
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| n.深情，慈悲 | |
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mitigate
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| vt.（使）减轻，（使）缓和 | |
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rev
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| v.发动机旋转，加快速度 | |
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socialist
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| n.社会主义者；adj.社会主义的 | |
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socialists
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| 社会主义者( socialist的名词复数 ) | |
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resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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alienation
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| n.疏远；离间；异化 | |
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chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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miraculously
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| ad.奇迹般地 | |
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plentiful
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| adj.富裕的，丰富的 | |
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dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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rebellious
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| adj.造反的，反抗的，难控制的 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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paternal
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| adj.父亲的，像父亲的，父系的，父方的 | |
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competence
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| n.能力，胜任，称职 | |
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meditated
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| 深思，沉思，冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 )； 内心策划，考虑 | |
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patronage
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| n.赞助，支援，援助；光顾，捧场 | |
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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scriptures
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| 经文，圣典( scripture的名词复数 )； 经典 | |
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wilful
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| adj.任性的，故意的 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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conscientious
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| adj.审慎正直的，认真的，本着良心的 | |
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antediluvian
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| adj.史前的，陈旧的 | |
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eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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conceited
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| adj.自负的，骄傲自满的 | |
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atheistic
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| adj.无神论者的 | |
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suffrage
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| n.投票，选举权，参政权 | |
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organisation
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| n.组织，安排，团体，有机休 | |
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exulted
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| 狂喜，欢跃( exult的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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rampant
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| adj.(植物)蔓生的；狂暴的，无约束的 | |
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monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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51
taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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52
hiss
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| v.发出嘶嘶声；发嘘声表示不满 | |
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hissed
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| 发嘶嘶声( hiss的过去式和过去分词 )； 发嘘声表示反对 | |
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athletic
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| adj.擅长运动的，强健的；活跃的，体格健壮的 | |
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proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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cemetery
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| n.坟墓，墓地，坟场 | |
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conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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58
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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appreciation
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| n.评价；欣赏；感谢；领会，理解；价格上涨 | |
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admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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traitor
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| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
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bartered
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| v.作物物交换，以货换货( barter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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barter
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| n.物物交换，以货易货，实物交易 | |
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memoir
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| n.[pl.]回忆录，自传；记事录 | |
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backbone
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| n.脊骨，脊柱，骨干；刚毅，骨气 | |
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emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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67
radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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radicals
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| n.激进分子( radical的名词复数 )；根基；基本原理；[数学]根数 | |
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70
radicalism
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| n. 急进主义, 根本的改革主义 | |
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71
creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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72
penetrating
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| adj.（声音）响亮的，尖锐的adj.（气味）刺激的adj.（思想）敏锐的，有洞察力的 | |
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73
insurgency
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| n.起义；暴动；叛变 | |
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74
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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disquiet
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| n.担心，焦虑 | |
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compassion
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| n.同情，怜悯 | |
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throb
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| v.震颤，颤动；(急速强烈地)跳动，搏动 | |
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78
depreciation
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| n.价值低落，贬值，蔑视，贬低 | |
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benevolent
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| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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beguiling
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| adj.欺骗的，诱人的v.欺骗( beguile的现在分词 )；使陶醉；使高兴；消磨（时间等） | |
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81
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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82
hampered
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| 妨碍，束缚，限制( hamper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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84
disparagement
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| n.轻视，轻蔑 | |
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85
purport
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| n.意义，要旨，大要；v.意味著，做为...要旨，要领是... | |
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redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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87
abounds
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| v.大量存在，充满，富于( abound的第三人称单数 ) | |
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exalts
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| 赞扬( exalt的第三人称单数 )； 歌颂； 提升； 提拔 | |
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89
vindicates
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| n.澄清（某人/某事物）受到的责难或嫌疑( vindicate的名词复数 )；表明或证明（所争辩的事物）属实、正当、有效等；维护v.澄清（某人/某事物）受到的责难或嫌疑( vindicate的第三人称单数 )；表明或证明（所争辩的事物）属实、正当、有效等；维护 | |
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90
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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91
dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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92
tally
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| n.计数器，记分，一致，测量；vt.计算，记录，使一致；vi.计算，记分，一致 | |
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recollect
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| v.回忆，想起，记起，忆起，记得 | |
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dissented
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| 不同意，持异议( dissent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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savings
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| n.存款，储蓄 | |
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agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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