It was at the party which we left that night that I was first struck with the natural intrepidity9 of Garibaldi. His square shoulders and tapering11 body I had somehow come to associate with military impassableness, and the easy, self-possessed12 way in which he moved through the crowd in the room confirmed my impression. I was told afterwards by one of his fellow combatants that unconscious courage was his characteristic on the field. Calmness and imperturbable13 modesty14 were attributes of his mind, as seen in his heroic acts, deemed utterly15 impossible save in romance. He had received the triumphal acclamation of people he freed, whose forefathers16 had only dreamed of liberation.
Since the time of that casual acquaintanceship, Garibaldi had heard of me from Mazzini, from Mr. Cowen, and as acting17 secretary of the Committee who sent out the British Legion to him. We had collected a considerable sum of money for him, which was lying in unfriendly hands, but which his treasurer18 had been unable to obtain. I had sent him other help, when help was sorely needed by his troops. Besides, I had defended him and his cause under the names of "Landor Praed," "Disque," and my own name, in the press. Garibaldi sent me one of the first photographs taken of himself after his victorious19 entry into Naples, on which he had written the words, "Garibaldi, to his friend, J. G. Holyoke." He had got name and initials transposed in those eventful days. After the affair of Micheldever,* he charged his son Menotti to show me personal and public attention on his visit to the House of Commons. To the end of his life he saw every visitor who came to him with a note from me.
* See "Sixty Years," chap, lxxix.
When Menotti Garibaldi died, the family wished that the flag which the "Thousand" carried when they made their celebrated20 invasion of the Neapolitan kingdom, should be borne at the funeral. They therefore telegraphed to the mayor of Marsala, who was supposed to be the guardian21 of the relic22. The mayor replied that he had not got it, but that it was at Palermo; so the mayor of Palermo was telegraphed to. He also replied that he had not got it, and said it was in the possession of Signor Antonio Pellegrini, but that its authenticity23 was very doubtful. General Canzio, one of the survivors24 of the expedition, says that the flag possessed by Signor Pellegrini is nothing like the real one, which was merely a tricolor of three pieces of cotton nailed to a staff. At the battle of Calatafimi the standard-bearer was shot and the flag lost. It was said to have been captured by a Neapolitan sub-lieutenant, but all traces of it have now disappeared. The wonder is not that the flag has disappeared, but that so many official persons should declare it to exist elsewhere, of which they had no knowledge. The flag of the Washington would have been lost had it not been taken possession of by De Rohan. The last flag carried by the Mazzinians, which was shot through, would have been lost also had not Mr. J. D. Hodge sought for it before it was too late. Both flags are in my possession.
Walter Savage25 Landor sent me (August 20, 1860) these fine lines on Garibaldi's conquest of the Sicilies:—
"Again her brow
Sicaria rears
Above the tombs—two thousand years,
And war forbidden her to rest
Yet war at last becomes her friend,
And shouts aloud
Thy grief shall end.
Sicaria! hear me! rise again!
A homeless hero breaks thy chain."
How often did I hear it said, in his great days of action, that had Garibaldi known the perils27 he encountered in his enterprises, he would never have attempted them. No one seemed able to account for his success, save by saying he was "an inspired madman." His heroism28 was not born of insanity29, but knowledge. His wonderful march of conquest through Italy was made possible by Mazzini. In every town there was a small band, mostly of young heroic men, who were inspired by Mazzini's teaching, who, like the brothers Bandiera, led forlorn hopes, or who were ready to act when occasion arose. I well remember when seeking assistance for Mazzini, how friends declined to contribute lest they became accessory to the fruitless sacrifice of brave men. There was no other way by which Italy could be freed, than by incurring30 this risk. Mazzini knew it, and the men knew it, as Mazzini did not conceal31 it from those he inspired.
The following letter to me by one of the combatants was published at the time in the Daily Telegraph, It is a forgotten vignette of the war, drawn32 by a soldier on the battlefield who had been wounded five times before, fighting under Garibaldi:—
"Dear Sir,—Just time to say that we are in full possession, after streams of blood have flowed. Fights 'twixt brothers are deadly.
"We want money; we want, as I told you, a British steamer chartered, with revolving33 rifles and pistols of Colt's (17, Pall34 Mall), also some cannon35 raye but for the sake of humanity and liberty do hurry up the subscriptions36. The sooner we are strong the less the chance of more fighting. We muster37 now some 30,000 all told, though not all armed. We want arms and ammunition38, and caps—Minie rifles. Or the rifle corps39 pattern the General would as soon have. He is well and radiant with joy and hope, though sighing over the necessity to shed blood. Oh! will the world never learn to value the really great men of the earth until the grave has closed over them? Garibaldi has written only one or two of all the things published over his name. The rest are the inventions of enemies or over-zealous friends.
"Messina must capitulate. If the King grant a constitution, all will be lost. The Bourbons must be driven from Italy, for it will never be quiet without. Warn the papers against trusting the so-called letters, etc., from Garibaldi. He writes little or none, and dislikes to be made prominent.
"Do try and urge on the subscriptions. The English admiral here has behaved bravely, and Lord John Russell's praises are in every one's mouth; but he must not falter40 or hesitate.
"The Royal Palace was burned down, and the fighting was desperate indeed.
"Of all the defeats imputed41 to the 'insurgents42' not one has really taken place. The General was at times obliged to sacrifice some lives for strategical purposes.
"Now, pray use your influence for England not to allow Naples to patch up a peace, for I tell you it is useless. Garibaldi and his friends will never consent to anything short of 'Italy for the Italians.'
"You may communicate this as 'official' if you wish to the Times or News, reserving my name, Yours truly, in great haste,
"——————-
"G. J. Holyoake, Esq.
"P.S.—I need hardly say this will have to take its chance of getting to you. I trust it to a captain whom I have given the money to pay the postage in Genoa, where he is going. Will you let me hear from you?"
He did hear from me. Whether it is good to die "in vain," as George Eliot held, I do not stay to determine. Certainly, to die when you know it to be your duty, whether "in vain" or not, implies a high order of nature. Sir Alfred Lyall has sung the praise of those English soldiers captured in India, who, when offered their lives if they would merely pronounce the name of the Prophet, refused. It was only a word they had to patter, and Sir Alfred exclaims, "God Almighty43, what could it matter?" But the brave Englishmen died rather than be counted on the side of a faith they did not hold. Dying for honour is not dying in vain, and I thought the Italians entitled to help in their holy war for manhood and independence.
When Garibaldi was at Brooke House, Isle44 of Wight, I was deputed by the Society of the Friends of Italy to accompany Mazzini to meet Garibaldi. Herzen, the Russian, who kept the "Kolokol" ringing in the dominions45 of the Czar, met us at Southampton. The meeting with Garibaldi took place at the residence of Madame Nathan. The two heroes had not met in London when the General was a guest of the Duke of Sutherland. As soon as Garibaldi saw Mazzini, he greeted him in the old patois46 of the lagoons47 of Genoa. It affected48 Mazzini, to whom it brought back scenes of their early career, when the inspiration of Italian freedom first began.
Mrs. Nathan, wife of the Italian banker of Cornhill, was an intrepid10 lady, true to the freedom of her country, who had assisted Garibaldi and Mazzini in many a perilous49 enterprise. After the interview at her house, she had occasion to consult Garibaldi on matters of moment. Misled or deterred50 by aspersion51, which every lady had to suffer, suspected of patriotic52 complicity, Mrs. Nathan was not invited to Brooke House. Under these circumstances she could not go alone to see the General, and she asked me to take her. Offering her my arm, we walked through the courtyard and along the corridors of the house to Garibaldi's rooms. Going and returning from her interview, I was much struck by the queenly grace and self-possession of Mrs. Nathan's manner. There was neither disquietude nor consciousness in her demeanour of the disrespect of not being invited to Brooke House, though her residence was known.
On the night of Garibaldi's arrival at Brooke House, Mr. Seely, the honoured host of the General, invited me to join the dinner party, where I heard things said on some matters, which the speakers could not possibly know to be true. Garibaldi showed no traces of excitement, which had dazed so many at Southampton that afternoon. The vessel53 which brought him there was immediately boarded by a tumultuous crowd of visitors. All the reporters of the London and provincial54 press were waiting for the vessel to be sighted, and they were foremost in the throng55 on the ship. Before them all was Mrs. Colonel Chambers56, with her beseeching57 eyes, large, luminous58 and expressive59, and difficult to resist. Garibaldi gave instant audience to Joseph Cowen, whose voice alone, or chiefly, influenced him. Years before, when Garibaldi was unknown, friendless, and penniless, he turned his bark up the Tyne to visit Mr. Cowen, the only Englishman from whom he would ask help. Garibaldi's first day at Southampton was more boisterous60 than a battle. Everybody wanted him to go everywhere. Houses where his name had never been heard were now open to him. Mr. Seely was known to be his friend. The Isle of Wight was near. Brooke House lay out of the way of the "madding crowd," and there his friends would have time to arrange things for him. The end of his visit to England was sudden, unforeseen, inexplicable61 both to friend and foe62, at the time and for long after.
He had accepted engagements to appear in various towns in England, where people would as wildly greet him as the people of London had done. When it was announced that he had left England, it was believed that the Emperor of the French had incited63 the Government to prevail upon Garibaldi to leave the country. Others conjectured64 that Mr. Gladstone had whispered something to him which had caused the Italian hero to depart. I asked about it from one who knew everything that took place—Sir James Stansfeld—and from him I learned that no foreign suggestion had been made, that nothing whatever had been said to Garibaldi. His leaving was entirely65 his own act. He had reason to believe that Louis Napoleon was capable of anything; but with all his heroism, Garibaldi was imaginative and proud He fancied his presence in England was an embarrassment66 to the Government. He being the guest of the nation, they would never own to it or say it. But his departure might be a relief to them, nevertheless. And therefore he went. His sensitiveness of honour shrank from his being a constructive67 inconvenience to a nation to whom he owed so much and for whom he cared so much. It was an instance of the disappointment imagination may cause in politics.*
* Some who read Mr. Morley's account of "Garibaldi's
Departure" in his "Life of Gladstone" will think that
Garibaldi did not require much imagination to see that he
was not wanted to stay in England. He heard, even from Mr.
Gladstone, words of solicitude68 for his health, if he visited
the many towns he had promised—and not one suggestion that
he should limit the number, which could do him no harm.
There could be but one inference from this and Garibaldi
drew it.
But Garibaldi was a poet as well as a soldier. Like the author of the "Marseillaise," Korner and Petofe, he could write inspiring verse, as witness his "Political Poem" in reply to one Victor Hugo wrote upon him, which Sir Edwin Arnold, the "Oxford69 Graduate" of that day, translated in 1868. Those do not understand Garibaldi who fail to recognise that he had poetic70 as well as martial71 fire.*
* Both poems, the one by Hugo and Garibaldi's in reply, were
published with a preface by the present writer.
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1
vicissitudes
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| n.变迁，世事变化；变迁兴衰( vicissitude的名词复数 )；盛衰兴废 | |
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effaced
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| v.擦掉( efface的过去式和过去分词 )；抹去；超越；使黯然失色 | |
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3
brewery
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| n.啤酒厂 | |
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4
unfamiliar
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| adj.陌生的，不熟悉的 | |
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acclaim
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| v.向…欢呼，公认；n.欢呼，喝彩，称赞 | |
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insurgent
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| adj.叛乱的，起事的；n.叛乱分子 | |
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abrupt
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| adj.突然的，意外的；唐突的，鲁莽的 | |
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intelligible
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| adj.可理解的，明白易懂的，清楚的 | |
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intrepidity
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| n.大胆，刚勇；大胆的行为 | |
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intrepid
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| adj.无畏的，刚毅的 | |
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tapering
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| adj.尖端细的 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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13
imperturbable
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| adj.镇静的 | |
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modesty
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| n.谦逊，虚心，端庄，稳重，羞怯，朴素 | |
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15
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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forefathers
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| n.祖先，先人；祖先，祖宗( forefather的名词复数 )；列祖列宗；前人 | |
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17
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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18
treasurer
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| n.司库，财务主管 | |
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19
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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20
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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guardian
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| n.监护人；守卫者，保护者 | |
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22
relic
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| n.神圣的遗物，遗迹，纪念物 | |
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authenticity
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| n.真实性 | |
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survivors
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| 幸存者，残存者，生还者( survivor的名词复数 ) | |
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25
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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26
smitten
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| 猛打，重击，打击( smite的过去分词 ) | |
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perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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28
heroism
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| n.大无畏精神，英勇 | |
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29
insanity
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| n.疯狂，精神错乱；极端的愚蠢，荒唐 | |
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30
incurring
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| 遭受，招致，引起( incur的现在分词 ) | |
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31
conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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32
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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33
revolving
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| adj.旋转的，轮转式的；循环的v.（使）旋转( revolve的现在分词 )；细想 | |
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34
pall
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| v.覆盖，使平淡无味；n.柩衣，棺罩；棺材；帷幕 | |
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35
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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36
subscriptions
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| n.（报刊等的）订阅费( subscription的名词复数 )；捐款；（俱乐部的）会员费；捐助 | |
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37
muster
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| v.集合，收集，鼓起，激起；n.集合，检阅，集合人员，点名册 | |
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38
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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39
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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40
falter
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| vi.(嗓音)颤抖，结巴地说；犹豫；蹒跚 | |
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41
imputed
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| v.把（错误等）归咎于( impute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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42
insurgents
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| n.起义，暴动，造反( insurgent的名词复数 ) | |
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43
almighty
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| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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44
isle
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| n.小岛，岛 | |
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45
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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46
patois
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| n.方言；混合语 | |
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47
lagoons
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| n.污水池( lagoon的名词复数 )；潟湖；（大湖或江河附近的）小而浅的淡水湖；温泉形成的池塘 | |
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48
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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49
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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50
deterred
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| v.阻止，制止( deter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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51
aspersion
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| n.诽谤，中伤 | |
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52
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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53
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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54
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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55
throng
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| n.人群，群众；v.拥挤，群集 | |
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56
chambers
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| n.房间( chamber的名词复数 )；（议会的）议院；卧室；会议厅 | |
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57
beseeching
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| adj.恳求似的v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的现在分词 ) | |
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58
luminous
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| adj.发光的，发亮的；光明的；明白易懂的；有启发的 | |
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59
expressive
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| adj.表现的，表达…的，富于表情的 | |
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60
boisterous
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| adj.喧闹的，欢闹的 | |
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61
inexplicable
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| adj.无法解释的，难理解的 | |
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62
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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63
incited
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| 刺激，激励，煽动( incite的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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64
conjectured
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| 推测，猜测，猜想( conjecture的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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65
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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66
embarrassment
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| n.尴尬；使人为难的人(事物)；障碍；窘迫 | |
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67
constructive
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| adj.建设的，建设性的 | |
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68
solicitude
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| n.焦虑 | |
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69
Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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70
poetic
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| adj.富有诗意的，有诗人气质的，善于抒情的 | |
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martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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