These eccentricities7 of imputation8, supposed to have died by time, were found to be alive at Mills death.
The chief resurrectionist was one Abraham Hay-ward, known as a teller9 of salacious stories at the Athenaeum. He was a man of many gifts, who wrote with a bright, but by no means fastidious, pen. In some unexplained, inconsistent, and inexplicable10 way, Mr. Gladstone was on friendly terms with him. No sooner was Mill dead, and illustrious appreciators of the great thinker were meditating11 some memorial to his honour, than Mr. Hayward sent an article to the Times, suggesting intrinsic immorality12 in his opinions. He also sent out letters privately13 to deter14 eminent15 friends of Mill from giving their names to the memorial committee. He sent one to Mr. Stopford Brooke, upon whom it had no influence. He sent one to Mr. Gladstone, upon whom it had, and who, in consequence, declined to join the committee.
Hayward was, in his day, the Iago of literature, and abused the confiding16 nature of our noble Moor17.* Yet, when Mr. Mill lost his seat for Westminster, Mr. Gladstone had written these great words: "We all know Mr. Mill's intellectual eminence18 before he entered Parliament. What his conduct principally disclosed to me was his singular moral elevation19. Of all the motives20, stings and stimulants21 that reach men through their egotism in Parliament, no part could move or even touch him. His conduct and his language were in this respect a sermon. For the sake of the House of Commons, I rejoiced in his advent22 and deplored23 his disappearance24. He did us all good, and in whatever party, in whatever form of opinion, I sorrowfully confess that such men are rare."
* My little book, "John Stuart Mill, as the Working Classes
Knew Him," was written to show Mr. Gladstone the answer that
could be given to Hayward.
There was no tongue in the House of Commons more bitter, venomous, or disparaging25 of the people than that of Lord Robert Cecil, afterwards Lord Salisbury; yet I record to his honour he subscribed26 £50 towards the memorial to Mr. Mill. One of the three first persons who gave £50 was Mr. Walter Morrison. The Duke of Argyll, the Earl of Derby, the Duke of Devonshire, Sir Charles and Lady Dilke, Mr. and Mrs. P. A. Taylor were also among the subscribers of £50 each. Among those who gave large but lesser27 sums were Mr. Herbert Spencer, Stopford Brooke, Leonard H. Courtney, Frederic Harrison, G. H. Lewes, W. E. H. Lecky. Sir John Lubbock, G. Croome Robertson, Lord Rosebery, Earl Russell, Professor Tyndall, and Professor Huxley. So Mr. Mill had his monument with honour. It stands on the Thames Embankment, and allures28 more pilgrims of thought than any other there.
Purity and honour, there is reason to believe, were never absent from Mill's mind or conduct; but trusting to his own personal integrity, he assumed others would recognise it His admiration29 of Mrs. Taylor, whom he frequently visited, and subsequently married, was misconstrued—though not by Mr. Taylor, who had full confidence in Mr. Mill's honour. No expression to the contrary on Mr. Taylor's part ever transpired30. It might be due to society that Mr. Mill should have been reserved in his regard. But assured of his own rectitude, he trusted to the proud resenting maxim31, "Evil be to him who evil thinks," and he resented imputation—whether it came from his relatives or his friends. Any reflection upon him in this respect he treated as an affront32 to himself, and an imputation upon Mrs. Taylor, which he never forgave. A relative told me after his death, that he never communicated with any of them again who made any remark which bore a sinister33 interpretation34. If ever there was a philosopher who should be counted stainless35, it was John Stuart Mill.
In the minds of the Bentham School, population was a province of politics. It would seem incredible to another generation—as it seems to many in this—that a philosopher should incur36 odium for being of Jowett's opinion, that the most vital information upon the conduct of life should not be withheld37 from the people. To give it is to incur conventional reprehension38; as though it were not a greater crime to be silent while a feeble, half-fed, and ignorant progeny39 infest40 the land, to find their way to the hospital, the poor house, or the gaol41, than to protest against this recklessness, which establishes penury42 and slavery in the workman's home. Yet a brutal43 delicacy44 and a criminal fastidiousness, calling itself public propriety45, is far less reputable than the ethical46 preference for reasonable foresight47 and a manlier48 race.
Mr. Mill's success in Parliament was greater than that of any philosopher who has entered in our time. Unfortunately, very few philosophers go there. The author of "Mark Rutherford" (W. Hale White) writing to me lately, exclaimed: "Oh for one session with Mill and Bright and Cobden in the House! What would you not give to hear Mill's calm voice again? What would you not give to see him apply the plummet49 of Justice and Reason to the crooked50 iniquities51 of the Front Benches? He stands before me now, just against the gangway on the Opposition52 side, hesitating, pausing even for some seconds occasionally, and yet holding everybody in the House with a kind of grip; for even the most foolish understood more or less dimly that they were listening to something strange, something exalted53, spoken from another sphere than that of the professional politician."
Mr. Christie relates that in the London Debating Society, of which Mill was a member when a young man, it used to be said of him in argument, "He passed over his adversary54 like a ploughshare over a mouse." Certainly many mice arguers heard in Parliament, who made the public think a mountain was in labour, ended their existence with a squeak55 when Mr. Mill took notice of them.
The operation of the suffrage56 and the ballot57, questions on which Mill expressed judgment58, are in the minds of politicians to this day, and many reformers who dissented59 from him do not conceal60 their misgivings62 as to the wisdom of their course. "Misgivings" is a word that may be taken to mean regret, whereas it merely signifies occasion for consideration. The extension of the franchise63 and the endowment of the ballot have caused misgivings in many who were foremost in demanding them. The wider suffrage has not prevented an odious64 war in South Africa, and the ballot has sent to the House of Commons a dangerous majority of retrograde members. John Bright distrusted the vote of the residuum. John Stuart Mill equally dreaded65 the result of withdrawing the vote of the elector from public scrutiny66. I agreed with their apprehensions67, but it seemed to me a necessity of progress that the risk should be run. While the Ballot Act was before the House of Lords, I wrote to the Times and other papers, as I have elsewhere related, to say that the Ballot Act would probably give us a Tory government for ten years—which it did. I thought that the elector who had two hundred years of transmitted subjection or intimidation68 or bribery69 in his bones, would for some time go on voting as he had done—for others, not for the State. He would not all at once understand that he was free and answerable to the State for his vote. New electors, who had never known the responsibility of voting, would not soon acquire the sense of it Mr. Mill thought it conduced to manliness70 for an elector to act in despite of his interest or resentment71 of his neighbours, his employer, his landlord, or his priest, when his vote became known. At every election there were martyrs72 on both sides; and it was too much to expect that a mass of voters, politically ignorant, and who had been kept in ignorance, would generally manifest a high spirit, which maintains independence in the face of social peril73, which philosophers are not always equal to. No doubt the secrecy74 of the vote is an immunity75 to knaves76, but it is the sole chance of independence for the average honest man. The danger of committing the fortune of the State to the unchecked votes of the unintelligent was an argument of great power against a secret suffrage. Lord Macaulay, though a Whig of the Whigs, gave an effective answer when he brought forward his famous fool, who declared "he would never go into the water until he had learnt to swim." The people must plunge77 into the sea of liberty before they can learn to swim in it. They have now been in that sea many years, and not many have learned the art yet. Then was found the truth of Temple Leader's words, that "if the sheep had votes, they would give them all to the butcher." Then when reformers found that the new electors voted largely for those who had always refused them the franchise, the advocates of it often expressed to me their misgivings as to its wisdom. Lord Sherbrooke (then Robert Lowe) saw clearly that if liberty was to be maintained and extended, the State must educate its masters.
But has this been done? Has not education been impeded78? Have not electoral facilities been hampered79? Has not the franchise been restricted by onerous80 conditions, which keep great numbers from having any vote at all? Has not the dual81 vote been kept up, which enables the wealthy to multiply their votes at will? Before reformers have misgivings concerning the extension of liberty to the masses, they must see that the poor have the same opportunity of reaching the poll as the rich have. George Eliot, who had the Positivist reluctance82 to see the people act for themselves, wrote: "Ignorant power comes in the end to the same thing as wicked power."* But there is this difference in their nature. "Ignorant power" can be instructed, and experience may teach it; but "wicked power" has an evil purpose, intelligently fixed83 and implacably determined84.
* "Felix Holt," p 265. Blackwood's stereotyped85 edition.
Does any reflecting person suppose, that when the vote was given to the mass of the people, they would be at once transmuted86 into intelligent, calculating, and patient politicians—that their passions would be tamed, and their vices87 extinguished—that they would forthwith act reasonably? Much of this was true of the thoughtful working men. But for a long time the multitude must remain unchanged until intelligence extends. We have had renewed experience that—
A word's enough to rouse mankind to kill.
Some cunning phrase by fiction caught and spread,
But the reformer has one new advantage now. He is no longer scandalised by the excesses of ignorance, nor the perversities of selfishness. Giving the vote has, if we may paraphrase91 the words of Shakespeare, put into
"Every man's hands
It is no mean thing to have done this. There is no reason for misgiving61 here. If the people misuse93 or neglect to use their power, the fault is their own. There is no one to reproach but themselves.
Abolitionists of slavery may, if supine, feel misgivings at having liberated94 the negroes from their masters, where they were certain of shelter, subsistence, and protection from assault of others, and exposed them to the malice95 of their former owners, to be maltreated, murdered at will, lynched with torture on imaginary or uninvestigated accusations96. Those who aided the emancipation97 of the slaves are bound to ceaseless vigilance in defending them. But despite the calamities98 of liberty, freedom has added an elastic99 race (who learn the arts of order and of wealth) to the family of mankind, and misgivings are obsolete100 among those who have achieved the triumphs and share the vigils and duties of progress.
Mr. Mill was essentially101 a teacher of the people. He wished them to think on their own account—for themselves, and not as others directed them. He did not wish them to disregard the thoughts of those wiser than themselves, but to verify new ideas as far as they could, before assenting102 to them. He wished them not to take authority for truth, but truth for authority. To this end he taught the people principles which were pathways to the future. He who kept on such paths knew where he was. Herbert Spencer said he had no wrinkles on his brow because he had discovered the thoroughfares of nature, and was never puzzled as to where they led. Mr. Mill was a chartmaker in logic103, in social economy, and in politics. None before him did what he did, and no successor has exceeded him. By his protest against the "subjection of women," he brought half the human race into the province of politics and progress. They have not all appeared there as yet—but they are on the way.
点击收听单词发音
1 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
2 publicity | |
n.众所周知,闻名;宣传,广告 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
3 passionate | |
adj.热情的,热烈的,激昂的,易动情的,易怒的,性情暴躁的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
4 repudiation | |
n.拒绝;否认;断绝关系;抛弃 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
5 concurrence | |
n.同意;并发 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
6 imputed | |
v.把(错误等)归咎于( impute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
7 eccentricities | |
n.古怪行为( eccentricity的名词复数 );反常;怪癖 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
8 imputation | |
n.归罪,责难 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
9 teller | |
n.银行出纳员;(选举)计票员 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
10 inexplicable | |
adj.无法解释的,难理解的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
11 meditating | |
a.沉思的,冥想的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
12 immorality | |
n. 不道德, 无道义 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
13 privately | |
adv.以私人的身份,悄悄地,私下地 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
14 deter | |
vt.阻止,使不敢,吓住 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
15 eminent | |
adj.显赫的,杰出的,有名的,优良的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
16 confiding | |
adj.相信人的,易于相信的v.吐露(秘密,心事等)( confide的现在分词 );(向某人)吐露(隐私、秘密等) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
17 moor | |
n.荒野,沼泽;vt.(使)停泊;vi.停泊 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
18 eminence | |
n.卓越,显赫;高地,高处;名家 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
19 elevation | |
n.高度;海拔;高地;上升;提高 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
20 motives | |
n.动机,目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
21 stimulants | |
n.兴奋剂( stimulant的名词复数 );含兴奋剂的饮料;刺激物;激励物 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
22 advent | |
n.(重要事件等的)到来,来临 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
23 deplored | |
v.悲叹,痛惜,强烈反对( deplore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
24 disappearance | |
n.消失,消散,失踪 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
25 disparaging | |
adj.轻蔑的,毁谤的v.轻视( disparage的现在分词 );贬低;批评;非难 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
26 subscribed | |
v.捐助( subscribe的过去式和过去分词 );签署,题词;订阅;同意 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
27 lesser | |
adj.次要的,较小的;adv.较小地,较少地 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
28 allures | |
诱引,吸引( allure的第三人称单数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
29 admiration | |
n.钦佩,赞美,羡慕 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
30 transpired | |
(事实,秘密等)被人知道( transpire的过去式和过去分词 ); 泄露; 显露; 发生 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
31 maxim | |
n.格言,箴言 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
32 affront | |
n./v.侮辱,触怒 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
33 sinister | |
adj.不吉利的,凶恶的,左边的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
34 interpretation | |
n.解释,说明,描述;艺术处理 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
35 stainless | |
adj.无瑕疵的,不锈的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
36 incur | |
vt.招致,蒙受,遭遇 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
37 withheld | |
withhold过去式及过去分词 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
38 reprehension | |
n.非难,指责 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
39 progeny | |
n.后代,子孙;结果 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
40 infest | |
v.大批出没于;侵扰;寄生于 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
41 gaol | |
n.(jail)监狱;(不加冠词)监禁;vt.使…坐牢 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
42 penury | |
n.贫穷,拮据 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
43 brutal | |
adj.残忍的,野蛮的,不讲理的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
44 delicacy | |
n.精致,细微,微妙,精良;美味,佳肴 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
45 propriety | |
n.正当行为;正当;适当 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
46 ethical | |
adj.伦理的,道德的,合乎道德的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
47 foresight | |
n.先见之明,深谋远虑 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
48 manlier | |
manly(有男子气概的)的比较级形式 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
49 plummet | |
vi.(价格、水平等)骤然下跌;n.铅坠;重压物 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
50 crooked | |
adj.弯曲的;不诚实的,狡猾的,不正当的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
51 iniquities | |
n.邪恶( iniquity的名词复数 );极不公正 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
52 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
53 exalted | |
adj.(地位等)高的,崇高的;尊贵的,高尚的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
54 adversary | |
adj.敌手,对手 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
55 squeak | |
n.吱吱声,逃脱;v.(发出)吱吱叫,侥幸通过;(俚)告密 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
56 suffrage | |
n.投票,选举权,参政权 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
57 ballot | |
n.(不记名)投票,投票总数,投票权;vi.投票 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
58 judgment | |
n.审判;判断力,识别力,看法,意见 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
59 dissented | |
不同意,持异议( dissent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
60 conceal | |
v.隐藏,隐瞒,隐蔽 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
61 misgiving | |
n.疑虑,担忧,害怕 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
62 misgivings | |
n.疑虑,担忧,害怕;疑虑,担心,恐惧( misgiving的名词复数 );疑惧 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
63 franchise | |
n.特许,特权,专营权,特许权 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
64 odious | |
adj.可憎的,讨厌的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
65 dreaded | |
adj.令人畏惧的;害怕的v.害怕,恐惧,担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
66 scrutiny | |
n.详细检查,仔细观察 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
67 apprehensions | |
疑惧 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
68 intimidation | |
n.恐吓,威胁 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
69 bribery | |
n.贿络行为,行贿,受贿 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
70 manliness | |
刚毅 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
71 resentment | |
n.怨愤,忿恨 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
72 martyrs | |
n.martyr的复数形式;烈士( martyr的名词复数 );殉道者;殉教者;乞怜者(向人诉苦以博取同情) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
73 peril | |
n.(严重的)危险;危险的事物 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
74 secrecy | |
n.秘密,保密,隐蔽 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
75 immunity | |
n.优惠;免除;豁免,豁免权 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
76 knaves | |
n.恶棍,无赖( knave的名词复数 );(纸牌中的)杰克 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
77 plunge | |
v.跳入,(使)投入,(使)陷入;猛冲 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
78 impeded | |
阻碍,妨碍,阻止( impede的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
79 hampered | |
妨碍,束缚,限制( hamper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
80 onerous | |
adj.繁重的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
81 dual | |
adj.双的;二重的,二元的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
82 reluctance | |
n.厌恶,讨厌,勉强,不情愿 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
83 fixed | |
adj.固定的,不变的,准备好的;(计算机)固定的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
84 determined | |
adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
85 stereotyped | |
adj.(指形象、思想、人物等)模式化的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
86 transmuted | |
v.使变形,使变质,把…变成…( transmute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
87 vices | |
缺陷( vice的名词复数 ); 恶习; 不道德行为; 台钳 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
88 vengeance | |
n.报复,报仇,复仇 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
89 guilt | |
n.犯罪;内疚;过失,罪责 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
90 reign | |
n.统治时期,统治,支配,盛行;v.占优势 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
91 paraphrase | |
vt.将…释义,改写;n.释义,意义 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
92 captivity | |
n.囚禁;被俘;束缚 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
93 misuse | |
n.误用,滥用;vt.误用,滥用 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
94 liberated | |
a.无拘束的,放纵的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
95 malice | |
n.恶意,怨恨,蓄意;[律]预谋 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
96 accusations | |
n.指责( accusation的名词复数 );指控;控告;(被告发、控告的)罪名 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
97 emancipation | |
n.(从束缚、支配下)解放 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
98 calamities | |
n.灾祸,灾难( calamity的名词复数 );不幸之事 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
99 elastic | |
n.橡皮圈,松紧带;adj.有弹性的;灵活的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
100 obsolete | |
adj.已废弃的,过时的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
101 essentially | |
adv.本质上,实质上,基本上 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
102 assenting | |
同意,赞成( assent的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
103 logic | |
n.逻辑(学);逻辑性 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
欢迎访问英文小说网 |