Agitation7 for the public welfare is a feature of civilisation8. In a despotic land it works by what means it can. In a free country it seeks its ends by agencies within the limits of law. The mastery of the means left open for procuring9 needful change, the right use, and the full use of these facilities, constitute the business of an agitator.
For more than fifty years I was associated with Mr. Collet in public affairs, and I never knew any one more discerning than he in choosing a public cause, or on promoting it with greater plenitude of resource. Many a time he has come to my house at midnight to discuss some new point he thought important. A good secretary is the inspirer of the movement he represents. Mr. Collet habitually10 sought the opinion of those for whom he acted. Every letter and every document was laid before them. On points of policy or terms of expression he deferred11 to the views of others, not only with acquiescence12, but willingness. During the more than twenty-four years in which I was chairman of the Travelling Tax Abolition13 Committee and he was secretary, I remember no instance to the contrary of his ready deference14. His fertility of suggestion was a constant advantage. Mr. Bright and Mr. Cobden (who had an instinct of fitness) would select the most suitable for the purpose in hand. In early life Mr. Collet had studied for the law, and retained a passion for it which proved very useful where Acts of Parliament were the barricades15 which had to be stormed.
Mr. Collet was educated at Bruce Castle School, conducted by the father of Sir Rowland Hill. Collet's political convictions were shown by his becoming secretary for the People's Charter union, intended to restore the Chartist movement (then mainly under Irish influence) to English hands. In 1848, he and W. J. Linton were sent as deputies to Paris, as bearers of English congratulations on the establishment of the Republic. Afterwards he fell himself under the fascination16 of an Oriental-minded diplomat17, David Urquhart, and became a romantic Privy18 Council loyalist. Mr. Urquhart was Irish, eloquent19, dogmatic, and infallible—at least, he put down with ostentatious insolence20 any one who ventured to demur21 to anything he said. If the astounded22 questioner pleaded that he was ignorant of the facts adduced, he was told his ignorance was a crime. Mr. Urquhart believed that all wisdom lay in treaties and Blue Books, and that the first duty of every politician was to insist on beheading Lord Palmerston, who had betrayed England to Russia. How Mr. Collet—a lover of freedom and inquiry—could be subjugated23 by doctrines25 which, if not conceived in madness, were commanded by arts akin26 to madness, is the greatest mystery of conversion27 I have known. I have seen Mr. Bright come out of the House of Commons, and observing Mr. Collet, would advance and offer his hand, when Mr. Collet would put his hands behind him, saying "he could not take the hand of a man who knew Lord Palmerston was an impostor and ought to know he was a traitor28, and still maintained political relations with him." Yet Mr. Collet had great and well-founded regard for Mr. Bright.
It was an intrepid29 undertaking30 to attempt a repeal31 of taxes which for 143 years had fettered32, as they were designed to do, knowledge from reaching the people. The history of this achievement was given in the Weekly Times and Echo, While these taxes were in force, neither cheap newspapers nor cheap books could exist. Since their repeal great newspapers and great publishing houses have arisen. While these Acts were in force every newspaper proprietor33 was treated as a blasphemer and a writer of sedition34, and compelled to give securities of ￡300 against the exercise of his infamous35 tendencies; every paper-maker was regarded as a thief, and the officers of the Excise36 dogged every step of his business with hampering37, exacting39, and humiliating suspicion. Every reader found with an unstamped paper in his possession was liable to a fine of ￡20. The policy of our agitation was to observe scrupulous40 fairness to every Government with which we came in contact, and to heads of departments with whom unceasing war was waged. Their personal honour was never confused with the mischievous41 Acts they were compelled to enforce. Our rule was steadfastness42 in fairness and courtesy. The cardinal43 principle of agitation Collet maintained was that the most effectual way to obtain the repeal of a bad law was to insist upon it being carried out, when its effect would soon be resented by those who maintain its application to others. Charles Dickens' "Household Narrative44 of Current Events," published weekly, was a violation45 of the Act which required news to be a month old when published on unstamped paper. Dickens was not selected from malice46, for he was friendly to the freedom of the press, but from policy, as an Act carried out which would ruin a popular favourite like Dickens, would excite indignation against it. A clamour was raised by friends in Parliament against the supineness of the Inland Revenue Board, for tolerating a wealthy metropolitan47 offender48, while it prosecuted49 and relentlessly50 ruined small men in the provinces for doing the same thing. Bright called attention in the House to the Electric Telegraph Company, who were advertising51 every night in the lobbies news, not an hour old, on unstamped paper, in violation of the law.
It took thirty years of supplication52 to get art galleries open on Sunday, when the application of the law to the privilege of the rich would have opened them in ten years. The rich are allowed to violate the law against working on Sundays, for which the poor man is fined and imprisoned53. An intelligent committee on the Balfour-Chamberlain principle of Retaliation54 would soon put an end to the laws which hamper38 the progress.
Professor Alexander Bain, remarkable55 for his fruitfulness in philosophic56 device, asked my opinion on a project of constructing a barometer57 of personal character, which varies by time and event. Everybody is aware of somebody who has changed, but few notice that every one is changing daily, for better or for worse. What Bain wanted was to contrive58 some instrument by which these variations could be denoted.
No doubt men must be judged on the balance of their ascertained59 merits. Bishop1 Butler's maxim60 that "Probability is the guide of life," implies proportion, and is the rule whereby character is to be judged. For years I conceived a strong dislike of Sir Robert Peel, because, as Secretary of State, he refused the petition of Mrs. Carlile to be allowed to leave the prison (where she ought never to have been sent) before the time of her accouchement Peel's refusal was unfeeling and brutal61. Yet in after life it was seen that Sir Robert possessed62 great qualities, and made great sacrifices in promoting the public good; and I learned to hold in honour one whom I had hated for half a century.
For many years I entertained an indifferent estimate of Sir William Harcourt. It began when my friend Mr. E. J. H. Craufurd, M.P., challenged him to a duel63, which he declined—justifiably it might be, as he was a larger man than his antagonist64, and offered a wider surface for bullets. Declining was meritorious65 in my eyes, as duels66 had then a political prestige, and there was courage in refusing. The cause of the challenge I thought well founded. In the earlier years of Sir William's Parliamentary life I had many opportunities of observing him, and thought he appeared as more contented67 with himself than any man is entitled to be on this side of the Millennium68. When member for Oxford69 as a Liberal, he declared against payment of members of Parliament on the ground of expense. The expense would have been one halfpenny a year to each elector. This seemed to me so insincere that I ceased to count him as a Liberal who could be trusted. Yet all the while he had great qualities as a combatant of the highest order, in the battles of Liberalism, who sacrificed himself, lost all prospect70 of higher distinction, and incurred71 the undying rage of the rich (who have Canning's "ignorant impatience72" of taxation) by instituting death duties, services which entitled him to honour and regard.
I heard Lord Salisbury's acrid73, sneering74, insulting, contemptuous speeches in the House of Commons against working men seeking the franchise75. What gave this man the right to speak with bitterness and scorn of the people whose industry kept him in the opulence76 he so little deserved? Some friends of mine, who had personal intercourse77 with him, described him as a fair-spoken gentleman. All the while, and to the end of his days, he had the cantankerous78 tongue in diplomacy79 which brought contempt and distrust upon Englishmen abroad, while his jests at Irish members of Parliament, whom his Government had subjected to humiliation80 in prison, denoted, thought many, the innate81 savagery82 of his order, when secure from public retribution—which people should remember who continue its impunity83. Difference of opinion is to be respected, but it is difficult even for philosophy to condone84 scorn. If recklessness in language be the mark of inferiority in workmen, what is it in those of high position who compromise a nation by their ungoverned tongues?
Among things bygone are certain ideas of popular influence which have had their day—some too long a day, judging from their effects. The general misconceptions in them still linger in some minds, and it may be useful to recall a prominent one.
The madness of thoroughness are two words I have never seen brought together, yet they are allied85 oftener than most persons suppose. Thoroughness, in things which concern others, has limits. Justness is greater than thoroughness. There is great fascination in being thorough. A man should be thorough as far as he can. This implies that he must have regard to the rights and reasonable convenience of others, which is the natural limit of all the virtues86. Sometimes a politician will adopt the word "thorough" as his motto, forgetful that it was the motto of Strafford, who was a despot on principle, and who perished through the terror which his success inspired. Cromwell was thorough in merciless massacres88, which have made his name hateful in Irish memory for three centuries, perpetuating89 the distrust of English rule. Vigour90 is a notable attribute, but unless it stops short of rigour, it jeopardises itself.
Thorough means the entire carrying out of a principle to its end. This can rarely be done in human affairs. When a person finds he cannot do all he would, he commonly does nothing, whereas his duty is to do what he can—to continue to assert and maintain the principle he thinks right, and persist in its application to the extent of his power. To suspend endeavour at the point where persistence91 would imperil the just right of others, is the true compromise in which there is no shame, as Mr. John Morley, in his wise book on "Compromise," has shown. Temperance—a word of infinite wholesomeness92 in every department of life, because it means use and restraint—has been retarded93 and rendered repellent to thousands by the "thorough" partisans94 who have put prohibition95 into it Can absolute prohibition be enforced universally where conviction is opposed, without omnipresent tyranny, which makes it hateful instead of welcome? Even truth itself, the golden element of trust and progress, has to be limited by relevance96, timeliness and utility. He who would speak everything he knows or believes to be true, to all persons, at all times, in every place, would soon become the most intolerable person in every society, and make lying itself a relief. A man should stand by the truth and act upon it, wherever he can, and he should be known by his fidelity97 to it But that is a very different thing from obtruding98 it in unseemly ways, in season and out of season, which has ruined many a noble cause. The law limits its exaction99 of truth to evidence necessary for justice. There are cases, such as occurred during the Civil War of emancipation100 in America, where slave-hunters would demand of the man, who had seen a fugitive101 slave, pass by, "which way he had run." The humane102 bystander questioned, would point in the opposite direction. Had he pointed103 truly, it would have cost the slave his life. This was lying for humanity, and it would be lying to call it by any other name, for it was lying. Thoroughness would have murdered the fugitive.
The thoroughness of the Puritans brought upon the English nation the calamities104 of the Restoration. Richelieu, in France, was thorough in his policy of centralisation. He was a butcher on principle, and his name became a symbol of murder. He circumvented105 everything, and pursued every one with implacable ferocity, who was likely to withstand him. He put to death persons high and low, he destroyed municipalism in France, and changed the character of political society for the worse. The French Revolutionists did but tread in the footsteps of the political priest. They were all thorough, and as a consequence they died by each other's hands, and ruined liberty in France and in Europe. The gospel of thoroughness was preached by Carlyle and demoralised Continental106 Liberals. In the revolution of 1848 they spared lives all round. They even abolished the punishment of death.
But when Louis Napoleon applied107 the doctrine24 of "thorough" to the greatest citizens of Paris, and shot, imprisoned, or exiled statesmen, philosophers and poets, Madame Pulzsky said to me, the "Republicans thought their leniency108 a mistake, and if they had power again they would cut everybody's throat who stood in the way of liberty." As usual, thoroughness had begotten109 ferocity.
Carlyle's eminent110 disciples112 of thoroughness justified113 the massacre87 and torture of the blacks in Jamaica, for which Tennyson, Kingsley, and others defended Governor Eyre. Lord Cardwell, in the House of Commons, admitted in my hearing that there had been "unnecessary executions." "Unnecessary executions" are murders—but in thoroughness unnecessary executions are not counted. Wherever we have heard of pitilessness in military policy, or in speeches in our Parliament, we see exemplifications of the gospel of Thoroughness, which is madness if not limited by justice and forbearance.
Conventional thoroughness dwells in extremes. If political economy was thoroughly114 carried out, there might be great wealth, but no happiness. Enjoyment115 is waste, since it involves expenditure116. The Inquisition, which made religion a name of terror, was but thoroughness in piety117. Pope, himself a Catholic, warned us that—
The worst of madness is a saint run mad."
Fanatics119 forget (they would not be fanatics if they remembered) that in public affairs, true thoroughness is limited by the rights of others. There is no permanent progress without this consideration. The best of eggs will harden if boiled too much. The mariner120 who takes no account of the rocks, wrecks121 his ship—which it is not profitable to forget.
It is natural that those who crave122 practical knowledge of the unseen world should look about the universe for some chink, through which they can see what goes on there, and believe they have met with truants123 who have made disclosures to them. I have no commerce of that kind to relate. It is hard to think that when Jupiter is silent—when the Head of the Gods speaketh not—that He allows angels with traitor tongues to betray to men the mysteries of the world He has Himself concealed124. Can it be that He permits wayward ghosts to creep over the boundary of another world and babble125 His secrets at will? This would imply great lack of discipline at the outposts of paradise. There is great fascination in clandestine126 communication with the kingdom of the dead. I own that noises of the night, not heard in the day, seem supernatural. The wind sounds like the rush of the disembodied—hinges creak with human emotion—winds moan against window panes127 like persons in pain. Creatures of the air and earth flit or leap in pursuit of prey128, like the shadows of ghosts or the furtive129 steps of murdered souls. Are they more than
"The sounds sent down at night
By birds of passage in their flight"?
For believing less where others believe more, for expressing decision of opinion which the reader may resent, I do but follow in the footsteps of Confucius, who, as stated by Allen Upward, "declared that a principle of belief or even a rule of morality binding130 on himself need not bind131 a disciple111 whose own conscience did not enjoin132 it on him." Confucius, says his expositor, thus "reached a height to which mankind have hardly yet lifted their eyes, and announced a freedom compared with which ours is an empty name."
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1
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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derisively
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| adv. 嘲笑地，嘲弄地 | |
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agitators
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| n.（尤指政治变革的）鼓动者( agitator的名词复数 )；煽动者；搅拌器；搅拌机 | |
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agitator
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| n.鼓动者；搅拌器 | |
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rev
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| v.发动机旋转，加快速度 | |
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agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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civilisation
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| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
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procuring
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的现在分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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habitually
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| ad.习惯地，通常地 | |
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deferred
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| adj.延期的，缓召的v.拖延，延缓，推迟( defer的过去式和过去分词 )；服从某人的意愿，遵从 | |
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acquiescence
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| n.默许；顺从 | |
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abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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deference
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| n.尊重，顺从；敬意 | |
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barricades
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| 路障，障碍物( barricade的名词复数 ) | |
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fascination
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| n.令人着迷的事物，魅力，迷恋 | |
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diplomat
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| n.外交官，外交家；能交际的人，圆滑的人 | |
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privy
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| adj.私用的；隐密的 | |
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eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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demur
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| v．表示异议，反对 | |
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astounded
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| v.使震惊(astound的过去式和过去分词)；愕然；愕；惊讶 | |
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subjugated
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| v.征服，降伏( subjugate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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akin
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| adj.同族的，类似的 | |
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conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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traitor
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| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
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intrepid
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| adj.无畏的，刚毅的 | |
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undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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repeal
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| n.废止，撤消；v.废止，撤消 | |
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fettered
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| v.给…上脚镣，束缚( fetter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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proprietor
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| n.所有人；业主；经营者 | |
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sedition
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| n.煽动叛乱 | |
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infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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excise
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| n.(国产)货物税；vt.切除，删去 | |
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hampering
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| 妨碍，束缚，限制( hamper的现在分词 ) | |
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hamper
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| vt.妨碍，束缚，限制；n.(有盖的)大篮子 | |
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exacting
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| adj.苛求的，要求严格的 | |
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scrupulous
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| adj.审慎的，小心翼翼的，完全的，纯粹的 | |
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mischievous
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| adj.调皮的，恶作剧的，有害的，伤人的 | |
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steadfastness
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| n.坚定，稳当 | |
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cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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malice
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| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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metropolitan
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| adj.大城市的，大都会的 | |
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offender
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| n.冒犯者，违反者，犯罪者 | |
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prosecuted
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| a.被起诉的 | |
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relentlessly
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| adv.不屈不挠地；残酷地；不间断 | |
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advertising
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| n.广告业；广告活动 a.广告的；广告业务的 | |
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supplication
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| n.恳求，祈愿，哀求 | |
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imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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retaliation
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| n.报复，反击 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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philosophic
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| adj.哲学的，贤明的 | |
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barometer
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| n.气压表，睛雨表，反应指标 | |
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contrive
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| vt.谋划，策划；设法做到；设计，想出 | |
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ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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maxim
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| n.格言，箴言 | |
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brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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duel
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| n./v.决斗；(双方的)斗争 | |
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antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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meritorious
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| adj.值得赞赏的 | |
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duels
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| n.两男子的决斗( duel的名词复数 )；竞争，斗争 | |
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contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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millennium
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| n.一千年，千禧年；太平盛世 | |
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Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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72
impatience
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| n.不耐烦，急躁 | |
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acrid
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| adj.辛辣的，尖刻的，刻薄的 | |
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sneering
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| 嘲笑的，轻蔑的 | |
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franchise
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| n.特许，特权，专营权，特许权 | |
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opulence
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| n.财富，富裕 | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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cantankerous
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| adj.爱争吵的，脾气不好的 | |
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diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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humiliation
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| n.羞辱 | |
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innate
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| adj.天生的，固有的，天赋的 | |
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savagery
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| n.野性 | |
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83
impunity
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| n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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condone
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| v.宽恕；原谅 | |
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85
allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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86
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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massacres
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| 大屠杀( massacre的名词复数 )； 惨败 | |
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perpetuating
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| perpetuate的现在进行式 | |
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vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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persistence
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| n.坚持，持续，存留 | |
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wholesomeness
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| 卫生性 | |
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retarded
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| a.智力迟钝的，智力发育迟缓的 | |
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partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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prohibition
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| n.禁止；禁令，禁律 | |
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relevance
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| n.中肯，适当，关联，相关性 | |
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fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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obtruding
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| v.强行向前，强行，强迫( obtrude的现在分词 ) | |
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exaction
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| n.强求，强征；杂税 | |
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emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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103
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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calamities
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| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
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circumvented
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| v.设法克服或避免（某事物），回避( circumvent的过去式和过去分词 )；绕过，绕行，绕道旅行 | |
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continental
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| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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108
leniency
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| n.宽大（不严厉） | |
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109
begotten
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| v.为…之生父( beget的过去分词 )；产生，引起 | |
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eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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disciple
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| n.信徒，门徒，追随者 | |
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112
disciples
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| n.信徒( disciple的名词复数 )；门徒；耶稣的信徒；（尤指）耶稣十二门徒之一 | |
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113
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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114
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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115
enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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116
expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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fanatics
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| 狂热者，入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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120
mariner
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| n.水手号不载人航天探测器，海员，航海者 | |
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wrecks
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| n.沉船( wreck的名词复数 )；（事故中）遭严重毁坏的汽车（或飞机等）；（身体或精神上）受到严重损伤的人；状况非常糟糕的车辆（或建筑物等）v.毁坏[毁灭]某物( wreck的第三人称单数 )；使（船舶）失事，使遇难，使下沉 | |
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122
crave
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| vt.渴望得到，迫切需要，恳求，请求 | |
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123
truants
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| n.旷课的小学生( truant的名词复数 )；逃学生；逃避责任者；懒散的人 | |
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124
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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125
babble
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| v.含糊不清地说，胡言乱语地说，儿语 | |
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clandestine
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| adj.秘密的，暗中从事的 | |
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panes
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| 窗玻璃( pane的名词复数 ) | |
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128
prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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129
furtive
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| adj.鬼鬼崇崇的，偷偷摸摸的 | |
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130
binding
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| 有约束力的，有效的，应遵守的 | |
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131
bind
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| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
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132
enjoin
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| v.命令；吩咐；禁止 | |
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