'My Friends,—It is now six months since cut and hacked2, "I fell," not merely in the language of the parable4 but literally5, "among thieves." Of those who caused that contact, I am afraid I must say, as William Hutton said of an untoward6 sweetheart—"There was little love between us at first, and heaven has been pleased to decrease it on a further acquaintance." Christians8 profess9 to draw men to Jesus with "cords of love," but were it not for their judicious10 foresight11 in telling us that they axe12 "cords of love," few would find it out.
'To friends in Gloucester,* Cheltenham, Birmingham, London,** and other places, I owe many thanks for what has been contributed for my support, and for that of my family, during my imprisonment13.
* To Gloucester two special acknowledgments are due. First
to a young lady, the niece of the Innkeeper, in whose house
I resided, when awaiting Trial, both at the sessions and
assises. With no other knowledge of me than these occasions
afforded, and with no prepossession in favour of my
opinions, but simply from that generous sympathy women often
and was a medium of communication with my friends, and often
the gaol sometimes rendered it impossible for me even to
know. In the romance of incident, she afterwards became the
wife of my friend Mr. Chilton. The other instance was that
the latter part of my imprisonment, brought me dinner every
unknown to me.
** At the time of the death of Madeline, Mrs. Ralph Thomas,
of London, sent to Mrs. Holyoake ￡3, subscribed20 by herself
and personal friends.
For their attentions I believe no thanks were asked and none are wished. Yet I am concerned to make acknowledgments, because a man always values highly the kindness he does not expect. When the words were spoken which led to my prosecution22, I expected that the cautious would think that I had gone "too far"—that the prudent23 would think that I had been too rash—that my friends would be afraid for me, and that the timid would be afraid for themselves. But I held with Polydamus, that
To speak his thoughts is every freeman's right—
In peace and war, in council and in fight.
'And, what I regarded as greater than my right, I felt it to be my duty. Besides, my honour was concerned. I could not descend24 to that disingenuousness25 I had often counselled others to scorn. Hence, in the course I took, I did not think it necessary to calculate consequences; a man's true concern is with his principles, and not with his fate. I pretended to no public virtue26, and I laid claim to no praise—I did no more than every man ought to do. That doing so little has been so rewarded by the exertions27 of many friends for my protection, I must be pleased—but had nothing been done, I trust I should have found pride in penury28 and satisfaction under neglect, in the reflection that I had discharged my duty and preserved consistency29.
'When my memorial to Sir James Graham was returned to the magistrates30 for their opinion, they came to me, and Mr. Bransby Cooper stormed out with great violence—"You were sent here, sir, for punishment, and you have nothing else to expect. I consider you worse than the greatest felon31 in the gaol; you have been guilty of the most atrocious crime a man can possibly commit. I have told Sir James Graham what you deserve." I knew that these magistrates were Christians. I was told they were gentlemen, but I thought them furies.*
who, as a Christian, behaved with so much rudeness, had just
before given instruction to the turnkeys to treat me with
respect, with a view to save me from less harshness from
other officials than that which, in other moods, he so
'The prison diet was bread, gruel34, and potatoes. On two days in each week boiled rice was substituted for potatoes; and after I had been in prison nine weeks I was, by the rules, allowed a small portion of salt beef on Thursdays and Sundays. As this fare is deemed in Gloucestershire a famous specific for the cure of atheism35, it may not be out of place to explain its virtues36. The gruel was little remarkable37 for its delicate flavour and little celebrated38 for its nutritious39 qualities, and known by the luxurious40 cognomen41 of "skilly." The rice had a blue cast, a saline taste, and a slimy look. The beef I could not often taste, seldom chew, and never digest—I should say it was rather leather mode than a la mode. The whole of the food could only be taken by a ploughman's appetite, and only be digested by a navigator's stomach.
'The indirect occasion of my prosecution was the editorship of the Oracle. When Mr. Southwell was apprehended42 no Social Missionary43 came forward to continue his paper, although many of them were better qualified44 to do so than myself. Socialism had always attached great importance to freedom of expression, and Socialism's advocates had been styled "apostles of freethought." Knowing this, I felt that it would be a dishonourable reflection should any one refuse personally to support what he was known publicly to approve. Had Mr. Fleming been placed in Mr. Southwell's situation, and had he been of opinion that I could have defended his violated liberty by taking his place, I should have edited the New Moral World as cheerfully as I did the Oracle of Reason. When I speak of "freedom of speech" and "liberty for all," I know of no distinction between myself and those who differ from me—I see with an equal eye the Atheist48 and the Christian, the violent and the gentle, the dogmatic and the modest.
'That is true of Christianity which has been said of Catholicism, "Humane49 individuals may express their abhorrence50 of the sentiments of persecution51—bodies of men, sections of the church itself, nay52 many of the dignitaries may abjure53 them, and protest that they have never acted upon them, nor ever will enforce them—yet all this will not avail to give a discerning man the smallest security for his liberty, his property, or his life; for as long as those intolerant decrees remain upon the statute54 book, they can at any time be revived." It therefore behoves everyone to set a guard over that liberty, for the loss of which no religion will ever compensate55. The conviction should be permanent that Christianity is a fearful thing. But bad men may laud56 it—mistaken men may contend that there is some good in it—unthinking men may give currency to its terms—and weak men may connive57 at its delusions58, but we ought to regard with different sentiments a system which tramples59 upon the feelings of humanity and the principles of liberty. Let us then secure the antidote60—free expression of opposite opinion. Shall it be said that we are content to wear mental fetters61? When Protestants, who dare never think without the Bible and Prayer Book, have shaken off the iron despotism of Catholicism—when Methodists and even Ranters have refused to submit their thoughts to be cut down to the Procrustean62 bed of conventional opinion—let not Christians mock at Freethinking pusillanimity63 and deride64 us as holders65 of craven principles. Not only for ourselves but for others are our exertions demanded. What patrimony66 has the poor man but his free thoughts? Industry will not save him from chill penury's grip, nor virtue from the poor-house grave—let us then preserve and perfect the humble inheritance of those who have no other.'*
In prison it is not safe to make complaints. You are too much in the power of those around you to escape reprisals67 of a serious kind, but this did not deter68 me from what I conceived to be a duty, and which might make the future easier for others who might follow me in the same way. Besides the endeavours I had made within the prison, with a view to tolerable treatment, I addressed, on my release, the following letter to the editor of the Cheltenham Free Press—
'Mr. Editor,—As prisons and prison discipline have lately occupied much public attention, I am induced to offer to your notice a little recent experience in such matters. What I have written, I intended to have stated to a public meeting, but suffering from debility, which makes me glad to avoid excitement, I seek the calmer medium of your paper.
'I speak of Gloucester County Gaol. I believe the prison inspector69 is of opinion that the rules of that place are "harsh and cruel." Now, should a prisoner seek a partial exemption70 from their operation, the process he goes through is very curious. He applies to a turnkey—the turnkey answers, "my duty is determinate and my province clear; I cannot do it." Probably, he refers the prisoner to the surgeon. The surgeon is seen—he refers him to the governor, the governor refers him to the visiting magistrates—they reply, "we have no power to grant the request, Sir James Graham only can do that." Sir James Graham is memorialised, who, as is usual, answers, "The visiting magistrates best know what is proper—I only grant what they recommend." Any further application to them would be construed71 into a wilful72 annoyance73, and the prisoner is fortunate who can sit down like Sterne's happy man—pleased he knows not why, and contented74 he knows not wherefore. Of course I blame no one, for there is no one to blame, and this constitutes the beauty of the system.**
** It seemed to me useful to make applications for what I
wanted in writing. It prevented mistakes, and afterwards
admitted of proof. The governor used to come to me and say,
'Now, Holyoake, it is of no use sending this memorial.
It is sure not to be attended to, and he would so obligingly bestow76 upon me the treasures of his experience on the futility77 of the course I was pursuing, that at times it really did seem not only useless—but uncivil to persist. But I used to say, 'Captain Mason, I suppose you are right as to the result. That makes no difference, however, as to my duty; you may put my memorials in the fire, if you like, as soon as I have written them; still I will make the proper application to every officer and every authority, and deliver them to your care, as in duty bound.' I knew the Captain would not burn them—I knew more, I knew he dare not burn them. I knew, also, that each would be duly delivered to the proper party. Further I knew this, that if his dissuasions had deterred78 me from sending in my complaints, that when I left the prison the authorities would destroy every representation I might make, by saying 'If there had been anything wrong Holyoake would have complained, but as he has not done so, the aggravation79 he points out could not have existed, or could not have been grievous.' Foreseeing this I provided against it, and disregarding the refusal of my applications, I addressed them all round with scrupulous80 formality. The result was, that on my liberation I found myself in a position to defy contradiction in any allegations I had to advance; and though I published this letter immediately under the eyes of the magistrates, it was never contradicted.
Should I individualise, it would only be to say, that the governor is a gentleman of some excellent qualities, and some unintelligible81 conduct; that the surgeon possesses the suaviter in modo without the fortiter in re; and that the magistrates are little gods, who, like Jupiter, thunder oftener than they smile.
'What of health I have, I owe to my friends, who supplied me with such food as my constitution required, for had I been compelled to subsist82 on the diet of the prison, my health, by this time, would have been quite broken. With the direction of my own medical adviser83, I made this representation to the proper authorities at the gaol; I made them to the commissioners84 who were lately there, and I made them to Sir James Graham;* I therefore conceive that I am justified86 in repeating them here. The surgeon admitted the necessity of better diet, but referred me to the governor, and he sent me the fruitless round I have described. Now the province of the governor was the care of my person, and the province of the surgeon the care of my health. The governor ought not to have permitted the reference to him, and the surgeon ought not to have made it. Either the surgeon should have refused my application with decision, or have allowed it with independence. Upon this subject, the commissioners reminded me, "that if the surgeon did not order what was necessary for my health, he was responsible for it." I replied "that I knew this, and that they also knew, that a prisoner, like Beale of Northleach, must die before he could avail himself of such responsibility, and that this was but grave consolation87." But of the surgeon I wish to speak impartially89, and I gladly admit, that his manner was always very kind, but I complain that his answers were always very indecisive. What he recommended he seldom prescribed, and professed90 that he must consult the governor when he should have consulted only himself. This fault may seem little, but its effects are great. In a gaol, the surgeon is the only person who stands between a prisoner and the grave, and it is indispensable that to the quality of humanity those of independence and decision should be joined. The kind of answers to which I have alluded92 were given to me more than once, and given to others as well as to me. And I again repeat, that had I been without friends, I should have left my prison without health.
* In consequence of these representations some medical
gentlemen of the city were brought in to examine me, who
pronounced my life to be in no danger, and therefore (so it
seemed) my health was not regarded as worth improving by
better food. Provided I did not make a case fer the House of
Commons, that was enough. They appeared to consider
themselves as bound to keep me alive and no more.
'Akin47 to the want of better food, was the want of exercise, and no want of damp. The yard in which I walked was so small, that I always became giddy, through the frequent turnings, before I became refreshed. The governor sometimes permitted the "Fines-Class" in which I was, to walk in his garden; but the occasions came seldom and lasted not long—and I was previously93 so enervated94 by confinement95, that the unusual exercise thus taken, threw me into a slight fever. Generally speaking, the place in which I was confined was miserably96 humid, and, although I took perpetual care, I had almost a perpetual cold.
'An application for a trivial favour often brought down upon me ruthless treatment. The visiting magistrates would come, and before the other prisoners denounce me as the "worst felon in the gaol, and the most atrocious of criminals." I was directed to ascribe this to the petulance97 of age and the rancour of orthodoxy; but I thought it proceeded from bad taste and worse feeling.
'From first to last, every newspaper sent me was detained; every letter from me was perused98, and every one to me was broken open and read—and the very seals, if they happened to be heterodox, were interdicted99. Thus the privacy of affection and friendship were violated, and mind as well as body laid under one restraint.
'When I saw friends it was but for a few minutes, and then through the bars of a gate; to shake hands was a privilege, and to converse100 unheard, impossible. To me it was a momentary101 satisfaction made an enduring mortification102. To the public it may seem a light matter that nothing can be spoken to a visitor unheard by officers, but it is no light matter to a prisoner. The commissioners inquired—"Can you make no communication to your friends without its passing under the eyes of the governor, or through the ears of the turnkey?" I answered—"None; and that it was not prudent for a prisoner to mention openly what affected103 persons in whose power he was put—that no prisoner must calculate on gaolers being generous, for they owned few virtues not written in their rules." I spoke21 from experience, and gave them cases in point.*
'During the latter portion of my time all my friends were denied access to me, which, though it interfered104 with the supply of my wants, I did not, for the reasons stated, much regret. But this I did regret—all my letters were detained, and I was refused the privilege of writing a single letter to my family. The reason assigned by the governor for this was the enforcement of new rules, but I know that they were enforced without proper authority, and I believe applied105 only to me.***
'Those are happy who are for ever preserved from the reception cells of Gloucester Gaol. Of the one in which I was put, the floor was filthy106, the bed was filthier107, and the window was filthier still, for in the window was—what I sicken at while I write—a rag full of human excrement108. And of the bed, a prisoner assured me that when he lay in it the lice crept up his throat off the corners of the blanket which covered him. This statement, on my direction, he made to the commissioners.
Jones had called me out to state that an application I had
said the surgeon did not prescribe any other diet. I said,
'It appears to me, sir, that the surgeon dare not prescribe
any other diet, unless he was first assured you would
approve of it.' The answer of Mr. Cooper was loud, harsh,
brief, and decisive. 'Of course, sir, he dare not.' Thus the
fierce candour of this man broke through the web-work of
cautiousness which surrounded prisoners there, and spoke the
truth for once.
** I have since been told that Mr. Alcott, of America, was
among the number, who, being a visitor in England, had but
one opportunity of calling upon me.
***On one occasion Richard Carlile brought me a present of a
handsome pair of large razors, which were sent back lest I
should cut my throat with them. The rules of the gaol forbid
the entrance of such articles, but this reason for their
rejection was not in the rules, but added as suitable to my
case.
'The gaol chapel111 is a cold place. Often, on entering it, I have exclaimed, with Jugurtha, on entering his Roman dungeon—"Heavens! how cold is this bath of yours!" Yet in this place, during this inclement112 season, the prisoners are assembled every morning to hear prayers, on empty stomachs, after sixteen hours' confinement in their night cells. On the "long prayer" mornings, they are detained in chapel three-quarters of an hour, and the penitentiary113 men, on their return to their cells, find their gruel on the stone floor, gone cold in their absence. I mention this matter with reluctance114, as some may suppose that I notice it only from want of religion; but perhaps a little reflection will convince them that believers, as well as unbelievers, can appreciate a warm breakfast on a cold morning!—and that an asthmatical man, however sound his faith, will have his affection painfully increased by enervation115, inanition, and sudden cold. This practice I do not say is contrary to the rules, for it would be difficult to say what is, or what is not, contrary to them—and I never met with any one at the gaol who could tell. But the practice is contrary to the act of the 4th of Geo. IV., chap. 64, see. 30, which is professed to regulate it.
'A circumstance' of a different nature from any of the foregoing I think it my duty to notice. After a considerable portion of my term of imprisonment had elapsed, and after I had memorialised Sir James Graham, I was permitted to remain up in an evening with my books. To this I owe what of pleasure I can be said to have experienced in gaol, and with pleasure I acknowledge it.*
* Before this privilege was conceded I whiled away the long
nights by writing on the cover of a book, on which I had
slipped paper, and thus wrote on the lines made by the
threads, which kept in the dark the words from running into
each other. When a boy I learned to write with my eyes shut,
and my playful acquirement now became of service to me. In
this way I wrote some letters for the Oracle, and much of
that time, and for some years after, had to be kept together
oy letters, and, incredible as it will sound, I wrote during
my imprisonment from first to last nearly 2000 letters. The
governor did not see them all, but he saw so many, that one
day he said I sent out more letters than usually went
through a local post office.
'I prefer leaving these statements without comment, and content myself with saying, that I can abundantly substantiate118 every one of them. On Saturday last they were partly examined at the gaol by the magistrates, but I heard nothing that impugned119 their correctness or affected the propriety120 of their appearing before the public. If I have made any misrepresentations, I shall be sorry; and what is proved to be wrong I will cheerfully retract121. I have written from no malevolence122, for I feel none, and, as what I have related affects me no longer, my only motive123 is the hope of benefiting the unfortunate beings whom I have left behind me. My object is not, as some may suspect, to excite commiseration124 on my own part; to do this I have no wish, and no expectation, for in Cheltenham it seems to be a received maxim125, that they who have little faith have no feelings—certainly, none are respected.
'How my imprisonment is supposed to affect me toward religion, I cannot tell; I only know that I have no change of sentiment to own. During six months I have been "shut out from the common light and common air"—from those whom the bonds of friendship connected, and the ties of affection endeared; and some of these ties are broken for ever. After this, I can only say, that I have greater difficulty than ever in believing that humanity is the associate of piety126; and if Christianity has no expounders more attractive than those I have fallen in with, the day of my conversion127 is still distant.
'It was taught to me that the religion of Jesus cherished kindness, that it promoted our best affections, and reclaimed128 the erring129 in love. But how is this accomplished130 in gaol? The man who goes there must leave his affections, his feelings, and his sensibilities behind him—for in gaol all are blighted131, deadened, and destroyed. There no appeals are made but to coward fears, and no antidote applied to error but misery132. Indeed, I cannot dwell upon Christianity's treatment of what she considers my errors, without wishing, with Themistocles, that I could learn the art of forgetting. With regard to the cause of my prosecution, I admit that I might be wrong in the sentiments which I held, but I could not be wrong in frankly133 avowing134 them. And I may answer to Christians, as did Aristides to the tyrant135 Dionysius—"I am sorry for what you have done, but I am not sorry for what I have said." Despite all that has succeeded, I still prefer integrity to liberty. My resolution has long been taken, to speak nothing or to speak what I think—for
Who dares think one thing and another tell,
'Christians speak what they think useful, and the same privilege ought to be conceded to me. A difference in faith ought not to make a difference in right. But while it does so, those who cannot pronounce the required Shibboleth137 must arm themselves to bear. Those are poor principles for which a man is unwilling138 to suffer when they are in danger. It is an encouraging reflection, that though a man's fate may be at others' disposal, his character is ever at his own—and that no enemy can dishonour45 him who will not dishonour himself.
'Yours respectfully,
'Gloucester, Feb. 7, 1843.
'G. J. Holyoake.'
The Commissioners referred to in this letter asked me, when I was first taken before them, whether I had any complaint to make?
I said I had.
Did I wish to give it as evidence?
I said I did.
In the evening of the next day, between 9 and 10 o'clock, I was called up and taken into their presence again. The governor of the gaol, Captain Mason, and the surgeon, Mr. Hicks, were present.
'Take a seat, Mr. Holyoake,' said the speaker of the Board—Dr. Blissett Hawkins, I believe. I did so.
'Now, Mr. Holyoake, what have you to complain of?' said the speaking Commissioner85.
'Nothing, sir.'
'Nothing! Why what do you mean?'
'What I say, sir.'
'But did you not say that you had evidence that you wished to give?'
'I did.'
'Has it not been at your request that you have been brought before us for that purpose?'
'It has?'
'Then what are we to understand by your present statement?'
'Why, sir, what you hardly need me to explain. I cannot give evidence before these gentlemen,' looking towards the governor and the surgeon.
'True,' said the questioner. 'Captain Mason, Mr. Hicks, you will please to withdraw.'
When they were gone, 'Now, Mr. Holyoake, you can speak freely,' said the chairman.
'But first I must have your guarantee that I shall suffer no inconvenience in consequence.'
'Why what danger do you run?' was asked me.
'This. Am I not in the power of governor and surgeon? Can they not retaliate139 in your absence? No prisoner is safe in any gaol, as you ought to know, if the authorities come to regard him as reporting them. If you decline to give me this guarantee I shall not make any communication to you, and when I am at liberty again, I shall have a right to publish that your commission did not learn the whole truth at this gaol—that it did not even put itself in a condition to learn it.'
'Well,' the chairman said, 'We guarantee that you shall suffer no inconvenience in consequence of any evidence you may give to us.'
Then, and not till then, did I proceed to explain what in the last letter and notes is recounted. The commissioners kept their word. The severity of the discipline, instituted by the governor when a visitor came, was somewhat relaxed; and once or twice, when I was suffering from cold (before unnoticed), a can of mutton broth140 was ordered me by the surgeon, in which I found a very sensible looking piece of mutton.
Nothing more of importance remains141 to be narrated142. Concluding, let me solicit143 consideration to the moral aspects of Christianity, as set forth144 in this narrative145, and to what I consider the political moral of these pages. Many persons whose candour and general intelligence I do not distrust, tell me that the persecution here recounted, is not to be ascribed to Christianity. To this I make the answer made on this subject (the imprisonment of myself, Adams, and others) by my late friend, Maltus Questell Ryall. 'Christians set a watch upon them—Christians informed against them—Christians prejudiced the public against them. By Christian pay were hireling lawyers retained—by Christian witnesses confronted—by the Christian Press misrepresented—by Christian juries found guilty, by Christian judges condemned146.' It is necessary to put the argument in this cumulative147 form to satisfy some understandings; but a well-informed and candid148 Christian can hardly be supposed to need formal proof on this head. A careful study of the Evangelists some time after this imprisonment, satisfied me that the religion of Jesus involves persecution. A man who believes that men need saving, that there is only one way whereby they can be saved, that his way is that way, and that it is better for a man to lose the whole world than to lose his own soul by missing that way, such a believer will inevitably149 coerce150 all he can into it. If he is not a persecutor151 he ought, in moral consistency, to be one. Having the fear of the philanthropists and of the humanitarians152 before his eyes, he may modify his practice, but it will be at the expense of his penetration153 or of his religious duty. I have no difficulty whatever in understanding that the conscientious154 among the old inquisitors might be men of benevolence—spiritual physicians, who amputated existence with a view to save the eternal life of the patient. It is now many years since I wrote or spoke against them on religious grounds, and for a long period I have ceased to speak of persecution as being either unscriptural or unchristian.
It will not do to say that what we have seen of persecution has been but the abuse of Christianity. It is in itself a condemnation155 of Christianity to be obliged to repudiate156 the conduct of all Christian churches. It will not do to say that Christians have not been wise enough to see, nor good enough to image, the divine gentleness of Christ. The Christian churches have been presided over by pastors157 who have possessed159 both penetration and purity in the highest degree—who were able to see what there was to be seen, and devout160 enough to render it in their lives. Try the question even in our day. If Christ be the symbol of love and gentleness to all who believe in his name, how is it that in every part of the world the Freethinker should fear to fall into the hands of the Christian? How is it that he must set a watch upon his words in every town and hamlet in our own land, lest the free expression of his deepest convictions should cost him his position, his employment, and his character? Branded, outcast, and friendless, the Christian's door is the last at which he would knock—the Christian's fireside is the last at which he would find a welcome—and the Christian pastor158, who in knowledge, duty, and example, most nearly resembles the Christ whom he preaches, is the last man whose path the Freethinker would wish to cross, or into whose ear he would venture to pour the tale of his expatriations.
In one passage in my defence I represent persecution, as Lord Brougham and others have done, as a power which spreads opinion. I believed so then, but believe it no longer. I have lived to watch the effects of persecution, and have seen it put down the truth so often, as no longer to doubt its bad efficacy. The ignorant, the timid, the opulent, and the conventional (and these make up the mass of mankind), are all deterred by danger or opprobrium161, The resolute162 and the reckless, the only parties who persist, labour under accumulated disadvantages. Condemned to spend then time in self-defence, development of doctrine—the legitimate163 and only source of permanent influence—is nearly impossible to them: and it is well for them if they escape acquiring an antagonistic164 spirit, which disfigures their advocacy and misrepresents their character. Their only proselytes are those who come to them out of spite or out of sympathy, and who of course miss the intellectual ground of conviction, and can be of little real service until they have been re-educated.
If, as I admit, persecution will put down opinion, what objection's there to its employment when it puts down error? I answer, 'Beware of its use, because it may put down the truth also.' Persecution is not an ordeal165. Free discussion is the only test capable of distinguishing and establishing the truth. The proper condemnation of persecution is, that it is an illegitimate opposition166 which is sure to be discountenanced as men become manly167 and refined. The armies of a civilised people observe, even in the deadly strife168 of battle, some rules of honourable46 warfare169, and do not descend to the arts of treachery or tactics of savages170. We may surely hope that in the battle for religious truth, a sense of honour will prevent the dominant171 party from taking against its opponents the undue172 advantage of persecution. Montaigne relates that when Polyperchon advised Alexander to take advantage of the night for attacking Darius, 'By no means,' answered the noble general; 'It is not for such a man as I am to steal such an advantage; I had rather repent173 me of my fortune than be ashamed of my victory,' It is not too much to expect that Christianity will always be less refined than War.
Persecution, always a disaster, was not however with us a defeat. We were not put down by persecution; we continued the Oracle a hundred and four weeks, then the Movement, sixty-eight weeks, and the Reasoner will soon have completed ten volumes. Besides having written in our publications, we have, in almost all the principal cities and towns in the kingdom, spoken, since the trial at Gloucester, with the utmost explicitness174. The imprisonment has at least been of this service—and this is all—it has enabled me to speak accredited175 by the sincerity176 which otherwise could not have been so satisfactorily manifest to the multitude. To have spent, without shrinking, some portion of life in prison in defence of public liberty, gives the same authority among the people as having graduated at a university does among scholars.* The fact is a sad illustration of the brutal177 manner in which the people are condemned to win the enlargement of their liberties. In cases where clergymen have menaced me with renewed imprisonment, I have always answered—'I consider myself as having taken out a license178 to speak freely. The government made a charge to me of six months' imprisonment for that privilege, and I paid the price. If you have renewed demands upon me, let me know them, and I will endeavour to meet them; but do not interrupt me.'
* When the Prizes were awarded me for writing the Literary
cancel the award on the ground of my having been imprisoned179,
but it was immediately quashed. When the legislation of the
(in Committee) made an objection to the Lectures on account
of the Authorship, but the Unity refused to withdraw them,
and they are in use to this day. The objections of this
nature made in some instances by the Press have been
inoperative where the people have been concerned.
In the present structure of English political society, to preserve the ability to be imprisoned is necessary to usefulness. When the associations of home have twined themselves around the feelings—after long industry and patient frugality182 have surrounded a man with some comforts unknown to his youth—few have the temper which will part from them and walk into a gaol at the call of duty. I should think this state the death of progress. When, some time ago, insuring my life in the Equity183 Law Insurance Office, I asked, before I took out my policy, whether it would be forfeited184 if my death was occasioned by imprisonment or transportation. The Directors naturally asked whether I was liable to those casualties. I said, not particularly liable I hoped; but to be able to be imprisoned, if it seemed a duty, I valued as a great privilege, and I would not barter185 my right to be imprisoned. I am afraid they smiled at my eccentricity186, but they assured me that that accident would not involve the forfeiture187 of my policy—which I then took out.
No one who reads thus far will, I hope, consider me as a candidate for either imprisonment or transportation. I have too keen an insight into their misery for that. But he who pretends to take the side of the people ought to see his way all through, and not incur188 a danger he has not weighed, and not suffer any to ascribe to him a virtue he does not mean to maintain.
If any, from what I have just expressed, or from the transactions of this narrative, shall conclude that I am disposed to regard law-breaking lightly, they will mistake me. Respect for the law is an intelligent virtue—a sign of fitness for freedom so important that none but an enemy would obscure the duty or weaken the sentiment. If accused, in the matter which led to my Trial, of breaking the law, I might plead that there was no law to break, and therefore I could not break one. What is called the common law relating to blasphemy189 is a mere3 caprice, an opinion interpreted by ignorance or sectarian prejudice, and enforced at the call of bigotry—malevolent to the humble while neutral towards the rich. Against this tyranny one is obliged to rebel. It is disastrous190 that we should have to set up the standard of resistance even in a case of this kind, and the chief justification191 is that a democratic government is denied us. Had the people a voice in making the laws, the breaking of any law would require grave justification. Men have two lives—a private and a public one. Conscience is the guide of all that relates to private duty, but law is the conscience of society, and it is best when private conscience can be subordinate to the public conscience. Private conscience may be the child of selfishness, fanaticism192, or vanity, as well as of the greatest purity and intelligence. A man, therefore, should be careful how he places so uncertain a thing above the law. If private conscience be more just and intelligent than the public conscience, a democratic form of government affords peaceful facilities whereby it can come into the ascendant. But where these modes are denied, no alternative remains but that of rebellion or unconditional193 and indefinite submission194. Resistance to the law, however, or to what is tacitly accepted by the majority as law, is, under any form of government, so pernicious an example, is so liable to be abused, so liable to unfit the people who learn the lesson, for submission to legitimate authority, that these cases demand the strictest surveillance before they receive the sanction of a friend of the people. In all instances in which conscience is the ground of resistance, the wrong done to conscience ought to be clear, deep, and momentous195, and the necessity which obliges the claims of private conscience to be put above the laws ought to be made so evident that the sentiment of freedom shall not deteriorate196 that of legitimate and honourable allegiance. If the political moral of this narrative be therefore drawn197 with discrimination, we may do little harm even if mistaken in the belief that the prevalence of our views of life may be a public good; and if this belief prove to be right in the main, we do what reformers are said often to forget—we make a past to which the future may refer for authority and instruction.
Then not 'in vain!' Even obscurest weeds
Nourish the roots of fruitfulest fair trees
So from our Fortune loathed Hope proceeds
The experience that may base high victories.*
* W. J. union.
What 'our views' are this is not the place to state; as to some it would seem that under the pretext198 of a plea for Free Utterance199, sentiments were obtruded200 upon the reader he was not forewarned to expect. I therefore limit myself to saying (and that only for the sake of others who will decline to concede free utterance until they know what has to be uttered) that whoever sees in Atheism simply the development of a negation201, sees but half the truth. Even in this respect (supposing existing theological systems to be erroneous) Atheism has the merit of clearing the way for Pure Moralism—which is the other half, or positive ground of Atheism. The latest writers on the Philosophy of Religion resolve religion into Dependance; by which its modern theory at length coincides with its ancient practice. We venture to think that this is not salutary teaching. Life should be self-reliant. It seems to us that the light of Nature and the experience of man are anterior202 to the dogmas of Priests, and are the sources whence guidance and duty independently spring. The Priest breaks in upon the integrity of life, and diverts its course. He says he makes an addition to our knowledge—we do not find it so. He professes203 to show us the hidden mysteries of the future—we fail to see them. He simply encumbers204 us, and we pray him to stand aside. The responsibility of our course is our own and not his, and we have a right to be left free. Rejecting his advices, he proclaims that we reject truth, honour, justice, love. This is his error or the retaliation205 of his disappointment. We appeal to the candid and the impartial88 to judge between us. We respect Theology as the science of man's destiny, and regret that it bears no fruits for us: but this is not our fault; and we therefore attempt to solve the problem of life for ourselves. Our progress already counts some distinct steps. We have recast the practice of controversy206: we forbid to ourselves to suspect evil motives207, or to impute208 insincerity to others; the doubtful act we propose to judge by evidence alone, and to put the best construction on the dubious209 word. Thus we annihilate210 Antagonism211, the eldest212 foe213 of Progress, by imposing214 laws on impulse. Our search in every system is directed after moral truth; and, less exacting215 than the Christian, we accept it, whether given by Inspiration, confirmed by Miracle, attested217 by Prophecy, or not. Probity218 of word and act may be securely based on the intelligence and refinement219 of mankind—and this we labour to enforce. To restrict human expectation to that which is ascertainable220 by reason, must have the effect of concentrating attention on humanity, and intensifying221 interest in human exertions. In Solidarity222 we find the encouragement to public endeavour, and we sum up private duty in Honour, which is respecting the Truth; in Morality, which is acting216 the Truth; and in Love, which is serving the Truth.
THE END.
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1
oracle
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| n.神谕，神谕处，预言 | |
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hacked
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| 生气 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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parable
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| n.寓言，比喻 | |
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literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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untoward
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| adj.不利的，不幸的，困难重重的 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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profess
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| v.声称，冒称，以...为业，正式接受入教，表明信仰 | |
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judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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foresight
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| n.先见之明，深谋远虑 | |
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axe
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| n.斧子；v.用斧头砍，削减 | |
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imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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refreshments
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| n.点心,便餐;(会议后的)简单茶点招 待 | |
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gaol
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| n.(jail)监狱；(不加冠词)监禁；vt.使…坐牢 | |
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inquiries
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| n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 )；疑问；探究；打听 | |
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restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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18
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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subscribed
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| v.捐助( subscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；签署，题词；订阅；同意 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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22
prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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disingenuousness
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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28
penury
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| n.贫穷，拮据 | |
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consistency
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| n.一贯性，前后一致，稳定性；(液体的)浓度 | |
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magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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felon
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| n.重罪犯；adj.残忍的 | |
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32
allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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34
gruel
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| n.稀饭，粥 | |
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atheism
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| n.无神论，不信神 | |
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36
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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nutritious
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| adj.有营养的，营养价值高的 | |
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40
luxurious
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| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
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41
cognomen
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| n.姓；绰号 | |
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apprehended
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
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missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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44
qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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45
dishonour
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| n./vt.拒付（支票、汇票、票据等）；vt.凌辱，使丢脸；n.不名誉，耻辱，不光彩 | |
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46
honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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akin
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| adj.同族的，类似的 | |
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48
atheist
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| n.无神论者 | |
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49
humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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50
abhorrence
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| n.憎恶；可憎恶的事 | |
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51
persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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52
nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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53
abjure
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| v.发誓放弃 | |
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54
statute
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| n.成文法，法令，法规；章程，规则，条例 | |
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55
compensate
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| vt.补偿，赔偿；酬报 vi.弥补；补偿；抵消 | |
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56
laud
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| n.颂歌；v.赞美 | |
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57
connive
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| v.纵容；密谋 | |
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58
delusions
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| n.欺骗( delusion的名词复数 )；谬见；错觉；妄想 | |
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59
tramples
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| 踩( trample的第三人称单数 )； 践踏； 无视； 侵犯 | |
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60
antidote
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| n.解毒药，解毒剂 | |
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61
fetters
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| n.脚镣( fetter的名词复数 )；束缚v.给…上脚镣，束缚( fetter的第三人称单数 ) | |
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62
procrustean
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| adj.强求一致的 | |
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63
pusillanimity
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| n.无气力，胆怯 | |
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deride
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| v.嘲弄，愚弄 | |
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65
holders
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| 支持物( holder的名词复数 )； 持有者； （支票等）持有人； 支托（或握持）…之物 | |
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66
patrimony
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| n.世袭财产，继承物 | |
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67
reprisals
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| n.报复（行为）( reprisal的名词复数 ) | |
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68
deter
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| vt.阻止，使不敢，吓住 | |
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inspector
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| n.检查员，监察员，视察员 | |
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exemption
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| n.豁免，免税额，免除 | |
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71
construed
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| v.解释（陈述、行为等）( construe的过去式和过去分词 )；翻译，作句法分析 | |
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wilful
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| adj.任性的，故意的 | |
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annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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abridged
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| 削减的，删节的 | |
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76
bestow
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| v.把…赠与，把…授予；花费 | |
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futility
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| n.无用 | |
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deterred
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| v.阻止，制止( deter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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aggravation
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| n.烦恼，恼火 | |
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scrupulous
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| adj.审慎的，小心翼翼的，完全的，纯粹的 | |
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unintelligible
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| adj.无法了解的，难解的，莫明其妙的 | |
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subsist
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| vi.生存，存在，供养 | |
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adviser
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| n.劝告者，顾问 | |
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84
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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commissioner
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| n.（政府厅、局、处等部门）专员，长官，委员 | |
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86
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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impartial
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| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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impartially
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| adv.公平地，无私地 | |
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professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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allude
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| v.提及，暗指 | |
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alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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enervated
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| adj.衰弱的，无力的v.使衰弱，使失去活力( enervate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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95
confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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96
miserably
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| adv.痛苦地；悲惨地；糟糕地；极度地 | |
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petulance
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| n.发脾气，生气，易怒，暴躁，性急 | |
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98
perused
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| v.读（某篇文字）( peruse的过去式和过去分词 )；（尤指）细阅；审阅；匆匆读或心不在焉地浏览（某篇文字） | |
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interdicted
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| v.禁止（行动）( interdict的过去式和过去分词 )；禁用；限制 | |
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100
converse
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| vi.谈话，谈天，闲聊；adv.相反的，相反 | |
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momentary
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| adj.片刻的，瞬息的；短暂的 | |
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mortification
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| n.耻辱，屈辱 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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interfered
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| v.干预( interfere的过去式和过去分词 )；调停；妨碍；干涉 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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filthy
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| adj.卑劣的；恶劣的，肮脏的 | |
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filthier
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| filthy（肮脏的，污秽的）的比较级形式 | |
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108
excrement
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| n.排泄物，粪便 | |
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109
acceded
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| v.（正式）加入( accede的过去式和过去分词 )；答应；（通过财产的添附而）增加；开始任职 | |
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110
unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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111
chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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112
inclement
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| adj.严酷的，严厉的，恶劣的 | |
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113
penitentiary
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| n.感化院；监狱 | |
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114
reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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115
enervation
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| n.无活力，衰弱 | |
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116
intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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117
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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118
substantiate
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| v.证实；证明...有根据 | |
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119
impugned
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| v.非难，指谪( impugn的过去式和过去分词 )；对…有怀疑 | |
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120
propriety
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| n.正当行为；正当；适当 | |
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121
retract
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| vt.缩回，撤回收回，取消 | |
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122
malevolence
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| n.恶意，狠毒 | |
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123
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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124
commiseration
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| n.怜悯，同情 | |
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125
maxim
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| n.格言，箴言 | |
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126
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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127
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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128
reclaimed
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| adj.再生的；翻造的；收复的；回收的v.开拓( reclaim的过去式和过去分词 )；要求收回；从废料中回收（有用的材料）；挽救 | |
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129
erring
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| 做错事的，错误的 | |
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130
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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131
blighted
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| adj.枯萎的，摧毁的 | |
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132
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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134
avowing
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| v.公开声明，承认( avow的现在分词 ) | |
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135
tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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136
detests
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的第三人称单数 ) | |
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137
shibboleth
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| n.陈规陋习；口令；暗语 | |
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138
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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139
retaliate
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| v.报复，反击 | |
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140
broth
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| n.原(汁)汤(鱼汤、肉汤、菜汤等) | |
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141
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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142
narrated
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| v.故事( narrate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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143
solicit
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| vi.勾引；乞求；vt.请求，乞求；招揽(生意) | |
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144
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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145
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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146
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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147
cumulative
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| adj.累积的，渐增的 | |
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148
candid
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| adj.公正的，正直的；坦率的 | |
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149
inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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150
coerce
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| v.强迫，压制 | |
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151
persecutor
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| n. 迫害者 | |
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152
humanitarians
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| n.慈善家( humanitarian的名词复数 ) | |
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153
penetration
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| n.穿透，穿人，渗透 | |
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154
conscientious
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| adj.审慎正直的，认真的，本着良心的 | |
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155
condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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156
repudiate
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| v.拒绝，拒付，拒绝履行 | |
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157
pastors
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| n.（基督教的）牧师( pastor的名词复数 ) | |
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158
pastor
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| n.牧师，牧人 | |
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159
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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160
devout
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| adj.虔诚的，虔敬的，衷心的 (n.devoutness) | |
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161
opprobrium
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| n.耻辱，责难 | |
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162
resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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163
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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164
antagonistic
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| adj.敌对的 | |
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165
ordeal
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| n.苦难经历，（尤指对品格、耐力的）严峻考验 | |
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166
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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167
manly
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| adj.有男子气概的；adv.男子般地，果断地 | |
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168
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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169
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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170
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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171
dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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172
undue
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| adj.过分的；不适当的；未到期的 | |
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173
repent
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| v.悔悟，悔改，忏悔，后悔 | |
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174
explicitness
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175
accredited
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| adj.可接受的；可信任的；公认的；质量合格的v.相信( accredit的过去式和过去分词 )；委托；委任；把…归结于 | |
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176
sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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177
brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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178
license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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179
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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180
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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181
Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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182
frugality
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| n.节约，节俭 | |
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183
equity
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| n.公正，公平，（无固定利息的）股票 | |
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184
forfeited
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| （因违反协议、犯规、受罚等）丧失，失去( forfeit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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185
barter
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| n.物物交换，以货易货，实物交易 | |
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186
eccentricity
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| n.古怪，反常，怪癖 | |
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187
forfeiture
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| n.（名誉等）丧失 | |
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188
incur
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| vt.招致，蒙受，遭遇 | |
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189
blasphemy
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| n.亵渎，渎神 | |
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190
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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191
justification
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| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
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192
fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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193
unconditional
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| adj.无条件的，无限制的，绝对的 | |
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194
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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195
momentous
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| adj.重要的，重大的 | |
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196
deteriorate
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| v.变坏；恶化；退化 | |
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197
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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198
pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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199
utterance
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| n.用言语表达，话语，言语 | |
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200
obtruded
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| v.强行向前，强行，强迫( obtrude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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201
negation
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| n.否定；否认 | |
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202
anterior
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| adj.较早的；在前的 | |
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203
professes
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| 声称( profess的第三人称单数 )； 宣称； 公开表明； 信奉 | |
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204
encumbers
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| v.妨碍，阻碍，拖累( encumber的第三人称单数 ) | |
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205
retaliation
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| n.报复，反击 | |
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206
controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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207
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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208
impute
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| v.归咎于 | |
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209
dubious
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| adj.怀疑的，无把握的；有问题的，靠不住的 | |
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210
annihilate
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| v.使无效；毁灭；取消 | |
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211
antagonism
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| n.对抗，敌对，对立 | |
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212
eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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213
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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214
imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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215
exacting
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| adj.苛求的，要求严格的 | |
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216
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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217
attested
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| adj.经检验证明无病的，经检验证明无菌的v.证明( attest的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；声称…属实；使宣誓 | |
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218
probity
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| n.刚直；廉洁，正直 | |
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219
refinement
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| n.文雅；高尚；精美；精制；精炼 | |
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220
ascertainable
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| adj.可确定（探知），可发现的 | |
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221
intensifying
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| v.（使）增强， （使）加剧( intensify的现在分词 )；增辉 | |
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222
solidarity
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| n.团结；休戚相关 | |
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