celebrated at Horsham, where it is intended to found a
Shelley Library, if not a Shelley Museum. The celebrants
were a motley collection. They were all concealing1 the
poet's principles and paying honor to a bogus Shelley. A
more honest celebration took place in the evening at the
Hall of Science, Old-street, London, E.C. Six or seven
hundred people were addressed by Dr. Furnivall, Gr. B. Shaw,
applauded.
Charles Darwin, the Newton of biology, was an Agnostic—which is only a respectable synonym5 for an Atheist6. The more he looked for God the less he could find him. Yet the corpse7 of this great "infidel" lies in Westminster Abbey, We need not wonder, therefore, that Christians8 and even parsons are on the Shelley Centenary committee, or that Mr. Edmund Gosse was chosen to officiate as high pontiff at the Horsham celebration. Mr. Gosse is a young man with a promising10 past—to borrow a witticism11 from Heine. In the old Examiner days he hung about the army of revolt. Since then he has become a bit of a Philistine12, though he still affects a superior air, and retains a pretty way of turning a sentence. The selection of such a man to pronounce the eulogy13 on Shelley was in keeping with the whole proceedings14 at Horsham, where everybody was lauding15 a "bogus Shelley," as Mr. Shaw remarked at the Hall of Science celebration.
Mr. Gosse was good enough to tell the Horsham celebrants that "it was not the poet who was attacked" in Shelley's case, but "the revolutionist, the enemy of kings and priests, the extravagant16 and paradoxical humanitarian17." Mr. Gosse generously called this an "intelligent aversion," and in another sense than his it undoubtedly18 was so. The classes, interests, and abuses that were threatened by Shelley's principles, acted with the intelligence of self-preservation. They gave him an ill name and would gladly have hung him. Yes, it was, beyond all doubt, an "intelligent aversion." Byron only dallied19 with the false and foolish beliefs of his age, but Shelley meant mischief20. This accounts for the hatred21 shown towards him by orthodoxy and privilege.
Mr. Gosse himself appears to have an "intelligent aversion" to Shelley's principles. He professes23 a great admiration24 for Shelley's poetry; but he regards it as a sort of beautiful landscape, which has no other purpose than gratifying the aesthetic25 taste of the spectator. For the poet's teaching he feels or affects a lofty contempt. Shelley the singer was a marvel26 of delicacy27 and power; but Shelley the thinker was at best a callow enthusiast4. Had he lived as long as Mr. Gosse, and moved in the same dignified28 society, he would have acquired an "intelligent aversion" to the indiscretions of his youthful passion for reforming the world; but fate decided29 otherwise, and he is unfortunate enough to be the subject of Mr. Gosse's admonitions.
Shelley lived like a Spartan30; a hunk of bread and a jug31 of water, dashed perhaps with milk, served him as a dinner. His income was spent on the poor, on struggling men of genius, and on necessitous friends. Now as the world goes, this is simply asinine32; and Mr. Gosse plays to the Philistine gallery by sneering33 at Shelley's vegetarianism34, and playfully describing him as an "eater of buns and raisins35." It was also lamented36 by Mr. Gosse that Shelley, as a "hater of kings," had an attraction for "revolutionists," a set of persons with whom Mr. Gosse would have no sort of dealings except through the policeman. "Social anarchists," likewise, gathered "around the husband of Godwin's daughter"—a pregnant denunciation, though it leaves us in doubt whether Shelley, Godwin, or Mary was the anarch, or all three of them together; while the "husband" seems to imply that getting married was one of the gravest of Shelley's offences.
But the worst of all is to come: "Those to whom the restraints of religion were hateful marshalled themselves under the banner of the youth who had rashly styled himself as an Atheist, forgetful of the fact that All his best writings attest37 that, whatever name he might call himself, he, more than any other poet of the age, saw God in everything."
We beg to tell Mr. Gosse that he is libellous and impertinent. He knows little or nothing of Atheists if he thinks they are only repelled38 by the "restraints of religion." They have restraints of their own, quite as numerous and imperative39 as those of any religionist who fears his God. What is more, they have incentives40 which religion weakens. Mr. Gosse is perhaps in a state of ignorance on this matter. He probably speaks of the moral condition of Atheists as a famous American humorist proposed to lecture on science, with an imagination untrammeled by the least acquaintance with the subject.
So much (it is quite enough) for the libel; and now for the impertinence. Mr. Gosse pretends to know Shelley's mind better than he knew it himself. Shelley called himself an Atheist; that is indisputable; but he did so "rashly." He was mistaken about his own opinions; he knew a great many things, but he was ignorant of himself. But the omniscient41 Mr. Gosse was born (or was he born?) to rectify42 the poet's blunder, and assure the world that he was a Theist without knowing it—in fact, a really God-intoxicated43 person.
What wonder is it that Mr. Gosse became intoxicated in turn, and soared in a rapture44 of panegyric45 over a Shelley of his own construction? "The period of prejudice is over," he exclaimed, "and we are gathered here to-day under the auspices46 of the greatest poet our language has produced since Shelley died, encouraged by universal public opinion and by dignitaries of all the professions—yea, even by prelates of our national Church." Here the preacher's intoxication47 became maudlin48, and there should have been an interval49 for soda-water.
Curiously50 enough, the very last page of Trelawny's Records of Shelley and Byron contains a conversation between that gallant51 friend of the two poets and a "prelate of our national Church."
"Some years ago, one of the most learned of the English Bishops53 questioned me regarding Shelley; he expressed both admiration and astonishment54 at his learning and writings. I said to the Bishop52, 'You know he was an Atheist.' He said, 'Yes.' I answered: 'It is the key and the distinguishing quality of all he wrote. Now that people are beginning to distinguish men by their works, and not creeds55, the critics, to bring him into vogue56, are trying to make out that Shelley was not an Atheist, that he was rather a religious man. Would it be right in me, or anyone who knew him, to aid or sanction such a fraud?' The Bishop said: 'Certainly not, there is nothing righteous but truth.' And there our conversation ended."
Trelawny's bishop was willing (outside church, and in private conversation) to deprecate prejudice and acknowledge the supremacy57 of truth; and perhaps for that reason he allowed that Shelley was an Atheist. Mr. Gosse's bishops will soon be converting him into a pillar of the Church.
Trelawny knew Shelley a great deal better than Mr. Gosse. He enjoyed an intimate friendship with the poet, not in his callow days, but during the last year or two of his life, when his intellect was mature, and his genius was pouring forth58 the great works that secure his immortality59. During that time Shelley professed60 the opinions he enunciated61 in Queen Mab. He said that the matter of that poem was good; it was only the treatment that was immature62. Again and again he told Trelawny that he was content to know nothing of the origin of the universe; that religion was chiefly a means of deceiving and robbing the people; that it fomented63 hatred, malice64, and all uncharitableness; and that it also fettered65 the intellect, deterring66 men from solving the problems of individual and social life, as well as the problems of nature, out of regard for the supposed oracles67 of Omniscience68, which were after all the teachings of bigoted69 and designing priests. Shelley called himself an Atheist; he wrote "Atheist" after his name on a famous occasion; and Trelawny says "he never regretted having done this."
"The principal fault I have to find," wrote Trelawny, "is that the Shelleyan writers, being Christians themselves, seem to think that a man of genius cannot be an Atheist, and so they strain their own faculties70 to disprove what Shelley asserted from the earliest stage of his career to the last day of his life. He ignored all religions as superstitions71."
On another occasion Shelley said to Trelawny—"The knaves72 are the cleverest; they profess22 to know everything; the fools believe them, and so they govern the world." Which is a most sagacious observation. He said that "Atheist!" in the mouth of orthodoxy was "a word of abuse to stop discussion, a painted devil to frighten the foolish, a threat to intimidate73 the wise and good."
Mr. Gosse may reply that Shelley's conversations with Trelawny are not absolute evidence; that they were written down long afterwards, and that we cannot be sure of Shelley's using the precise words attributed to him. Very well then; be it so. Mr. Gosse has appealed to Shelley's "writings," and to Shelley's writings we will go. True, the epithet74 "best" is inserted by Mr. Gosse as a saving qualification; but we shall disregard it, partly because "best" is a disputable adjective, but more because all Shelley's writings attest his Atheism75.
Let us first go to Shelley's prose, not because it is his "best" work (though some parts of it are exquisitely76 beautiful, often very powerful, and always chaste), but because prose is less open than verse to false conception and interpretation77. In the fine fragment "On Life" he acutely observes that "Mind, as far as we have any experience of its properties, and beyond that experience how vain is argument! cannot create, it can only perceive." And he concludes "It is infinitely78 improbable that the cause of mind, that is, of existence, is similar to mind." Be it observed, however, that Shelley does not dogmatise. He simply cannot conceive that mind is the basis of all things. The cause of life is still obscure. "All recorded generations of mankind," Shelley says, "have wearily-busied themselves in inventing answers to this question; and the result has been—Religion."
Shelley's essay "On a Future State" follows the same line of reasoning as his essay "On Life." He considers it highly probable that thought is "no more than the relation between certain parts of that infinitely varied79 mass, of which the rest of the universe is composed, and which ceases to exist as soon as those parts change their positions with regard to each other." His conclusion is that "the desire to be for ever as we are, the reluctance80 to a violent and unexperienced change," which is common to man and other living beings, is the "secret persuasion81 which has given birth to the opinions of a future state."
If we turn to Shelley's published letters we shall find abundant expressions of hostility82 to and contempt for religion. Those letters may deserve the praise of Matthew Arnold or the censure83 of Mr. Swinburne; but, in either case, they may be taken as honest documents, written to all sorts of private friends, and never intended for publication. Byron's letters were passed about freely, and largely written for effect; Shelley's were written under ordinary conditions, and he unbosomed himself with freedom and sincerity84.
From one of his early letters we find that he contemplated85 a translation of the System of Nature, which is frequently quoted in the notes to Queen Mob. He couples Jehovah and Mammon together as fit for the worship of "those who delight in wickedness and slavery." In a letter to Henry Reveley he pictures God as delighted with his creation of the earth, and seeing it spin round the sun; and imagines him taking out "patents to supply all the suns in space with the same manufacture." When the poet was informed by Oilier that a certain gentleman (it was Archdeacon Hare) hoped he would humble87 his soul and "receive the spirit into him," Shelley replied: "if you know him personally, pray ask him from me what he means by receiving the spirit into me; and (if really it is any good) how one is to get at it." He goes on to say: "I was immeasurably amused by the quotation88 from Schlegel about the way in which the popular faith is destroyed—first the Devil, then the Holy Ghost, then God the Father. I had written a Lucianic essay to prove the same thing." In the very year of his death, writing to John Gisborne, he girds at the popular faith in God, and with reference to one of its most abhorrent89 doctrines90 he exclaims—"As if, after sixty years' suffering here, we were to be roasted alive for sixty million more in hell, or charitably annihilated91 by a coup86 de grace of the bungler92 who brought us into existence at first."—A dozen other quotations93 from Shelley's letters might be given, all to pretty much the same effect, but the foregoing must suffice.
A thorough analysis of Shelley's poetry, showing the essential Atheism which runs through it from beginning to end, would require more space than we have at our command. We shall therefore simply point out, by means of instances, how indignantly or contemptuously he always refers to religion as the great despot and impostor of mankind.
The Revolt of Islam stigmatises "Faith" as "an obscene worm." The sonnet94 on the Fall of Bonaparte concludes with a reference to "Bloody95 Faith, the foulest97 birth of time." Shelley frequently conceives Faith as serpentine98 and disgusting. In Rosalind and Helen he writes—
Grey Power was seated
Safely on her ancestral throne;
And Faith, the Python, undefeated,
Even to its blood-stained steps dragged on
In the great and splendid Ode to Liberty the image undergoes a Miltonic sublimation99.
Like one fierce cloud over a waste of waves
Hung tyranny; beneath, sat deified
The sister-pest, congregator of slaves.
Invariably does the poet class religion and oppression together—"Religion veils her eyes: Oppression shrinks aghast."—"Destruction's sceptred slaves, and Folly's mitred brood."—"And laughter fills the Fane, and curses shake the Throne."
Mr. Herbert Spencer writes with learning and eloquence100 about the Power of the Universe and the Unknowable. Shelley pricked101 this bubble of speculation102 in the following passage:
What is that Power?
Some moonstruck sophist stood
Watching the shade from his own soul upthrown
Fill Heaven and darken Earth, and in such mood
The Form he saw and worshipped was his own,
In one verse of the Ode to Liberty the poet exclaims:
O that the free would stamp the impious name
Of ——— into the dust or write it there.
What is the omitted word? Mr. Swinburne says the only possible word is—God. We agree with him. Anything else would be a ridiculous anti-climax, and quite inconsistent with the powerful description of—
This foul gordian word,
Into a mass, irrefragably firm,
"Pope" and "Christ" are alike impossible. With respect to "mankind" they are but local designations. The word must be universal. It is God.
The glorious speech of the Spirit of the Hour, which terminates the third Act of Prometheus Unbound—that superb drama of emancipate106 Humanity—lumps together "Thrones, altars, judgment107 seats, and prisons," as parts of one gigantic system of spiritual and temporal misrule. Man, when redeemed108 from falsehood and evil, rejects his books "of reasoned wrong, glozed on by ignorance"; and the veil is torn aside from all "believed and hoped." And what is the result? Let the Spirit of the Hour answer.
Sceptreless, free, uncircumscribed, but man
Equal, unclassed, tribeless, and nationless,
Over himself; just, gentle, wise; but man
Which were, for his will made or suffered them;
Nor yet exempt, though ruling them like slaves,
From chance, and death, and mutability,
The loftiest star of unascended heaven,
What a triumphant115 flight! The poet springs from earth and is speedily away beyond sight—almost beyond conception—like an elemental thing. But his starting-point is definite enough. Man is exempt from awe and worship; from spiritual as well as political and social slavery; king over himself, ruling the anarchy116 of his own passions. And the same idea is sung by Demogorgon at the close of the fifth Act. The "Earth-born's spell yawns for heaven's despotism," and "Conquest is dragged captive through the deep."
Love, from its awful throne of patient power
In the wise heart, from the last giddy hour
And folds over the world its healing wings.
These are the seals of that most firm assurance
Which bars the pit over Destruction's strength;
Mother of many acts and hours, should free
The serpent that would clasp her with his length,
These are the spells by which to re-assume
To forgive wrongs darker than death or night;
To defy Power, which seems omnipotent123;
To love, and bear; to hope till Hope creates
This, like thy glory, Titan! is to be
This is alone Life, Joy, Empire, and Victory!
This is the Atheism of Shelley. Man is to conquer, by love and hope and thought and endurance, his birthright of happiness and dignity. Humanity is to take the place of God.
It has been argued that if Shelley had lived he would have repented129 the "indiscretions of his youth," and gravitated towards a more "respectable" philosophy. Well, it is easy to prophesy130; and just as easy, and no less effectual, to meet the prophet with a flat contradiction. "Might have been" is no better than "might not have been." Was it not declared that Charles Bradlaugh would have become a Christian9 if he had lived long enough? Was not the same asserted of John Stuart Mill? One was nearly sixty, the other nearly seventy; and we have to wonder what is the real age of intellectual maturity131. Only a few weeks before his death, Shelley wrote of Christianity that "no man of sense could think it true." That was his deliberate and final judgment. Had he lived long enough to lose his sense; had he fallen a victim to some nervous malady132, or softening133 of the brain; had he lingered on to a more than ripe (a rotten) old age, in which senility may unsay the virile134 words of manhood; it is conceivable that Shelley might have become a devotee of the faith he had despised. But none of these things did happen. What Shelley was is the only object of sane135 discussion. And what he was we know—an Atheist, a lover of Humanity.
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1
concealing
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，遮住( conceal的现在分词 ) | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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enthusiast
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| n.热心人，热衷者 | |
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5
synonym
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| n.同义词，换喻词 | |
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atheist
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| n.无神论者 | |
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7
corpse
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| n.尸体，死尸 | |
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Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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witticism
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| n.谐语，妙语 | |
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philistine
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| n.庸俗的人；adj.市侩的，庸俗的 | |
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eulogy
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| n.颂词；颂扬 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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15
lauding
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| v.称赞，赞美( laud的现在分词 ) | |
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extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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humanitarian
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| n.人道主义者，博爱者，基督凡人论者 | |
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undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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dallied
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| v.随随便便地对待( dally的过去式和过去分词 )；不很认真地考虑；浪费时间；调情 | |
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mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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profess
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| v.声称，冒称，以...为业，正式接受入教，表明信仰 | |
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professes
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| 声称( profess的第三人称单数 )； 宣称； 公开表明； 信奉 | |
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admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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aesthetic
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| adj.美学的，审美的，有美感 | |
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marvel
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| vi.(at)惊叹vt.感到惊异；n.令人惊异的事 | |
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delicacy
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| n.精致，细微，微妙，精良；美味，佳肴 | |
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dignified
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| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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spartan
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| adj.简朴的，刻苦的；n.斯巴达；斯巴达式的人 | |
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jug
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| n.(有柄，小口，可盛水等的)大壶，罐，盂 | |
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asinine
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| adj.愚蠢的 | |
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sneering
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| 嘲笑的，轻蔑的 | |
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vegetarianism
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| n.素食，素食主义 | |
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raisins
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| n.葡萄干( raisin的名词复数 ) | |
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lamented
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| adj.被哀悼的，令人遗憾的v.（为…）哀悼，痛哭，悲伤( lament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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attest
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| vt.证明，证实；表明 | |
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repelled
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| v.击退( repel的过去式和过去分词 )；使厌恶；排斥；推开 | |
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imperative
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| n.命令，需要；规则；祈使语气；adj.强制的；紧急的 | |
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incentives
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| 激励某人做某事的事物( incentive的名词复数 )； 刺激； 诱因； 动机 | |
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omniscient
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| adj.无所不知的；博识的 | |
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42
rectify
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| v.订正，矫正，改正 | |
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intoxicated
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| 喝醉的，极其兴奋的 | |
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rapture
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| n.狂喜；全神贯注；着迷；v.使狂喜 | |
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panegyric
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| n.颂词，颂扬 | |
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auspices
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| n.资助，赞助 | |
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intoxication
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| n.wild excitement;drunkenness；poisoning | |
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maudlin
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| adj.感情脆弱的，爱哭的 | |
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interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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curiously
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| adv.有求知欲地；好问地；奇特地 | |
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gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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52
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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53
bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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54
astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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creeds
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| （尤指宗教）信条，教条( creed的名词复数 ) | |
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56
Vogue
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| n.时髦，时尚；adj.流行的 | |
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supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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immortality
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| n.不死，不朽 | |
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professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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enunciated
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| v.（清晰地）发音( enunciate的过去式和过去分词 )；确切地说明 | |
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62
immature
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| adj.未成熟的，发育未全的，未充分发展的 | |
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fomented
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| v.激起，煽动（麻烦等）( foment的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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64
malice
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| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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fettered
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| v.给…上脚镣，束缚( fetter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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66
deterring
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| v.阻止，制止( deter的现在分词 ) | |
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67
oracles
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| 神示所( oracle的名词复数 )； 神谕； 圣贤； 哲人 | |
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68
omniscience
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| n.全知，全知者，上帝 | |
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69
bigoted
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| adj.固执己见的，心胸狭窄的 | |
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70
faculties
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| n.能力( faculty的名词复数 )；全体教职员；技巧；院 | |
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71
superstitions
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| 迷信，迷信行为( superstition的名词复数 ) | |
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72
knaves
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| n.恶棍，无赖( knave的名词复数 )；（纸牌中的）杰克 | |
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73
intimidate
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| vt.恐吓，威胁 | |
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74
epithet
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| n.（用于褒贬人物等的）表述形容词，修饰语 | |
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atheism
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| n.无神论，不信神 | |
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76
exquisitely
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| adv.精致地；强烈地；剧烈地；异常地 | |
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interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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78
infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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80
reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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82
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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83
censure
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| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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84
sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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85
contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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coup
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| n.政变；突然而成功的行动 | |
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87
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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quotation
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| n.引文，引语，语录；报价，牌价，行情 | |
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abhorrent
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| adj.可恶的，可恨的，讨厌的 | |
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90
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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annihilated
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| v.（彻底）消灭( annihilate的过去式和过去分词 )；使无效；废止；彻底击溃 | |
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Bungler
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| n.笨拙者，经验不够的人 | |
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quotations
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| n.引用( quotation的名词复数 )；[商业]行情（报告）；（货物或股票的）市价；时价 | |
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sonnet
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| n.十四行诗 | |
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bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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foul
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| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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foulest
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| adj.恶劣的( foul的最高级 )；邪恶的；难闻的；下流的 | |
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98
serpentine
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| adj.蜿蜒的，弯曲的 | |
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99
sublimation
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| n.升华，升华物，高尚化 | |
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100
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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101
pricked
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| 刺，扎，戳( prick的过去式和过去分词 )； 刺伤； 刺痛； 使剧痛 | |
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102
speculation
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| n.思索，沉思；猜测；投机 | |
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103
likeness
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| n.相像，相似（之处） | |
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104
bind
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| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
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105
awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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106
emancipate
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| v.解放，解除 | |
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107
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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108
redeemed
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| adj. 可赎回的，可救赎的 动词redeem的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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109
loathsome
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| adj.讨厌的，令人厌恶的 | |
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110
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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111
exempt
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| adj.免除的；v.使免除；n.免税者，被免除义务者 | |
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112
guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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113
clogs
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| 木屐； 木底鞋，木屐( clog的名词复数 ) | |
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114
inane
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| adj.空虚的，愚蠢的，空洞的 | |
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115
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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116
anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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117
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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118
verge
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| n.边，边缘；v.接近，濒临 | |
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119
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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120
eternity
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| n.不朽，来世；永恒，无穷 | |
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121
doom
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| n.厄运，劫数；v.注定，命定 | |
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122
woes
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| 困境( woe的名词复数 )； 悲伤； 我好苦哇； 某人就要倒霉 | |
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123
omnipotent
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| adj.全能的，万能的 | |
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124
wreck
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| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
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125
contemplates
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| 深思，细想，仔细考虑( contemplate的第三人称单数 )； 注视，凝视； 考虑接受（发生某事的可能性）； 深思熟虑，沉思，苦思冥想 | |
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126
falter
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| vi.(嗓音)颤抖，结巴地说；犹豫；蹒跚 | |
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127
repent
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| v.悔悟，悔改，忏悔，后悔 | |
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128
joyous
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| adj.充满快乐的；令人高兴的 | |
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129
repented
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| 对（自己的所为）感到懊悔或忏悔( repent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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130
prophesy
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| v.预言；预示 | |
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131
maturity
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| n.成熟；完成；(支票、债券等)到期 | |
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132
malady
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| n.病，疾病(通常做比喻) | |
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133
softening
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| 变软，软化 | |
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134
virile
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| adj.男性的；有男性生殖力的；有男子气概的；强有力的 | |
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135
sane
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| adj.心智健全的，神志清醒的，明智的，稳健的 | |
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