At the conclusion of the synod, Samputa-kami and several of the most distinguished9 members of the Buddhistic11 assembly, astonished at the progress of schism12 and dissension which the united voices of seven hundred religious had not been able entirely13 to root up, endeavoured to divine, as far as human wisdom could reach, what would be in after times the fate of religion. They foresaw that one hundred and twenty years hence, there would be at Pataliputra a mighty14 ruler full of love for religion, and zealous15 for its propagation, who would do much to promote its exaltation. But before the reign16 of that pious17 monarch18 they saw distinctly that there would appear many heretics, fond of their own will, coining doctrines20 of their own invention, and that they would thereby21 inflict22 the most serious harm on religion. They had, however, the consolation23 to know that this was to come to pass after their death. But who was the fortunate being who was destined24 to check effectually the coming evil? They saw him in one of the seats of Brahmas. His name was Teissa. In due time he would come down to[124] the seat of man, operate his incarnation in the womb of a pounha female, named Maugali, and would afterwards become a famous religious under the name Mauggalipatta. This vision filled their souls with the purest joy, which was increased by the view of the expansion and development which religion would receive through the zeal of that great personage.
After a reign of twenty-eight years, King Kalathoka died, leaving nine sons, the eldest of whom was named Baddasena. They all reigned25 one after the other through a period of thirty-three years. The last of them, Pitzamuka, was the youngest. During his reign a gang of robbers desolated26 the country of Magatha. On a certain day a man named Ouggasena, having fallen in with that gang, inquired of them what pursuit they followed in order to obtain their livelihood27. They plainly told him that they knew nothing about the tillage of the fields, and were unacquainted with the business of trade; they had no other way left for maintaining themselves but to seize by force whatever they chanced to meet. Ouggasena, taken up with the boldness of these desperadoes, offered to join their company with his eight brothers. The offer was gladly accepted. It happened afterwards that in one of their depredatory expeditions their chief was slain28. Ouggasena was appointed by common consent to take his place. Being of a bold and lofty daring, he said to his associates: “Friends, it does not suit brave and enterprising men as you are to confine your attacks to petty villages and small towns: you ought to aim higher.” He then represented to them in forcible language that King Pitzamuka was deficient30 in courage, and neglected entirely the duties of a king. “The moment is favourable,” added he, “to attack Pataliputra itself.” His opinion was universally accepted. The king, fonder of pleasure than of business, offered little resistance. He was killed at the taking of his capital, and Ouggasena sat on the throne, under the name of Ouggasena-nanda.
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He was succeeded by his eight brothers. They reigned successively during the short period of twenty-two years. The last of them was called Dzananda. These princes were not followers31 of Buddha7, but they supported the party of the pounhas, to which they adhered. Their generosity32 towards the pounhas was very great. They fed daily a great number of them in their own palace.
Among the pounhas who were maintained by the king’s liberality, there was one named Dzanecka, who was much versed33 in the science of astrology. Being once in the country, he saw in himself certain signs indicating that one day he would become a king. Having communicated this intelligence to his mother, she wisely advised him to ignore such dangerous signs, which would inevitably34 bring the king’s anger upon him, and expose him to great perils35. Dzanecka was wise enough to comply with his mother’s wishes.
On a certain day Dzanecka returned to Pataliputra, from the country place where his mother lived. On his arrival, he, in company with his brethren, went to the palace to receive alms, that were to be distributed in the king’s presence in a large hall, fitted for that special purpose. He occupied the foremost rank. The king, who saw him, could not help remarking something extraordinary in his person. Suspicions arose in his bosom36 respecting the fidelity37 of that pounha. He instantly felt angry with him. Unable to control his passions, he ordered one of his officers to turn him out of the palace without giving him anything. The pounha had but to obey the unwelcome summons. Stung to the quick by shame and rage, he rose from his place. When he was just crossing the threshold of the hall’s entrance, he took off his caste’s string, and cut it in pieces; he likewise broke his mendicant’s pot, and flung all against one post of the door of the hall, uttering at the same time imprecations, and praying that the king might never from that day enjoy rest. He ran away as far as he could, and under a disguise he[126] eluded38 the pursuit of those that had been sent to arrest him. He escaped into Tekkaso. There he plotted the destruction of the king.
In one of his rambles41 through the country, Dzanecka met by chance a child, whom he knew to belong to a royal race. He at once adopted him, and brought him up with the greatest care and attention. It was not long, however, ere he found out that the signs prognosticating promotion42 to royalty43 were rather doubtful and somewhat insufficient44. He could not rely on him for the execution of the important and long-cherished design he had in his heart. He had now to look out for some other one, who could afford him a greater subject for hope and confidence. Chance soon served him admirably well, to the utmost of his wishes.
After the destruction of Wethalie by Adzatathat, the princes that had escaped from the massacre45 had fled in an eastern direction, and built a city called Maurya. New misfortunes having befallen them, they were obliged to search for safety in precipitate46 flight. One of the wives of those princes, being in the family way, was led to the city of Pouppaya. Having been delivered of a son, she had the barbarity to order the little creature to be put into a jar, which was cast in a neighbouring cow-pen. The Nats watched over the child, and the bull of the herd47, stationing itself near the infant, kept, with his horns and feet, at a distance any animal that came near. The cow-keeper, observing what was taking place, took the child and gave it to his wife Tsanda to bring him up as if he were their own child. He was called from the name of his adopted parents, Tsanda-gutta.
When the lad had come to the age to play the cowherd, he assumed among his fellow-herdsmen all the ways and manners and deportment of a king. He appointed some of them his ministers; others were invested with other mock dignities. He would sit on a tribunal, decide small cases, and strictly48 enforce the execution of his sentences.
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The Pounha Dzanecka, who was living in the neighbourhood, hearing all this, wished to see the extraordinary boy. He recognised at a glance in the lad the sure signs foreshadowing his coming greatness. He purchased him for the sum of one thousand pieces of silver, and brought him up along with his other adopted son. Each of the boys had a splendid necklace of gold. On a certain day, Dzanecka ordered Pouppata, for such was the name of the first adopted son, to take a sword and go to Tsanda-gutta whilst asleep, and take from him his necklace of gold, without, however, cutting the thread, or even unloosing it. Pouppata, agreeably to his father’s order, went near the place where his brother was sleeping. He stood over him, and examined attentively49 by what means he could execute his father’s order. After many fruitless combinations, finding it impossible to do so, he went back to his father and related his disappointment. Dzanecka, without addressing him a word of blame, remained silent.
A few days afterwards, Dzanecka called Tsanda-gutta, and commissioned him to take a sword, and during his brother’s sleep to steal away from him his gold necklace, carefully avoiding either to cut the string or to untie50 it. Tsanda-gutta went to the place where his brother was sleeping. After a few moments of reflection, seeing but one way to obey his father’s order, he cut off at once his brother’s head, and brought entire the necklace of gold, which he placed at his father’s feet. The latter, without giving a sign of approbation51 or displeasure, remained silent.
Dzanecka gave all his treasures to Tsanda-gutta. Having pointed29 out to him and minutely explained the course he had to follow for obtaining the high station he was destined to, the pounha repaired to some other place, bidding him remember him after he became a king. With the treasures left at his disposal, Tsanda-gutta levied52 men, and went on from success to success, until he possessed53 himself of Pataliputra and killed Dananda. He received[128] the water of consecration54, and began his reign in 163. That monarch seems to have been accustomed to the use of poisons. For it happened that, on a certain day, his first queen, belonging to the Maurya race, tasted a mouthful of a dish prepared for the king. This caused her death. At the time of that fatal occurrence she was far advanced in pregnancy55. The king, without a moment’s delay, ordered her belly56 to be opened; the infant was taken out and put in the belly of a goat freshly slain. The child lived, and was called Bandasura.
Tsanda-gutta, after a reign of twenty-four years, died in 187, and was succeeded by his son Bandasura, only sixteen years old. Both the father and the son were supporters of the pounhas, and fed daily an immense number of them in their palace. Bandasura reigned twenty-seven years, that is to say, until the year 214. He had altogether 101 sons. His first queen, called Damma, had become the mother of two sons, called Athoka and Teissa. When she was pregnant of the first, she had five dreams: First, she thought she was stretching her two feet, one resting on the sun, and the other on the moon; second, it appeared to her that she was devouring57 the stars; third, she fancied she was eating the clouds; fourth, she imagined she was eating the worms’ dunghills; fifth and finally, she imagined she was eating the leaves of all the trees. According to the prediction of the soothsayers, the five dreams meant that the son whom she had in her womb would rule over the whole of the island of Tsampoudipa; that he would destroy all his brothers, who would unite to dispute the throne with him; that he would disperse58 all the heretics or upholders of false tenets, who, like clouds, obscure the glory of religion; that he would possess all above the earth to the height of one youdzana, and all below the earth to an equal depth.
When Athoka was sixteen years old, his father sent him to Outzeni to govern that city, and the territories[129] annexed59 to it. On his way to that city, Athoka had to pass through Wedika, distant fifty youdzanas from Pataliputra, in an eastern direction. The town had been founded by the princes of Kapilawot, when that city had been almost destroyed in the days of Buddha. In that place he married the daughter of a rich man, named Dewa. After his arrival at Outzeni, Athoka’s wife presented him first with a son, who was named Maheinda, and subsequently with a daughter, called Seingamitta. Athoka remained nine years at Outzeni. At the end of that period, hearing that his father lay dangerously ill, he hastened to Pataliputra, to assist him and render all the services dictated60 by filial love. On his return, having to pass through Wedika, he left in that place his wife and his two children. A little while after his arrival at his father’s capital, the king breathed his last, and Athoka was proclaimed king.
The new monarch, however, found himself soon surrounded by many enemies. With the exception of Teissa, who was born from the same mother, all his brothers conspired61 against him. The oldest of all, named Thoumana, was the originator and leader of the rebellion. After a protracted62 struggle, Athoka’s good fortune prevailed. His rebellious63 brother Thoumana was overcome and made a prisoner; soon after, he was put to death. The same sad and cruel fate befel the other ninety-eight brothers. But it took three years before Athoka could free himself from all his enemies. On the fourth year after his accession to the throne, that is to say, in 218, he received the royal consecration, and in honour of his mother took the name of Dammathoka. He obtained a universal sway all over Dzampoudipa.
Up to the period of his consecration, Athoka had always favoured the pounhas. In imitation of his father’s conduct, he fed daily an immense number of them in his palace. They all dressed in white clothes. It was only after he had received the royal consecration that he became[130] a convert to Buddhism, through the instrumentality of his own nephew, the Rahan Nigrauda. A few particulars respecting this celebrated64 religious may not be unacceptable to the reader.
After Thoumana’s death, his wife Thoumana-dewi was near the moment of her confinement65. Under disguise, she contrived66 to baffle the snares67 of her husband’s enemies and elude39 their pursuit. She went to the neighbourhood of the village of Dountsanka, a little distant from Pataliputra in an eastern direction, and rested under a banyan68 tree. A small shed was provided for her, and the head man of the village, who looked upon her as his daughter, supplied her with food. She was delivered of a son, whom she named Nigrauda. When he was about seven years old he was confided69 to the care of the venerable Varuna, who instructed him in his monastery70, and taught him the Kamatan. He became a religious, and was made a patzin. The monastery of the venerable Varuna was not very distant from the southern gate of the city.
On a certain day the young religious Nigrauda rose up at an early hour, and having paid his respects to his great instructor71, put on his cloak, and, taking under his arm the mendicant’s pot, left his monastery, entered the city by the southern gate, and shaped his course towards the eastern one, with the intention of going to visit his mother. At that very moment King Athoka was standing72 over the lion’s gate of his palace enjoying the cool of the morning breeze. He saw the young religious passing with a grave and steady step. All was graceful73 and dignified74 in his deportment. A placid75 joy, a serene76 modesty77, and a majestic78 appearance beautified his countenance79 to such an extent that, at the first look, the king felt an irresistible80 affection for the young Samane. Without a moment’s delay he despatched an officer to call him. With a kind and affectionate tone the king invited him to ascend81 the steps of his palace, and insisted on serving him with his[131] meal. When the repast was over, Athoka said: “Young Samane, do you know well all the doctrines taught by your instructor?” “I am somewhat acquainted with them,” replied Nigrauda modestly. “If such be the case, will you be pleased to explain them to me?” He then said in reply: “He who is diligent82 in practising the duties that procure83 merits enjoys true happiness; he shall be exempt84 from death. He who neglects the duties that procure merits is unhappy, and is in a state of death.” The king, delighted with the instruction delivered to him by the young Samane, offered him several presents suitable to the religious profession. But Nigrauda would not accept them, except in the name and for the benefit of his instructor; because it was he who had the charge of teaching people to avoid evil, to do good, and to practise the religious duties. As to him, he was but a disciple86. Athoka was greatly pleased with the modesty and disinterestedness87 of the young Samane.
On other occasions the king sent for Nigrauda, and heard his instructions with such a good result that he gradually became a perfect convert. By the advice of his spiritual guide, Athoka made daily presents to a certain number of religious of the Buddhistic persuasion88. The number of the religious who every day attended the court to receive presents gradually swelled89 to the amount of 60,000. Nigrauda instructed his royal pupil on the three Saranans and the five precepts90. He infused into his soul a tender love for Buddha and his religion. The great change in the king’s dispositions91 happened on the fourth year after his coronation. Up to that time he had favoured the party of the pounhas, as his father and grandfather had done. He was in the habit of daily affording food and maintenance to sixty thousand pounhas wearing the white dress.
Not satisfied with the liberal offerings of every day, the king said to the Rahans: “My intention is to build a great number of dzedis in all the cities of Dzampoudipa.[132] But where are to be found the relics of the most excellent Buddha, that they may be divided and enshrined in the principal dzedis?” By his order the relics were searched for in every direction. The dzedis already built in Wethalie, Kapilawot, Allakappa, Pawa, and Koutheinaron were all demolished92. An exception was made in favour of the dzedi in the village of Rama. The Nagas, guardians95 of the place, would not allow that monument to be touched. In vain did the workmen strive with pickaxes to demolish93 the dzedi. Their instruments broke in pieces as soon as they came in contact with the building. But in none of them could the precious deposit be found. The king commanded that the demolished sacred monuments should be rebuilt precisely96 in the same shape and form as they stood previously97. Athoka, disappointed but undismayed by his want of success, directed his steps towards Radzagio, and resolved not to relax in his exertions98 until he had found the precious object of his eager desires. Having arrived at that place, he assembled all the Rahans and people, and inquired if there was no person who could lead him in the way to discover the relics. In the crowd there was a Rahan one hundred and twenty years old, who said that when he was a Samane about seven years old, his superior directed him to take some flowers and perfumes, and, leading him to a retired99 place, said to him, “You see that dark bush in the middle of which there is a small stone dzedi; let us prostrate100 ourselves before it and make our offering.” When this was done he added with a solemn tone of voice, “Young Samane, observe well this spot, and ever remember it.” He said nothing more, and we returned to our home. “This is doubtless,” said the king, “the very spot I am searching after, without having ever been able hitherto to discover it.” The king and his people hastened to the indicated place. Great offerings were made to the guardian94 Nat in order to propitiate101 him. The Nat, assuming the shape of a young man, removed all the obstacles that obstructed102 the way to the[133] place. When the king was near the first door, he discovered the ruby103 whereupon was seen the above-related inscription104. On touching105 the bolt the door was suddenly opened, when, to the great surprise of all present, the lamps that had been lighted two hundred and eighteen years ago were found burning and full of oil; the flowers, without the least sign of withering106, were as fresh and beautiful as those in the gardens; the smell of the perfumes seemed to be even more exquisite107 than that of new ones. The king, taking the gold leaf, read the inscription concerning him. He took all the relics, except a few that he left therein, replaced and arranged everything as he had found it. The finding of the relics happened in 218.[33]
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All that has been herein above related respecting the partition of the relics by Dauna, &c., has been extracted from the book called Nibana Thoot. But he who wishes[135] to know all the particulars concerning the places where the relics have been deposited, &c., must have recourse to the books called Data Win and Nalatadata Win.
On a certain day a likeness108 of Buddha was placed before the eyes of Athoka. The king was delighted with it. He wished to multiply the number of statues, so that they could be seen in every part of his dominions109. He gave orders for the building of monasteries110 in the 84,000 towns of his immense dominions. This happened in 220 of the religious era. It was but three years afterwards, that is to say, in 223, that the dedication111 or consecration of the dzedis took place, in which portions of the relics were to be enshrined. Throughout his realm the king issued a proclamation inviting112 all the people to attend to the observance of the eight precepts. The royal mandate113 was duly attended to, and the religious festival celebrated with the greatest solemnity. On that occasion the king made abundant donations to the religious, and strove to display his zeal for the promotion of religion.
Delighted with all that he had done, the king said to the venerable Mauggalipata: “I have endeavoured to labour for the exaltation of religion by every means in my power. I have built religious monuments through the length and breadth of my dominions; I have made offerings on the grandest scale. May I now consider myself as entitled to the inheritance of religion?” The venerable Mauggalipata replied: “Great prince, you have indeed done much towards the advancement114 of the good cause. But something else more excellent still is to be performed that you may acquire a right to the inheritance of religion.” “What is that?” asked the king. “It is most perfect and meritorious,” replied Mauggalipata, “that you should consecrate115 your son Maheinda and your daughter Singameitta to the service of religion.” Athoka immediately asked his son, who was eighteen years old, whether he would like to become a religious. Maheinda answered in the affirmative. He was forthwith ordained117 Samane.[136] Mauggalipata acted on the occasion as president, and Mahadewana as master of the ceremonies. Singameitta was similarly ordained. The president was Dammapata, and the person acting118 in the ceremony was Oopali. This happened in 223. Maheinda learned the Pitagat under the immediate116 superintendence and tuition of Mauggalipata himself. His proficiency119 both in the study of religious science and in the practice of virtue120 was so great that his teacher placed him at the head of a thousand Rahans, whom he was commissioned to instruct.
The great liberality of the king towards the Buddhists121, the efforts that he made for the promotion of the new religion he had embraced, alarmed those who belonged to the opposite party. The pounhas saw themselves without support, and unable to provide for their maintenance. They had recourse to the following expedient122 to secure their livelihood, and also a well-concerted plan to weaken their enemies. They all assumed the yellow dress, entered into the Buddhistic monasteries, and affected123 to be converts, without being so in reality. They retained their own opinions, and even as regards regulations they refused to comply with some of the ordinances124 of the Wini. Some of them fed large fires; others exposed themselves to various degrees of excessive heat; others affected the mania125 of fixing their eyes upon the sun in the morning, and following it in its course during the whole day.[34] Many appeared to lay little stress on several portions of the Pitagat. As a matter of course, the true religious[137] were much scandalised at such a conduct, and refused to hold communion with them on the days of worship. This state of things, after having lasted seven years, produced an irritation126 that could be no longer tolerated. Mauggalipata, disgusted at such a perturbation, left Maheinda at the head of the community, and withdrew to the Ahan Ginga mountain to enjoy some tranquillity127.
King Athoka was informed of the prevailing128 disorder129. With the view of pacifying130 the inmates131 of the monasteries, he sent an officer of his household with stringent132 orders to oblige the two parties to come to an understanding, to communicate with each other, and to worship in common on the festival days. The officer went to one of the monasteries, explained the royal order, and drew his sword, threatening to cut off the head of the first Rahan who would dare to offer opposition133. One of the orthodox party came forward, and having explained the true state of things, concluded by firmly stating that he would not hold communion with heretics. The officer in vain expostulated, and entreated134 the religious not to be so tenacious135 in his views, but rather to show a willingness to obey the king’s orders, for the sake of peace. The latter persisted in his refusal. The officer, carried away by passion, struck off the head of the refractory136 Rahan. An immense uproar137 followed this tragical138 occurrence. All hopes of bringing about a pacification139 were then at an end. The officer withdrew from the monastery, and related to the king all the particulars as they had occurred.
Athoka bitterly deplored140 the murder that had been committed on a saintly personage, and reproached the officer with having outstepped the orders he had received. His religious feelings were grievously hurt, and his conscience greatly alarmed. He sent for several religious, and consulted them as to whether he was responsible for the murder committed by his officer. The spiritual advisers141 did not agree in their decision. Some of them were of opinion that the king was answerable for the doing of his[138] messenger; others declared that the king, having given no order to the effect of using violence, the officer alone was responsible for the murder. Such conflicting opinions increased the king’s perplexities, and threw him in a state of great anxiety and uneasiness.
Some courtiers, grieved at the sadness which overspread their master’s mind, advised him to send for the celebrated Mauggalipata, and abide142 by the decision of that eminent143 man, whose knowledge was unsurpassed. The king gladly accepted the proposal. A messenger with a great retinue144 was at first sent to the place of Mauggalipata. The king’s desires were respectfully explained. But the old ascetic145 refused to quit his abode146 of peace. A second messenger was despatched, but with no better success. At last a third one was sent on the same errand, with several religious. The latter, who knew the great zeal of Mauggalipata for promoting the cause of religion, represented to him the imminent147 dangers religion was threatened with, and entreated him to come, and by his presence save it from an approaching ruin. On hearing this sad news the old man no longer hesitated. He immediately left his abode, went in the boat prepared for him, and gently sailed down the mighty stream to Pataliputra. The news of his coming down was spread in a moment. When the boat was reported to be near the city, the king, with his whole court, hastened to the banks of the Ganges. On her nearing the bank, Athoka went knee-deep into the stream, and helping148 the venerable Mauggalipata with his royal hand out of the boat, led him into a garden, where a suitable place had been prepared for his residence. There he sat at his feet, and rendered to him the same humble149 services which a disciple is wont150 to tender to his teacher.
The king, anxious to alleviate151 his scruples152 and relieve his much-troubled conscience, related the particulars of the case of the Rahan’s murder, and concluded by asking whether he was to be considered as responsible for the[139] death of the religious. Mauggalipata said, “O king, had you, when you despatched the officer, the intention of having any refractory Rahan put to death?” “No,” replied the king. “Since you gave no such order to your officer, and you had no intention that any disobedience to your orders should be visited with capital punishment, the murder of the religious can in no way be imputed153 unto you, because intention is the thing that makes actions good or bad, and entails154 merits or sin on the perpetrator.” Athoka recovered at once his peace and tranquillity of mind. Meanwhile he entreated the venerable Mauggalipata to labour for the extinction155 of schism and the exaltation of religion.
Seven days after the arrival of the great religious, a vast hall was erected156 in the grove157 where Mauggalipata was living. At the end of it a fine pavilion made of cloth of various and bright colours was prepared for the accommodation of the monarch. Each religious had then to be examined separately in the presence of Mauggalipata on the doctrines and practices he held as genuine and good. Those whose doctrines and observances were found to be at variance158 with the Pitagat were expelled from the assembly, stripped of the canonical159 robe, and compelled to resume the white dress, that is to say, the one befitting the pounhas. The presence of the king silenced all murmurs160, and rendered any attempt at resistance impossible. In this manner the orthodox Rahans were separated from the heterodox ones.
To heal the wounds inflicted161 on religion by schism, to restore purity of doctrine19, and confirm the genuineness of the canon of scriptures, such as had been done by Kathaba in the first council, and by Ratha in the second one, Mauggalipata, with the concurrence162 of the pious Dammathoka, resolved to hold a third council. From the Rahans then present at Palibotra he selected a thousand, and with them he regulated the Pitagat. The council was opened in the year 235, and ended in 236 = to 307 b.c. It was[140] presided over by Mauggalipata, who was seventy-two years old.[35]
At the conclusion of the council, the president, who[141] was acknowledged the head of the Buddhists, thought of extending the sway of the new religion through the whole of Dzampoudipa. Hitherto it had been confined within the limits of Magatha. Now the time had come to extend it far and wide among the nations and tribes of the whole world. To carry out such a bold and comprehensive plan, Mauggalipata made an appeal to the ablest and most zealous members of the council, and charged a certain number of them to go and preach the true law in the countries beyond the boundaries of Magatha. The venerable Mitzaganti with four companions, was directed to proceed to the country of Kashmera-gandara. Rewati was ordered to go to Mahithakan-pantala. Gaunaka-damma Reckita went to Aparanta. Maha-damma Reckita was sent to the Mahrata country. Damma Reckita received a mission to proceed to Yaunaka, which is the country inhabited by the Pantsays. The venerable Mitzi directed his steps, in company with several brethren, towards some parts in the Himalayas. Thauna and Outtara proceeded in a south-eastern direction to the country of Souwana-boumi. Finally Maheinda, Ittia, Outtia, Thamala, and Baddathala went to establish religion into the island of Tappapani (Ceylon).[36]
Great success attended the preachings of the Buddhist10 heralds163. If credit can be given to all that is related in the books on this subject, religion must have taken deep root in the heart of the people dwelling164 in those distant lands.
As regards Ceylon, there is an important fact to be stated. It appears that until the year of religion 454, the knowledge of the Pitagat was transmitted by means of oral tradition. The heads of monasteries required from[142] their pupils to know the whole collection by heart. It is probable that one portion of the scriptures was learned by one section of the community, and another by another. In this manner the whole Pitagat was known in each monastery, and could be rehearsed in full by the inmates. This state of things lasted two hundred years. The great inconvenience necessarily attending it was soon felt so keenly that some means had to be devised in order to render the study of the sacred books surer and easier. In the reign of King Watakamani five hundred religious assembled in the village of Mallaya, and wrote the whole Pitagat in Sanscrit, and with the Sanscrit characters. Under the reign of that monarch a great dearth165 prevailed all over the island. Numerous Buddhist religious crossed over to the continent, and established religion in many parts of the southern portion of the peninsula. That prince also built the famous Bayagiri monastery. With the Mahawihara already existing, and the Dzetawon monastery subsequently erected, there sprung up three distinct schools. The latter was erected in 811, in the time of King Mathena of Ceylon. But the teaching of the Mahawihara was the only one truly orthodox. After a protracted existence, they were all merged166 in the Mahawihara school, under the reign of Thiri Singa-bodiparanna-maba, in the year of the Pouppa-dzau era (Pagan era), 522; of religion, 1714 = to 1161 a.d.
The venerable Thauna and Outtara of the pounha race came to the district of Thaton,[37] which is called Souwana-boumi,[143] in the country of Ramagnia, for the purpose of establishing religion in that distant land, which lies south-east of Mitzima. Thiri-mathauka was the king who at that time reigned at Thaton. Previous to the arrival of the Buddhist messengers of peace, the town was desolated by the ravages167 of Biloos, who, coming from the sea, devoured168 all the newly-born infants. A great consternation169 and panic had seized the inhabitants when they saw[144] the two strangers, clothed in yellow robes, setting their feet upon the shore. They mistook them for monsters of a new description, who were coming to increase their misfortune. They ran to arms, and were preparing to attack the two religious. The latter, perceiving the danger that threatened them, said with a meek170 tone of voice to the infuriated mob, “Why do you attack us? We are not Biloos, nor are we come hither with any hostile intention. Know ye that we profess85 a religion which forbids us to take away intentionally171 the life of even the smallest insect, to rob, to commit adultery, and to use spirituous and intoxicating172 liquors. By our regulations we are allowed to eat rice but once in a day.” On hearing the explanations given by the two strangers, the people of Thaton were quieted. They received them with kindness, and treated them with great respect. By the power inherent in the two religious, the sea-Biloo was put to flight, and was seen no longer. The king and the people, grateful for the service they had received, and delighted with the new doctrine preached to them, accepted joyfully173 the five precepts, and promised to observe them. An immense number of men and women were converted. Among the new converts, a great many embraced the religious life.
King Thiri-mathauka was informed that, a little while after Gaudama’s death, a Rahan, named Gambawatti, had brought thirty-three teeth of Buddha, and deposited them in a dzedi upon the mount Inda-danoo, which lies north-east of Thaton. Moreover, he had heard that after the eighth season, Gaudama had gone to Mitila. Whilst he dwelt into that place, it happened that a certain Rahan came to remember of some of his relatives whom he had known during a former existence. He saw them living in Thaton. He then earnestly supplicated174 his great master to condescend175 to go to that place and preach the law to his relatives. Gaudama, complying with the request, resorted thither176 through the air, attended by a great retinue. He preached the law, and previous to his[145] departure, gave to the ruler of Thaton eight hairs of his head. Relying on the accuracy of the information, Thiri-mathauka felt a great desire to find out the precious relics, in order to have them distributed in eleven towns of Henzawatti, in eleven towns of Kouthein, and in eleven towns of Mouttama. These three countries constitute what is called Ramagnia. All happened agreeably to his wishes. The relics were duly found on mount Inda-danoo, in the very dzedi in which they had been enshrined, and were distributed in the various towns, as above mentioned. It is probable that there occurred at Thaton the same curious fact which we know to have taken place in Ceylon, viz.: Religion was propagated at first by the means of oral tradition.
The first one who made an attempt to possess himself of a copy of the sacred scriptures was Buddhagosa, a religious of Thaton, of the pounha race. That man embarked177 at Thaton, which was then on or near the sea. That place is in the Ramagnia country, and is inhabited by a people called Moun. He sailed to Ceylon in the year of religion 943,[38] under the reign of King Mahanama. He resided three years on that island, wrote the Pitagat on palm leaves with the Burmese characters which was found written in the language and characters of Ceylon. In another manuscript we read that he translated into Pali the scriptures which were in the language of Ceylon. Buddhagosa remained three years in Ceylon, in order to complete the work he had undertaken. During his stay in that island the people were so much pleased with him that they made him many and costly178 presents on his leaving their country. He brought over with him to Souwana-boumi, which is in the Ramagnia country, a complete collection of the scriptures.
In or about the year of the Pagan era 419,[39] the forty-second, some say, the forty-fourth king of Pagan, named[146] Anaurata, having invaded the Ramagnia country, possessed himself of the Moun’s territories and entered triumphant179 into the venerable city of Thaton. He took away from that place the collection of scriptures brought over from Ceylon by Buddhagosa, as well as the most learned among the Rahans. With the aid of these distinguished Rahans, religion was then firmly established in Pagan. He became master of the whole of the Ramagnia country, which includes Henzawatti, Mouttama, and Kouthein.
We have alluded180 briefly181 to the reconciliation182 that has taken place in Ceylon between the three great schools. Two of them, the Bayagiri and the Dzetawon, merged into the great Mahawihara school, which had always held up the orthodox doctrines. In the year that followed that event—that is to say, in the year of religion 1714 of the Pagan’s era 522[40]—many Rahans, natives of Thaton, Pagan and other places in Ramagnia, attended by a large retinue, crossed over to Ceylon for the express purpose of worshipping the relics and the Bodi tree, and making themselves perfectly183 acquainted with the genuine doctrine and discipline. As a matter of course, they joined the Mahawihara school. They remained on that island during nearly one year. One of the party, named Tsapada, who was but a young Samane, was raised to the dignity of Patzin, according to the rules and regulations adopted by the Mahawihara. The party, having performed their devotions, and penetrated184 themselves with the spirit of the community in which they had spent a year, returned to their countries. The young religious, who had been but recently ordained, applied185 to his superior and obtained permission to remain behind in Ceylon for the purpose of studying the Pitagat and mastering its contents.
[147]
After ten years of unwearied application he went back with four companions, named Maheinda, Thiwali, Ananda, and Rahula. After their landing in the neighbourhood of Cape40 Negrais, they spent a year in Kouthein, and finally reached Pagan in the eighth year of the reign of King Narapati-sisoo of the Pagan era 534 = to 1173 a.d. In this manner, by the exertions of those five religious, the religion of Ceylon was firmly established and set up in Pagan. In this manner the doctrines and institutions preached and set up in Ceylon by Maheinda and his companions were blended with the doctrines and institutions which the venerable Thauna and Outtara had established in Thaton. Both flourished in Pagan and were much extended.[41]
The brilliant and glorious reign of Narapati-sisoo was soon followed by a series of misfortunes, which contributed to the weakening of his great empire, and finally brought on its total overthrow186. Pagan was taken by foreign invaders187. In the midst of such calamities188 three noblemen, named Radzasingian, Asinkara, and Sihasoo, set themselves up as kings, the first in Miyntsain, the second in Pekkara, and the third in Pinlay, in the year 662 = to 1301 a.d. The King of Miyntsain, having treacherously189 enticed190 Kiantza, the king of Pagan, to visit him in his new capital, detained him under various pretexts191, and finally had him murdered. Thaunit, the son of Kiantza, hearing of his father’s detention192, ascended193 the throne of[148] Pagan, and reigned twenty-two years. He was succeeded by his brother Mouhnit, who reigned forty-three years. With him ended the line of Pagan kings in 730 = to 1369 a.d.
Sihasoo, the King of Pinlay, reigned in that place twelve years, and in 684 removed the seat of royalty to Panya. In that place there were successively five kings, whose aggregate194 number of years on the throne amounts to fifteen.
One son of Sihasoo, named Athinkara-dzau-goun, established royalty in Tsitkain in 684 = to 1323 a.d. Under the reign of his son and successor, named Thirimega, a canine195 tooth of Gaudama was brought to Tsitkain. The king had the precious relic5 placed in a golden casket, and enshrined in a turret196 of his palace. He daily worshipped it.
Thirimega having died, his two sons Dzeta and Tissa quarrelled about the crown. Neither of them ever had the title of king; both of them oppressed the country during nine years. The son of Dzeta, named Budadasa, became king, and reigned during twenty-nine years. It was under the reign of that monarch that five venerable religious, who were well versed in the science of the Pitagat, translated the whole compilation197, which was in Sanscrit, into the language of Ceylon (Pali).[42]
Tsitkain ceased to be a royal residence in 725 = to 1364 a.d., and in the following year the city of Ava was founded on the sixth of the waxing moon of Tabaong, on a Tuesday at noon, under the constellation198 Pounna-pha-shou.
On the following year, Mouhnit, king of Pagan, died at the age of sixty-four, after a reign of forty-three years, with whom ended the line of the Pagan monarchs199. In the great city of Ava religion greatly flourished, and in 1134[149] = to 1773 a.d., this book was composed[43] in the province of Dybayen.
[150]
For the purpose of creating and increasing feelings of affection towards the most excellent Buddha,[44] who is[151] greater than the three rational beings, towards his glorious perfections, as well as the law and the assembly, I have, to the best of my abilities, endeavoured to translate from the Pali into Burmese the sacred book called Malla-linkara-wouttoo, or history of the most excellent flower.
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1
eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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Buddhism
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| n.佛教（教义） | |
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relics
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| [pl.］n.遗物，遗迹，遗产；遗体，尸骸 | |
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relic
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| n.神圣的遗物，遗迹，纪念物 | |
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presidency
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| n.总统(校长，总经理)的职位(任期) | |
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Buddha
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| n.佛；佛像；佛陀 | |
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scriptures
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| 经文，圣典( scripture的名词复数 )； 经典 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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Buddhist
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| adj./n.佛教的，佛教徒 | |
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Buddhistic
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| adj.佛陀的，佛教的 | |
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schism
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| n.分派，派系，分裂 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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inflict
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| vt.(on)把…强加给，使遭受，使承担 | |
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consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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desolated
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| adj.荒凉的，荒废的 | |
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livelihood
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| n.生计，谋生之道 | |
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slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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deficient
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| adj.不足的，不充份的，有缺陷的 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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versed
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| adj. 精通，熟练 | |
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inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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eluded
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| v.（尤指机敏地）避开( elude的过去式和过去分词 )；逃避；躲避；使达不到 | |
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elude
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| v.躲避，困惑 | |
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cape
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| n.海角，岬；披肩，短披风 | |
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rambles
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| （无目的地）漫游( ramble的第三人称单数 )； （喻）漫谈； 扯淡； 长篇大论 | |
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42
promotion
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| n.提升，晋级；促销，宣传 | |
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royalty
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| n.皇家，皇族 | |
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44
insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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precipitate
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| adj.突如其来的；vt.使突然发生；n.沉淀物 | |
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herd
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| n.兽群，牧群；vt.使集中，把…赶在一起 | |
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strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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attentively
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| adv.聚精会神地；周到地；谛；凝神 | |
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50
untie
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| vt.解开，松开；解放 | |
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51
approbation
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| n.称赞；认可 | |
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52
levied
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| 征（兵）( levy的过去式和过去分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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53
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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consecration
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| n.供献，奉献，献祭仪式 | |
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pregnancy
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| n.怀孕，怀孕期 | |
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belly
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| n.肚子，腹部；(像肚子一样)鼓起的部分，膛 | |
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devouring
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| 吞没( devour的现在分词 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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disperse
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| vi.使分散；使消失；vt.分散；驱散 | |
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annexed
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| [法] 附加的，附属的 | |
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dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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conspired
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| 密谋( conspire的过去式和过去分词 )； 搞阴谋； （事件等）巧合； 共同导致 | |
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protracted
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| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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rebellious
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| adj.造反的，反抗的，难控制的 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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snares
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| n.陷阱( snare的名词复数 )；圈套；诱人遭受失败（丢脸、损失等）的东西；诱惑物v.用罗网捕捉，诱陷，陷害( snare的第三人称单数 ) | |
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banyan
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| n.菩提树，榕树 | |
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confided
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| v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的过去式和过去分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
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monastery
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| n.修道院，僧院，寺院 | |
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instructor
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| n.指导者，教员，教练 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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graceful
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| adj.优美的，优雅的；得体的 | |
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dignified
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| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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placid
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| adj.安静的，平和的 | |
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serene
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| adj. 安详的，宁静的，平静的 | |
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modesty
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| n.谦逊，虚心，端庄，稳重，羞怯，朴素 | |
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majestic
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| adj.雄伟的，壮丽的，庄严的，威严的，崇高的 | |
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countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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81
ascend
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| vi.渐渐上升，升高；vt.攀登，登上 | |
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diligent
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| adj.勤勉的，勤奋的 | |
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procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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84
exempt
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| adj.免除的；v.使免除；n.免税者，被免除义务者 | |
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profess
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| v.声称，冒称，以...为业，正式接受入教，表明信仰 | |
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86
disciple
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| n.信徒，门徒，追随者 | |
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87
disinterestedness
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88
persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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89
swelled
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| 增强( swell的过去式和过去分词 )； 肿胀； （使）凸出； 充满（激情） | |
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90
precepts
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| n.规诫，戒律，箴言( precept的名词复数 ) | |
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91
dispositions
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| 安排( disposition的名词复数 )； 倾向； （财产、金钱的）处置； 气质 | |
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92
demolished
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| v.摧毁( demolish的过去式和过去分词 )；推翻；拆毁（尤指大建筑物）；吃光 | |
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93
demolish
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| v.拆毁(建筑物等)，推翻(计划、制度等) | |
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94
guardian
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| n.监护人；守卫者，保护者 | |
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95
guardians
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| 监护人( guardian的名词复数 )； 保护者，维护者 | |
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96
precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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97
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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98
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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99
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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100
prostrate
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| v.拜倒，平卧，衰竭；adj.拜倒的，平卧的，衰竭的 | |
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101
propitiate
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| v.慰解，劝解 | |
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102
obstructed
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| 阻塞( obstruct的过去式和过去分词 )； 堵塞； 阻碍； 阻止 | |
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103
ruby
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| n.红宝石，红宝石色 | |
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104
inscription
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| n.（尤指石块上的）刻印文字，铭文，碑文 | |
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105
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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106
withering
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| 使人畏缩的，使人害羞的，使人难堪的 | |
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107
exquisite
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| adj.精美的；敏锐的；剧烈的，感觉强烈的 | |
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108
likeness
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| n.相像，相似（之处） | |
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109
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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110
monasteries
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| 修道院( monastery的名词复数 ) | |
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111
dedication
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| n.奉献，献身，致力，题献，献辞 | |
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112
inviting
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| adj.诱人的，引人注目的 | |
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113
mandate
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| n.托管地；命令，指示 | |
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114
advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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115
consecrate
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| v.使圣化，奉…为神圣；尊崇；奉献 | |
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116
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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117
ordained
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| v.任命（某人）为牧师( ordain的过去式和过去分词 )；授予（某人）圣职；（上帝、法律等）命令；判定 | |
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118
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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119
proficiency
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| n.精通，熟练，精练 | |
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120
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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121
Buddhists
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| n.佛教徒( Buddhist的名词复数 ) | |
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122
expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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123
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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124
ordinances
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| n.条例，法令( ordinance的名词复数 ) | |
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125
mania
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| n.疯狂；躁狂症，狂热，癖好 | |
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126
irritation
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| n.激怒，恼怒，生气 | |
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127
tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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128
prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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129
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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130
pacifying
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| 使（某人）安静( pacify的现在分词 )； 息怒； 抚慰； 在（有战争的地区、国家等）实现和平 | |
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131
inmates
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| n.囚犯( inmate的名词复数 ) | |
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132
stringent
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| adj.严厉的；令人信服的；银根紧的 | |
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133
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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134
entreated
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| 恳求，乞求( entreat的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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135
tenacious
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| adj.顽强的，固执的，记忆力强的，粘的 | |
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136
refractory
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| adj.倔强的，难驾驭的 | |
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137
uproar
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| n.骚动，喧嚣，鼎沸 | |
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138
tragical
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| adj. 悲剧的, 悲剧性的 | |
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139
pacification
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| n. 讲和，绥靖，平定 | |
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140
deplored
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| v.悲叹，痛惜，强烈反对( deplore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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141
advisers
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| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
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142
abide
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| vi.遵守；坚持；vt.忍受 | |
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143
eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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144
retinue
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| n.侍从；随员 | |
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145
ascetic
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| adj.禁欲的；严肃的 | |
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146
abode
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| n.住处，住所 | |
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147
imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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148
helping
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| n.食物的一份&adj.帮助人的，辅助的 | |
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149
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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150
wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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151
alleviate
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| v.减轻，缓和，缓解(痛苦等) | |
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152
scruples
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| n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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153
imputed
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| v.把（错误等）归咎于( impute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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154
entails
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| 使…成为必要( entail的第三人称单数 )； 需要； 限定继承； 使必需 | |
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155
extinction
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| n.熄灭，消亡，消灭，灭绝，绝种 | |
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156
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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157
grove
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| n.林子，小树林，园林 | |
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158
variance
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| n.矛盾，不同 | |
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159
canonical
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| n.权威的；典型的 | |
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160
murmurs
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| n.低沉、连续而不清的声音( murmur的名词复数 )；低语声；怨言；嘀咕 | |
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161
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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162
concurrence
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| n.同意；并发 | |
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163
heralds
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| n.使者( herald的名词复数 )；预报者；预兆；传令官v.预示( herald的第三人称单数 )；宣布（好或重要） | |
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164
dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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165
dearth
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| n.缺乏，粮食不足，饥谨 | |
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166
merged
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| （使）混合( merge的过去式和过去分词 )； 相融； 融入； 渐渐消失在某物中 | |
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167
ravages
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| 劫掠后的残迹，破坏的结果，毁坏后的残迹 | |
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168
devoured
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| 吞没( devour的过去式和过去分词 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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169
consternation
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| n.大为吃惊，惊骇 | |
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170
meek
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| adj.温顺的，逆来顺受的 | |
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171
intentionally
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| ad.故意地，有意地 | |
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172
intoxicating
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| a. 醉人的,使人兴奋的 | |
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173
joyfully
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| adv. 喜悦地, 高兴地 | |
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174
supplicated
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| v.祈求，哀求，恳求( supplicate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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175
condescend
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| v.俯就，屈尊；堕落，丢丑 | |
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176
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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177
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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178
costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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179
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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180
alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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181
briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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182
reconciliation
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| n.和解，和谐，一致 | |
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183
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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184
penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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185
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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186
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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187
invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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188
calamities
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| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
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189
treacherously
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| 背信弃义地； 背叛地； 靠不住地； 危险地 | |
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190
enticed
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| 诱惑，怂恿( entice的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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191
pretexts
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| n.借口，托辞( pretext的名词复数 ) | |
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192
detention
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| n.滞留，停留；拘留，扣留；(教育)留下 | |
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193
ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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194
aggregate
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| adj.总计的，集合的；n.总数；v.合计；集合 | |
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195
canine
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| adj.犬的，犬科的 | |
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196
turret
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| n.塔楼，角塔 | |
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197
compilation
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| n.编译，编辑 | |
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198
constellation
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| n.星座n.灿烂的一群 | |
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199
monarchs
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| 君主，帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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