The Histories, as they survive to us, describe in a style that has made them immortal7 one of the most terrible and crucial moments of Roman history. The deadly struggle for the throne demonstrated finally the real nature of the Principate—based not on constitutional fictions but on armed force—and the supple8 inefficiency9 of the senatorial class. The revolt on the Rhine foreshadowed the debacle of the fifth century. Tacitus was peculiarly well qualified10 to write the history of this period. He had been the eye-witness of some of the most terrible scenes: he was acquainted with all the distinguished11 survivors12: his political experience gave him a statesman's point of view, and his rhetorical training a style which mirrored both the terror of the times and his own emotion. More than any other Roman historian he desired to tell the truth and was not fatally biassed14 by prejudice. It is wrong to regard Tacitus as an 'embittered15 rhetorician', an 'enemy of the Empire', a 'détracteur de l'humanité'.1 He was none of these. As a member of a noble, though not an ancient, family, and as one who had completed the republican cursus honorum, his sympathies were naturally senatorial. He regretted that the days were passed when oratory was a real power and the consuls2 were the twin towers of the world. But he never hoped 7to see such days again. He realized that monarchy16 was essential to peace, and that the price of freedom was violence and disorder17. He had no illusions about the senate. Fault and misfortune had reduced them to nerveless servility, a luxury of self-abasement. Their meekness18 would never inherit the earth. Tacitus pours scorn on the philosophic19 opponents of the Principate, who while refusing to serve the emperor and pretending to hope for the restoration of the republic, could contribute nothing more useful than an ostentatious suicide. His own career, and still more the career of his father-in-law Agricola, showed that even under bad emperors a man could be great without dishonour20. Tacitus was no republican in any sense of the word, but rather a monarchist malgré lui. There was nothing for it but to pray for good emperors and put up with bad ones.
Those who decry21 Tacitus for prejudice against the Empire forget that he is describing emperors who were indubitably bad. We have lost his account of Vespasian's reign22. His praise of Augustus and of Trajan was never written. The emperors whom he depicts23 for us were all either tyrannical or contemptible24, or both: no floods of modern biography can wash them white. They seemed to him to have degraded Roman life and left no room for virtus in the world. The verdict of Rome had gone against them. So he devotes to their portraiture25 the venom26 which the fifteen years of Domitian's reign of terror had engendered27 in his heart. He was inevitably28 a pessimist29; his ideals lay 8in the past; yet he clearly shows that he had some hope of the future. Without sharing Pliny's faith that the millennium30 had dawned, he admits that Nerva and Trajan have inaugurated 'happier times' and combined monarchy with some degree of personal freedom.
There are other reasons for the 'dark shadows' in Tacitus' work. History to a Roman was opus oratorium, a work of literary art. Truth is a great but not a sufficient merit. The historian must be not only narrator but ornator rerum. He must carefully select and arrange the incidents, compose them into an effective group, and by the power of language make them memorable31 and alive. In these books Tacitus has little but horrors to describe: his art makes them unforgettably horrible. The same art is ready to display the beauty of courage and self-sacrifice. But these were rarer phenomena32 than cowardice33 and greed. It was not Tacitus, but the age, which showed a preference for vice34. Moreover, the historian's art was not to be used solely35 for its own sake. All ancient history was written with a moral object; the ethical37 interest predominates almost to the exclusion38 of all others. Tacitus is never merely literary. The σεμν?τη? which Pliny notes as the characteristic of his oratory, never lets him sparkle to no purpose. All his pictures have a moral object 'to rescue virtue40 from oblivion and restrain vice by the terror of posthumous41 infamy42'.2 His prime interest is character: and when he has 9conducted some skilful43 piece of moral diagnosis44 there attaches to his verdict some of the severity of a sermon. If you want to make men better you must uncover and scarify their sins.
Few Christian45 moralists deal much in eulogy46, and Tacitus' diatribes47 are the more frequent and the more fierce because his was the morality not of Christ but of Rome. 'The Poor' are as dirt to him: he can stoop to immortalize some gleam of goodness in low life, but even then his main object is by scorn of contrast to galvanize the aristocracy into better ways. Only in them can true virtus grow. Their degradation48 seems the death of goodness. Tacitus had little sympathy with the social revolution that was rapidly completing itself, not so much because those who rose from the masses lacked 'blood', but because they had not been trained in the right traditions. In the decay of Education he finds a prime cause of evil. And being a Roman—wherever he may have been born—he inevitably feels that the decay of Roman life must rot the world. His eyes are not really open to the Empire. He never seems to think that in the spacious49 provinces to which the old Roman virtues50 had taken flight, men were leading happy, useful lives, because the strong hand of the imperial government had come to save them from the inefficiency of aristocratic governors. This narrowness of view accounts for much of Tacitus' pessimism51.
Recognition of the atmosphere in which Tacitus wrote and the objects at which his history aimed helps 10one to understand why it sometimes disappoints modern expectations. Particular scenes are seared on our memories: persons stand before us lit to the soul by a fierce light of psychological analysis: we learn to loath52 the characteristic vices53 of the time, and to understand the moral causes of Roman decadence54. But somehow the dominance of the moral interest and the frequent interruption of the narrative55 by scenes of senatorial inefficiency serve to obscure the plain sequence of events. It is difficult after a first reading of the Histories to state clearly what happened in these two years. And this difficulty is vastly annoying to experts who wish to trace the course of the three campaigns. Those whose interest is not in Tacitus but in the military history of the period are recommended to study Mr. B.W. Henderson's Civil War and Rebellion in the Roman Empire, a delightful56 book which makes the dark places plain. But they are not recommended to share his contempt for Tacitus because his accounts of warfare57 are as bad as, for instance, Shakespeare's. Tacitus does not describe in detail the tactics and geography of a campaign, perhaps because he could not do so, certainly because he did not wish to. He regarded such details as dry bones, which no amount of literary skill could animate58. His interest is in human character. Plans of campaign throw little light on that: so they did not interest him, or, if they did, he suppressed his interest because he knew that his public would otherwise behave as Dr. Johnson did when Fox talked to him of Catiline's 11conspiracy. 'He withdrew his attention and thought about Tom Thumb.'
There is no worse fault in criticism than to blame a work of art for lacking qualities to which it makes no pretension59. Tacitus is not a 'bad military historian'. He is not a 'military' historian at all. Botticelli is not a botanist60, nor is Shakespeare a geographer61. It is this fault which leads critics to call Tacitus 'a stilted62 pleader at a decadent63 bar', and to complain that his narrative of the war with Civilis is 'made dull and unreal by speeches'—because they have not found in Tacitus what they had no right to look for. Tacitus inserts speeches for the same reason that he excludes tactical details. They add to the human interest of his work. They give scope to his great dramatic powers, to that passionate64 sympathy with character which finds expression in a style as nervous as itself. They enable him to display motives65, to appraise66 actions, to reveal moral forces. It is interest in human nature rather than pride of rhetoric13 which makes him love a good debate.
The supreme67 distinction of Tacitus is, of course, his style. That is lost in a translation. 'Hard' though his Latin is, it is not obscure. Careful attention can always detect his exact thought. Like Meredith he is 'hard' because he does so much with words. Neither writer leaves any doubt about his meaning. It is therefore a translator's first duty to be lucid68, and not until that duty is done may he try by faint flushes of epigram to reflect something of the brilliance69 of 12Tacitus' Latin. Very faint indeed that reflection must always be: probably no audience could be found to listen to a translation of Tacitus, yet one feels that his Latin would challenge and hold the attention of any audience that was not stone-deaf. But it is because Tacitus is never a mere39 stylist that some of us continue in the failure to translate him. His historical deductions70 and his revelations of character have their value for every age. 'This form of history,' says Montaigne, 'is by much the most useful ... there are in it more precepts71 than stories: it is not a book to read, 'tis a book to study and learn: 'tis full of sententious opinions, right or wrong: 'tis a nursery of ethic36 and politic3 discourses72, for the use and ornament73 of those who have any place in the government of the world.... His pen seems most proper for a troubled and sick state, as ours at present is; you would often say it is us he paints and pinches.' Sir Henry Savile, Warden74 of Merton and Provost of Eton, who translated the Histories into racy Elizabethan English at a time when the state was neither 'troubled' nor 'sick' is as convinced as Montaigne or the theorists of the French Revolution that Tacitus had lessons for his age. 'In Galba thou maiest learne, that a Good Prince gouerned by evill ministers is as dangerous as if he were evill himselfe. By Otho, that the fortune of a rash man is Torrenti similis, which rises at an instant, and falles in a moment. By Vitellius, that he that hath no vertue can neuer be happie: for by his own baseness he will loose all, which either fortune, or other mens labours 13have cast upon him. By Vespasian, that in civill tumults75 an advised patience, and opportunitie well taken are the onely weapons of advantage. In them all, and in the state of Rome under them thou maiest see the calamities76 that follow civill warres, where lawes lie asleepe, and all things are iudged by the sword. If thou mislike their warres be thankfull for thine owne peace; if thou dost abhor77 their tyrannies, love and reverence78 thine owne wise, iust and excellent Prince.' So whatever guise79 our age may assume, there are lessons to be drawn80 from Tacitus either directly or per contra, and his translators may be acquitted81 at a time when Latin scholarship is no longer an essential of political eminence82.
点击收听单词发音
1 consulship | |
领事的职位或任期 | |
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2 consuls | |
领事( consul的名词复数 ); (古罗马共和国时期)执政官 (古罗马共和国及其军队的最高首长,同时共有两位,每年选举一次) | |
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3 politic | |
adj.有智虑的;精明的;v.从政 | |
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4 farce | |
n.闹剧,笑剧,滑稽戏;胡闹 | |
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5 oratory | |
n.演讲术;词藻华丽的言辞 | |
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6 monographs | |
n.专著,专论( monograph的名词复数 ) | |
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7 immortal | |
adj.不朽的;永生的,不死的;神的 | |
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8 supple | |
adj.柔软的,易弯的,逢迎的,顺从的,灵活的;vt.使柔软,使柔顺,使顺从;vi.变柔软,变柔顺 | |
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9 inefficiency | |
n.无效率,无能;无效率事例 | |
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10 qualified | |
adj.合格的,有资格的,胜任的,有限制的 | |
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11 distinguished | |
adj.卓越的,杰出的,著名的 | |
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12 survivors | |
幸存者,残存者,生还者( survivor的名词复数 ) | |
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13 rhetoric | |
n.修辞学,浮夸之言语 | |
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14 biassed | |
(统计试验中)结果偏倚的,有偏的 | |
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15 embittered | |
v.使怨恨,激怒( embitter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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16 monarchy | |
n.君主,最高统治者;君主政体,君主国 | |
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17 disorder | |
n.紊乱,混乱;骚动,骚乱;疾病,失调 | |
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18 meekness | |
n.温顺,柔和 | |
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19 philosophic | |
adj.哲学的,贤明的 | |
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20 dishonour | |
n./vt.拒付(支票、汇票、票据等);vt.凌辱,使丢脸;n.不名誉,耻辱,不光彩 | |
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21 decry | |
v.危难,谴责 | |
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22 reign | |
n.统治时期,统治,支配,盛行;v.占优势 | |
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23 depicts | |
描绘,描画( depict的第三人称单数 ); 描述 | |
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24 contemptible | |
adj.可鄙的,可轻视的,卑劣的 | |
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25 portraiture | |
n.肖像画法 | |
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26 venom | |
n.毒液,恶毒,痛恨 | |
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27 engendered | |
v.产生(某形势或状况),造成,引起( engender的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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28 inevitably | |
adv.不可避免地;必然发生地 | |
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29 pessimist | |
n.悲观者;悲观主义者;厌世 | |
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30 millennium | |
n.一千年,千禧年;太平盛世 | |
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31 memorable | |
adj.值得回忆的,难忘的,特别的,显著的 | |
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32 phenomena | |
n.现象 | |
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33 cowardice | |
n.胆小,怯懦 | |
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34 vice | |
n.坏事;恶习;[pl.]台钳,老虎钳;adj.副的 | |
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35 solely | |
adv.仅仅,唯一地 | |
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36 ethic | |
n.道德标准,行为准则 | |
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37 ethical | |
adj.伦理的,道德的,合乎道德的 | |
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38 exclusion | |
n.拒绝,排除,排斥,远足,远途旅行 | |
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39 mere | |
adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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40 virtue | |
n.德行,美德;贞操;优点;功效,效力 | |
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41 posthumous | |
adj.遗腹的;父亡后出生的;死后的,身后的 | |
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42 infamy | |
n.声名狼藉,出丑,恶行 | |
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43 skilful | |
(=skillful)adj.灵巧的,熟练的 | |
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44 diagnosis | |
n.诊断,诊断结果,调查分析,判断 | |
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45 Christian | |
adj.基督教徒的;n.基督教徒 | |
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46 eulogy | |
n.颂词;颂扬 | |
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47 diatribes | |
n.谩骂,讽刺( diatribe的名词复数 ) | |
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48 degradation | |
n.降级;低落;退化;陵削;降解;衰变 | |
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49 spacious | |
adj.广阔的,宽敞的 | |
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50 virtues | |
美德( virtue的名词复数 ); 德行; 优点; 长处 | |
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51 pessimism | |
n.悲观者,悲观主义者,厌世者 | |
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52 loath | |
adj.不愿意的;勉强的 | |
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53 vices | |
缺陷( vice的名词复数 ); 恶习; 不道德行为; 台钳 | |
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54 decadence | |
n.衰落,颓废 | |
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55 narrative | |
n.叙述,故事;adj.叙事的,故事体的 | |
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56 delightful | |
adj.令人高兴的,使人快乐的 | |
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57 warfare | |
n.战争(状态);斗争;冲突 | |
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58 animate | |
v.赋于生命,鼓励;adj.有生命的,有生气的 | |
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59 pretension | |
n.要求;自命,自称;自负 | |
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60 botanist | |
n.植物学家 | |
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61 geographer | |
n.地理学者 | |
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62 stilted | |
adj.虚饰的;夸张的 | |
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63 decadent | |
adj.颓废的,衰落的,堕落的 | |
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64 passionate | |
adj.热情的,热烈的,激昂的,易动情的,易怒的,性情暴躁的 | |
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65 motives | |
n.动机,目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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66 appraise | |
v.估价,评价,鉴定 | |
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67 supreme | |
adj.极度的,最重要的;至高的,最高的 | |
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68 lucid | |
adj.明白易懂的,清晰的,头脑清楚的 | |
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69 brilliance | |
n.光辉,辉煌,壮丽,(卓越的)才华,才智 | |
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70 deductions | |
扣除( deduction的名词复数 ); 结论; 扣除的量; 推演 | |
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71 precepts | |
n.规诫,戒律,箴言( precept的名词复数 ) | |
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72 discourses | |
论文( discourse的名词复数 ); 演说; 讲道; 话语 | |
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73 ornament | |
v.装饰,美化;n.装饰,装饰物 | |
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74 warden | |
n.监察员,监狱长,看守人,监护人 | |
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75 tumults | |
吵闹( tumult的名词复数 ); 喧哗; 激动的吵闹声; 心烦意乱 | |
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76 calamities | |
n.灾祸,灾难( calamity的名词复数 );不幸之事 | |
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77 abhor | |
v.憎恶;痛恨 | |
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78 reverence | |
n.敬畏,尊敬,尊严;Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称;v.尊敬,敬畏,崇敬 | |
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79 guise | |
n.外表,伪装的姿态 | |
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80 drawn | |
v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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81 acquitted | |
宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 ); 使(自己)作出某种表现 | |
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82 eminence | |
n.卓越,显赫;高地,高处;名家 | |
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