13The real power of the throne was divided between the consul10, Titus Vinius, and Cornelius Laco, the prefect of the Guards; and an influence as great was enjoyed by Icelus, one of Galba's freedmen, who had been given the gold ring34 and was now greeted by the name of Marcianus. These three ordinarily disagreed, and followed each his own interest in smaller 30matters: on the question of the succession they fell into two camps. Vinius was for Marcus Otho. Laco and Icelus were agreed not so much on any one as on any other. Galba was aware of the friendship between Otho and Vinius. Otho was a bachelor and Vinius had an unmarried daughter: so gossip, never reticent11, pointed12 to them as father and son-in-law. Galba, one may suppose, felt some concern for his country, too. Why take the throne from Nero, if it was to be left to Otho? Otho had led a careless boyhood and a dissolute youth, and endeared himself to Nero by aping his vices13. Thus it was to Otho, as being already in the secret, that Nero entrusted14 his favourite mistress, Poppaea Sabina,35 until he could get rid of Octavia. Later he grew jealous and removed Otho to the province of Lusitania under cover of a governorship. Otho had been popular in his administration of the province, and was one of the first to join Galba's party. Being a man of action and one of the most distinguished15 of Galba's officers in the war, when once he had conceived the hope of succeeding him, he eagerly indulged it. Most of the soldiers were on his side and the Court supported him as Nero's double.
14After receiving the news of the German revolt, although Galba knew nothing for certain of Vitellius' 31plans, he was fearful to what lengths the outbreak of the troops might go; so, being unable to trust the troops in the city,36 he had recourse to what seemed his sole remedy and held an Imperial Election. Besides Vinius and Laco he summoned Marius Celsus, consul-elect and the City-Prefect Ducenius Geminus.37 After prefacing a few words about his own advanced age he ordered Piso Licinianus38 to be sent for, either on his own initiative, or, as some believed, at the instance of Laco. Laco had met Piso at Rubellius Plautus' house and they had formed a friendship, but he cunningly pretended that he was supporting a stranger, and Piso's good repute gave colour to this policy. Piso was a noble on both sides, being the son of Marcus Crassus and Scribonia. There was an old-world austerity in his face and bearing, and just critics spoke16 of his strict morality: people who took a less favourable17 view thought him soured. But while those who disliked this side of his character carped at it, it was a recommendation in the eyes of the emperor who intended to adopt him.
15Galba is said to have taken Piso's hand and addressed him as follows: 'Were I a private citizen, and were I to adopt you in the presence of the Priests 32by the usual formality of a curial statute,39 it would be an honour for me to introduce into my family a descendant of Cnaeus Pompeius and of Marcus Crassus, and for you it would be a distinction to add to your noble ancestry18 the glories of the Sulpician and Lutatian houses.40 As it is, I have been called by the consent of gods and men to be an emperor. Your distinguished qualities and your patriotism have persuaded me to offer to you peacefully and quietly the throne for which our ancestors fought on the field of battle,41 and which I too won by war. In so doing I am following the precedent19 set by the sainted Augustus, who raised to the rank next himself first his nephew Marcellus, then his son-in-law Agrippa, then his daughter's sons,42 and finally his stepson Tiberius Nero. However, while Augustus looked for a successor in his own family, I have searched throughout the country. Not that I lack either kinsmen20 or supporters, but it was by no favour of birth that I myself came to the throne, and, to prove my policy in this matter, consider how I have passed over not only my own relatives but yours. 33You have an elder brother,43 as noble as yourself. He would have been worthy21 of this position, but you are worthier22. You are old enough to have outlived youthful passions. Your life has been such that you have nothing in your past to excuse. So far you have only experienced misfortune. Prosperity probes the heart with a keener touch; misery23 only calls for patience, but there is corruption24 in success. Honesty, candour, and affection are the best of human qualities, and doubtless you yourself have enough character to retain them. But the complaisance25 of others will weaken your character. Flattery and servile compliments will break down its defences and self-interest too, the bane of all sincerity26. What though you and I can talk plainly with each other to-day? Others will address themselves not to us but to our fortunes. To persuade an emperor what he ought to do is a laborious27 task: any one can flatter him without a spark of sincerity.
16'If the vast bulk of this empire could stand and keep its balance without a guiding hand, the Republic might well have dated its birth from me. As it is, things have long ago come to such a pass that neither I in my old age can give the Roman people any better gift than a good successor, nor you in your prime anything better than a good emperor. Under Tiberius, Caligula, and Claudius, Rome was the heirloom of a single family. There is a kind of liberty in the free choice we have begun to exercise. Now that the 34Julian and Claudian houses are extinct, by the plan of adoption the best man will always be discovered. Royal birth is the gift of fortune, and is but valued as such. In adoption we can use a free judgement, and if we wish to choose well, the voice of the country points the way. Think of Nero, swollen28 with the pride of his long line of royal ancestry. It was not with a powerless province at his back, nor I with a single legion that freed Rome's shoulders of that burden: it was his own cruelty and profligacy29. And that was before there was any precedent for the conviction of an emperor.
'We have been called to the throne by the swords of those who thought us worthy. Our high state will not escape the eye of envy. You may be sure of that. But there is no reason for you to feel alarm because in this world-wide upheaval30 a couple of legions have not yet settled down. I myself did not succeed to a safe and peaceful throne, and, when once the news of your adoption is spread, I shall cease to be charged with my advanced age, which is now the only fault they find in me. The rascals31 will always miss Nero: you and I have got to see that good citizens do not miss him too.
'A longer sermon would ill befit the time and I have fulfilled my purpose, if I have done right in choosing you. The soundest and easiest criterion of right and wrong policy is to consider what you would have approved or condemned32 in another emperor. For Rome is not like the nations which are ruled by kings, 35where one house is supreme33 and the rest are slaves. Your future subjects are men who cannot endure the extremes either of bondage34 or of freedom.'
Galba spoke these words and more to the same effect in the tone of one creating an emperor: the rest addressed Piso as though he were emperor already. 17He is said to have betrayed no sign of amazement35 or elation36 either before those who were then present, or later when everybody's eyes centred upon him. His language to his emperor and adoptive father was deeply respectful and he spoke modestly of himself. He made no change in his expression or bearing, showing himself more able than anxious to rule. A discussion then took place whether the adoption should be announced before the people or in the senate, or in the guards' camp. They decided37 in favour of the camp, on the ground that it would be a compliment to the troops, whose goodwill38 was hard to win by flattery or bribes39, but was by no means to be despised, if it could be won by good means. Meanwhile the curiosity of the populace, impatient of any important secret, had brought together crowds all round the Palace, and when once the rumour5 began to leak out an attempt at suppression only resulted in spreading it.
18The tenth of January was a dreary40 wet day, and an extraordinary storm of thunder and lightning showed the displeasure of Providence41. Such phenomena42 were regarded in old days as a sign for the suspension of public business, but they did not deter43 Galba from proceeding44 to the camp. Either he disregarded such 36things as the result of pure chance or else he felt that the blows of fate may be foretold45 but not forestalled46. He addressed a crowded assembly of the soldiers with true imperial brevity, stating simply that in adopting Piso he was following the example of the sainted Augustus, and the old military custom whereby each man chose another.44 He was afraid that by suppressing the news of the German rebellion he might only seem to exaggerate the danger, so he voluntarily declared that the Fourth and Twenty-second legions had been led by a few traitors47 into seditious murmurings but no further, and would soon return to their allegiance. He made no attempt to enhance his words either by eloquence48 or largess. However, the tribunes and centurions49 and those of the soldiers who stood nearest to him gave well-sounding answers. The rest were sorry and silent, for the war seemed to have lost them the largess that had always been usual even in peace. Everybody agrees that they could have been won over had the parsimonious50 old emperor made the least display of generosity51. He was ruined by his strict old-fashioned inflexibility52, which seems too rigorous for these degenerate53 days.
19From the camp they proceeded to the senate, and Galba's speech to its members was no fuller or finer than to the soldiers. Piso spoke graciously, and there was no lack of support in the senate. Many wished him well. Those who did not were the more effusive54. 37The majority were indifferent, but displayed a ready affability, intent on their private speculations55 without thought of the country's good. No other public action is reported of Piso during the four days which intervened between his adoption and assassination56.
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1
adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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propensity
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| n.倾向；习性 | |
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patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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rumours
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| n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 )；风闻；谣言；谣传 | |
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rumour
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| n.谣言，谣传，传闻 | |
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thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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gaping
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| adj.口的；张口的；敞口的；多洞穴的v.目瞪口呆地凝视( gape的现在分词 )；张开，张大 | |
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9
halved
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| v.把…分成两半( halve的过去式和过去分词 )；把…减半；对分；平摊 | |
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10
consul
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| n.领事；执政官 | |
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reticent
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| adj.沉默寡言的；言不如意的 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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17
favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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ancestry
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| n.祖先，家世 | |
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precedent
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| n.先例，前例；惯例；adj.在前的，在先的 | |
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kinsmen
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| n.家属，亲属( kinsman的名词复数 ) | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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worthier
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| 应得某事物( worthy的比较级 )； 值得做某事； 可尊敬的； 有（某人或事物）的典型特征 | |
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23
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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24
corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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complaisance
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| n.彬彬有礼，殷勤，柔顺 | |
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sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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laborious
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| adj.吃力的，努力的，不流畅 | |
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28
swollen
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| adj.肿大的，水涨的；v.使变大，肿胀 | |
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profligacy
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| n.放荡，不检点，肆意挥霍 | |
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30
upheaval
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| n.胀起，(地壳)的隆起；剧变，动乱 | |
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rascals
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| 流氓( rascal的名词复数 )； 无赖； （开玩笑说法）淘气的人（尤指小孩）； 恶作剧的人 | |
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32
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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amazement
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| n.惊奇，惊讶 | |
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36
elation
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| n.兴高采烈，洋洋得意 | |
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37
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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38
goodwill
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| n.善意，亲善，信誉，声誉 | |
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39
bribes
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| n.贿赂( bribe的名词复数 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂v.贿赂( bribe的第三人称单数 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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40
dreary
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| adj.令人沮丧的，沉闷的，单调乏味的 | |
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41
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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42
phenomena
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| n.现象 | |
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43
deter
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| vt.阻止，使不敢，吓住 | |
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44
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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45
foretold
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| v.预言，预示( foretell的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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46
forestalled
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| v.先发制人，预先阻止( forestall的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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47
traitors
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| 卖国贼( traitor的名词复数 )； 叛徒； 背叛者； 背信弃义的人 | |
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48
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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49
centurions
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| n.百人队长，百夫长（古罗马的军官，指挥百人）( centurion的名词复数 ) | |
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50
parsimonious
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| adj.吝啬的，质量低劣的 | |
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51
generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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52
inflexibility
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| n.不屈性，顽固，不变性；不可弯曲；非挠性；刚性 | |
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53
degenerate
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| v.退步，堕落；adj.退步的，堕落的；n.堕落者 | |
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54
effusive
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| adj.热情洋溢的；感情(过多)流露的 | |
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55
speculations
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| n.投机买卖( speculation的名词复数 )；思考；投机活动；推断 | |
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56
assassination
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| n.暗杀；暗杀事件 | |
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