51I must now explain the origin and causes of the rising of Vitellius. After the slaughter14 of Julius 88 and his whole force, the troops were in high spirits at the fame and booty they had acquired. Without toil15 or danger they had won a most profitable victory. So they were all for marching against the enemy: plunder16 seemed better than pay. They had endured a long and unprofitable service, rendered the more irksome by the country and climate and by the strict discipline observed. But discipline, however stern in time of peace, is always relaxed in civil wars, when temptation stands on either hand and treachery goes unpunished. Men, armour17, and horses they had in abundance for use and for show. But, whereas before the war the soldiers only knew the men of their own company or troop, and the provincial18 frontier89 separated the armies, now, having once joined forces against , they had gained a knowledge of their own strength and the state of the province, and were looking for more fighting and fresh quarrels, calling the Gauls no longer allies, as before, but 'our enemies' or 'the vanquished19'. They had also the support of the Gallic tribes on the banks of the Rhine, who had 67espoused their cause and were now the most eager to rouse them against 'the Galbians'90 as they now called them, despising the name of . So, cherishing hostility20 against the Sequani and Aedui,91 and against all the other communities in proportion to their wealth, they drank in dreams of sacking towns and pillaging21 fields and looting houses, inspired partly by the peculiar22 failings of the strong, greed and vanity, and partly also by a feeling of irritation23 at the insolence24 of the Gauls, who boasted, to the chagrin25 of the army, that Galba had remitted26 a quarter of their tribute and given the franchise27 and grants of land to their community.92 Further fuel was added by a rumour29, cunningly circulated and rashly credited, that there was a project on foot to decimate the legions and discharge all the most enterprising centurions31. From every side came alarming news and sinister32 reports from the city. The colony of Lugdunum93 was up in arms, and its stubborn attachment33 to Nero made it a hotbed of rumour. But in the camp itself the passions and fears of the soldiers, and, when once they had realized their strength, their feeling of security, furnished the richest material for lies and won them easy credence34.
52In the preceding year,94 shortly after the beginning of December, Aulus Vitellius had entered the province 68of Lower Germany and held a careful inspection35 of the winter quarters of the legions. He restored many to their rank, remitted degrading penalties, and relieved those who had suffered disgrace, acting36 mainly from ambitious motives37, but partly also upon sound judgement. Amongst other things he showed impartiality38 in remedying the injustices39 due to the mean and dishonest way in which Fonteius Capito had issued promotions40 and reductions. The soldiers did not judge Vitellius' actions as those of a mere41 ex-consul42: they took him for something more, and, while serious critics found him undignified,95 his supporters spoke43 of his affability and beneficence, because he showed neither moderation nor judgement in making presents out of his own money and squandering44 other people's. Besides, they were so greedy for power that they took even his vices45 for virtues46. In both armies there were plenty of quiet, law-abiding men as well as many who were unprincipled and disorderly. But for sheer reckless cupidity47 none could match two of the legionary legates, Alienus Caecina and Fabius Valens.96 Valens was hostile to Galba, because, after unmasking Verginius's hesitation97 and thwarting49 Capito's designs, he considered that he had been treated with ingratitude50: so he incited51 69Vitellius by pointing out to him the enthusiasm of the troops. 'You,' he would say to him, 'are famous everywhere, and you need find no obstacle in Hordeonius Flaccus.98 Britain will join and the German auxiliaries52 will flock to your standard. Galba cannot trust the provinces; the poor old man holds the empire on sufferance; the transfer can be soon effected, if only you will clap on full sail and meet your good fortune half-way. Verginius was quite right to hesitate. He came of a family of knights, and his father was a nobody. He would have failed, had he accepted the empire: his refusal saved him. Your father was thrice consul, and he was censor53 with an emperor for his colleague.99 That gives you imperial dignity to start with, and makes it unsafe for you to remain a private citizen.'
53Caecina, on the other hand, in Upper Germany, was a handsome youth, whose big build, imperious spirit, clever tongue, and upright carriage had completely won the hearts of the soldiers. While quaestor in Baetica100 he had promptly55 joined Galba's party, and in spite of his youth had been given command of a legion. Later he was convicted of misappropriating public funds, and, on Galba's orders, prosecuted56 for 70peculation. Highly indignant, Caecina determined57 to embroil58 the world and bury his own disgrace in the ruins of his country. Nor were the seeds of dissension lacking in the army. The entire force had taken part in the war against , nor was it until after Nero's death that they joined Galba's side, and even then they had been forestalled59 in swearing allegiance by the detachments of Lower Germany. Then again the Treviri and Lingones101 and the other communities which Galba had punished by issuing harsh edicts and confiscating60 part of their territory, were in close communication with the winter quarters of the legions. They began to talk treason: the soldiers degenerated61 in civilian62 society: it only wanted some one to avail himself of the offer they had made to Verginius.
54Following an ancient custom, the tribe of the Lingones had made a present of a pair of silver hands102 to the legions as a symbol of hospitality. Assuming an appearance of squalid misery63, their envoys64 made the round of the officers' quarters and the soldiers' tents complaining of their own wrongs and of the rewards lavished65 on neighbouring tribes. Finding the soldiers ready to listen, they made inflammatory allusions67 to the army itself, its dangers and humiliation68. Mutiny was almost ripe, when Hordeonius Flaccus ordered the envoys to withdraw, and, in order to secure the secrecy69 of their departure, gave instructions to them to leave the camp 71by night. This gave rise to an alarming rumour. Many declared that the envoys had been killed, and that, if they did not look out for themselves, the leading spirits among the soldiers, who had complained of the present state of things, would be murdered in the dark, while their comrades knew nothing about it. So the legions formed a secret compact. The auxiliaries were also taken into the plot, although at first they had been distrusted, because their infantry70 and cavalry71 had been posted in camp all round the legion's quarters as though an attack on them were meditated72. However, they soon showed themselves the keener conspirators73. Disloyalty is a better bond for war than it ever proves in peace.
55In Lower Germany, however, the legions on the first of January swore the usual oath of allegiance to Galba, though with much hesitation48. Few voices were heard even in the front ranks; the rest were silent, each waiting for his neighbour to take some bold step. Human nature is always ready to follow where it hates to lead. However, the feelings of the legions varied75. The First and Fifth103 were already mutinous76 enough to throw a few stones at Galba's statue. The Fifteenth and Sixteenth104 dared not venture beyond muttered threats, but they were watching to see the outbreak begin. In Upper Germany, on the other hand, on the very same day, the Fourth and the Twenty-second legions, who were quartered together,105 smashed their 72statues of Galba to atoms. The Fourth took the lead, the Twenty-second at first holding back, but eventually making common cause with them. They did not want it to be thought that they were shaking off their allegiance to the empire, so in taking the oath they invoked77 the long obsolete78 names of the Senate and People of Rome. None of the officers made any movement for Galba, and indeed some of them, as happens in such outbreaks, headed the rebellion. However, nobody made any kind of set speech or mounted the platform, for there was no one as yet with whom to curry79 favour.
56The ex-consul Hordeonius Flaccus stood by and watched their treachery. He had not the courage to check the storm or even to rally the waverers and encourage the faithful. Sluggish and cowardly, it was mere indolence that kept him loyal. Four centurions of the Twenty-second legion, Nonius Receptus, Donatius Valens, Romilius Marcellus, and Calpurnius Repentinus, who tried to protect Galba's statues, were swept away by the rush of the soldiers and put under arrest. No one retained any respect for their former oath of allegiance, or even remembered it; and, as happens in mutinies, they were all on the side of the majority.
On the night of the first of January a standard-bearer of the Fourth legion came to Cologne,106 and brought the news to Vitellius at his dinner that the 73Fourth and Twenty-second legions had broken down Galba's statues and sworn allegiance to the Senate and People of Rome. As this oath was meaningless, it seemed best to seize the critical moment and offer them an emperor. Vitellius dispatched messengers to inform his own troops and generals that the army of the Upper Province had revolted from Galba; so they must either make war on the rebels immediately, or, if they preferred peace and unity28, make an emperor for themselves; and there was less danger, he reminded them, in choosing an emperor than in looking for one.
57The quarters of the First legion were nearest at hand, and Fabius Valens was the most enterprising of the generals. On the following day he entered Cologne with the cavalry of his legion and auxiliaries, and saluted80 Vitellius as emperor. The other legions of the province followed suit, vying81 with each other in enthusiasm; and the army of the Upper Province, dropping the fine-sounding titles of the Senate and People of Rome, joined Vitellius on the third of January, which clearly showed that on the two previous days they were not really at the disposal of a republican government. The inhabitants of Cologne and the Treviri and Lingones, rivalling the zeal82 of the troops, made offers of assistance, or of horses or arms or money, each according to the measure of their strength, wealth, 74or enterprise. And these offers came not only from the civil and military authorities, men who had plenty of money to spare and much to hope from victory, but whole companies or individual soldiers handed over their savings83, or, instead of money, their belts, or the silver ornaments107 on their uniforms, some carried away by a wave of enthusiasm, some acting from motives of self-interest.
58Vitellius accordingly commended the zeal of the troops. He distributed among Roman knights the court-offices which had been usually held by freedmen,108 paid the centurions their furlough-fees out of the imperial purse,109 and for the most part conceded the soldiers' savage84 demands for one execution after another, though he occasionally cheated them by pretending to imprison85 their victims. Thus Pompeius Propinquus,110 the imperial agent in Belgica, was promptly executed, while Julius Burdo, who commanded the fleet on the Rhine, was adroitly86 rescued. The indignation of the army had broken out against him, because he was supposed to have intrigued87 against Fonteius Capito, and to have accused him falsely.111 Capito's memory was dear to the army, and when 75violence reigns88 murder may show its face, but pardon must be stealthy. So Burdo was kept in confinement89 and only released after victory had allayed90 the soldiers' rancour. Meanwhile a centurion30, named Crispinus, was offered as a scape-goat. He had actually stained his hands with Capito's blood, so his guilt91 seemed more obvious to those who clamoured for his punishment, and Vitellius felt he was a cheaper sacrifice.
59Julius Civilis112 was the next to be rescued from danger. He was all-powerful among the Batavi,113 and Vitellius did not want to alienate92 so spirited a people by punishing him. Besides, eight cohorts of Batavian troops were stationed among the Lingones. They had been an auxiliary93 force attached to the Fourteenth, and in the general disturbance94 had deserted95 the legion. Their decision for one side or the other would be of the first importance. Nonius, Donatius, Romilius, and Calpurnius, the centurions mentioned above,114 were executed by order of Vitellius. They had been convicted of loyalty74, a heinous96 offence among deserters. His party soon gained the accession of Valerius Asiaticus, governor of Belgica, who subsequently married Vitellius' daughter, and of Junius Blaesus,115 governor of the Lyons division of Gaul, who 76brought with him the Italian legion116 and a regiment97 of cavalry known as 'Taurus' Horse',117 which had been quartered at Lugdunum. The forces in Raetia lost no time in joining his standard, and even the troops in Britain showed no hesitation. 60Trebellius Maximus, the governor of Britain, had earned by his meanness and cupidity the contempt and hatred98 of the army,118 which was further inflamed99 by the action of his old enemy Roscius Coelius, who commanded the Twentieth legion, and they now seized the opportunity of the civil war to break out into a fierce quarrel. Trebellius blamed Coelius for the mutinous temper and insubordination of the army: Coelius complained that Trebellius had robbed his men and impaired100 their efficiency. Meanwhile their unseemly quarrel ruined the discipline of the forces, whose insubordination soon came to a head. The auxiliary horse and foot joined in the attacks on the governor, and rallied round Coelius. Trebellius, thus hunted out and abandoned, took refuge with Vitellius. The province remained quiet, despite the removal of the ex-consul. The government was carried on by the commanding officers of the legions, who were equal in authority, though Coelius' audacity101 gave him an advantage over the rest.
61Thus reinforced by the army from Britain,119 Vitellius, 77who now had an immense force and vast resources at his disposal, decided102 on an invasion by two routes under two separate generals. Fabius Valens was to lure103 the Gauls to his standard, or, if they refused, to devastate104 their country, and then invade Italy by way of the Cottian Alps.120 Caecina was to follow the shorter route and descend105 into Italy over the Pennine Pass.121 Valens' column comprised the Fifth legion with its 'eagle',122 and some picked detachments from the army of Lower Germany, together with auxiliary horse and foot, amounting in all to 40,000 men. Caecina's troops from Upper Germany numbered 30,000, their main strength consisting in the Twenty-first legion.123 Both columns were reinforced by German auxiliaries, whom Vitellius also recruited to fill up his own army, intending to follow with the main force of the attack.
62Strange was the contrast between Vitellius and his army. The soldiers were all eagerness, clamouring for battle at once, while Gaul was still frightened and Spain still undecided. Winter was no obstacle to them; peace and delay were for cowards: they must invade Italy and seize Rome: haste was the safest course in civil war, where action is better than deliberation. Vitellius was dully apathetic106, anticipating 78his high station by indulging in idle luxury and lavish66 entertainments. At midday he would be drunk and drowsy107 with over-eating. However, such was the zeal of the soldiers that they even did the general's duties, and behaved exactly as if he had been present to encourage the alert and threaten the laggards108. They promptly fell in and began to clamour for the signal to start. The title of Germanicus was then and there conferred on Vitellius: Caesar he would never be called, even after his victory.
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1
proclivities
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| n.倾向，癖性( proclivity的名词复数 ) | |
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immorality
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| n. 不道德, 无道义 | |
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providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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deplored
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| v.悲叹，痛惜，强烈反对( deplore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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reverted
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| 恢复( revert的过去式和过去分词 )； 重提； 回到…上； 归还 | |
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devastation
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| n.毁坏；荒废；极度震惊或悲伤 | |
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pillage
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| v.抢劫；掠夺；n.抢劫，掠夺；掠夺物 | |
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mused
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| v.沉思，冥想( muse的过去式和过去分词 )；沉思自语说（某事） | |
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victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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vows
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| 誓言( vow的名词复数 )； 郑重宣布，许愿 | |
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shuddered
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| v.战栗( shudder的过去式和过去分词 )；发抖；（机器、车辆等）突然震动；颤动 | |
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slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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armour
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| （=armor）n.盔甲；装甲部队 | |
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provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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pillaging
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| v.抢劫，掠夺( pillage的现在分词 ) | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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irritation
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| n.激怒，恼怒，生气 | |
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insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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chagrin
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| n.懊恼；气愤；委屈 | |
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remitted
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| v.免除（债务），宽恕( remit的过去式和过去分词 )；使某事缓和；寄回，传送 | |
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franchise
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| n.特许，特权，专营权，特许权 | |
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unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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rumour
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| n.谣言，谣传，传闻 | |
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centurion
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| n.古罗马的百人队长 | |
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centurions
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| n.百人队长，百夫长（古罗马的军官，指挥百人）( centurion的名词复数 ) | |
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sinister
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| adj.不吉利的，凶恶的，左边的 | |
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attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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credence
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| n.信用，祭器台，供桌，凭证 | |
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inspection
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| n.检查，审查，检阅 | |
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acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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impartiality
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| n. 公平, 无私, 不偏 | |
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injustices
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| 不公平( injustice的名词复数 )； 非正义； 待…不公正； 冤枉 | |
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promotions
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| 促进( promotion的名词复数 )； 提升； 推广； 宣传 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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consul
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| n.领事；执政官 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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squandering
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| v.（指钱，财产等）浪费，乱花( squander的现在分词 ) | |
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vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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cupidity
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| n.贪心，贪财 | |
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hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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thwarting
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| 阻挠( thwart的现在分词 )； 使受挫折； 挫败； 横过 | |
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ingratitude
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| n.忘恩负义 | |
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incited
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| 刺激，激励，煽动( incite的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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auxiliaries
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| n.助动词 ( auxiliary的名词复数 )；辅助工，辅助人员 | |
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53
censor
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| n./vt.审查，审查员；删改 | |
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sluggish
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| adj.懒惰的，迟钝的，无精打采的 | |
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promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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prosecuted
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| a.被起诉的 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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embroil
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| vt.拖累；牵连；使复杂 | |
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forestalled
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| v.先发制人，预先阻止( forestall的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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confiscating
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| 没收（confiscate的现在分词形式） | |
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degenerated
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| 衰退，堕落，退化( degenerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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civilian
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| adj.平民的，民用的，民众的 | |
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misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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lavished
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| v.过分给予，滥施( lavish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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lavish
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| adj.无节制的；浪费的；vt.慷慨地给予，挥霍 | |
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allusions
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| 暗指，间接提到( allusion的名词复数 ) | |
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humiliation
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| n.羞辱 | |
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secrecy
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| n.秘密，保密，隐蔽 | |
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70
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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72
meditated
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| 深思，沉思，冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 )； 内心策划，考虑 | |
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conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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mutinous
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| adj.叛变的，反抗的；adv.反抗地，叛变地；n.反抗，叛变 | |
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invoked
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| v.援引( invoke的过去式和过去分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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obsolete
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| adj.已废弃的，过时的 | |
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curry
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| n.咖哩粉，咖哩饭菜；v.用咖哩粉调味，用马栉梳，制革 | |
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80
saluted
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| v.欢迎，致敬( salute的过去式和过去分词 )；赞扬，赞颂 | |
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vying
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| adj.竞争的；比赛的 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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savings
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| n.存款，储蓄 | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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85
imprison
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| vt.监禁，关押，限制，束缚 | |
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adroitly
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| adv.熟练地，敏捷地 | |
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intrigued
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| adj.好奇的，被迷住了的v.搞阴谋诡计(intrigue的过去式)；激起…的兴趣或好奇心；“intrigue”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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88
reigns
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| n.君主的统治( reign的名词复数 )；君主统治时期；任期；当政期 | |
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confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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90
allayed
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| v.减轻，缓和( allay的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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92
alienate
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| vt.使疏远，离间；转让(财产等) | |
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auxiliary
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| adj.辅助的，备用的 | |
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94
disturbance
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| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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heinous
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| adj.可憎的，十恶不赦的 | |
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97
regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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99
inflamed
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| adj.发炎的，红肿的v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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100
impaired
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| adj.受损的；出毛病的；有（身体或智力）缺陷的v.损害，削弱( impair的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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101
audacity
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| n.大胆，卤莽，无礼 | |
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102
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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103
lure
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| n.吸引人的东西，诱惑物；vt.引诱，吸引 | |
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104
devastate
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| v.使荒芜，破坏，压倒 | |
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105
descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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106
apathetic
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| adj.冷漠的，无动于衷的 | |
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107
drowsy
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| adj.昏昏欲睡的，令人发困的 | |
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108
laggards
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| n.落后者( laggard的名词复数 ) | |
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