2Domitian having secured the title and the official residence of a Caesar,229 did not as yet busy himself with serious matters, but in his character of emperor's son devoted16 himself to dissolute intrigues18. Arrius Varus230 took command of the Guards, but the supreme19 authority rested with Antonius Primus. He removed money and slaves from the emperor's house as though he were plundering20 Cremona. The other generals, from excess of modesty21 or lack of spirit, shared neither the distinctions of the war nor the profits of peace.
People in Rome were now so nervous and so resigned to despotism that they demanded that Lucius Vitellius and his force of Guards should be surprised on their way back from Tarracina,231 and the last sparks of the war stamped out. Some cavalry22 were sent forward to Aricia, while the column of the legions halted short of Bovillae.232 Vitellius, however, lost no time in surrendering himself and his Guards to the conqueror's 101discretion, and the men flung away their unlucky swords more in anger than in fear. The long line of prisoners filed through the city between ranks of armed guards. None looked like begging for mercy. With sad, set faces they remained sternly indifferent to the applause or the mockery of the ribald crowd. A few tried to break away, but were surrounded and overpowered. The rest were put in prison. Not one of them gave vent23 to any unseemly complaint. Through all their misfortunes they preserved their reputation for courage. Lucius Vitellius was then executed. He was as weak as his brother, though during the principate he showed himself less indolent. Without sharing his brother's success, he was carried away on the flood of his disaster.
3At this time Lucilius Bassus233 was sent off with a force of light horse to quell24 the disquiet25 in Campania, which was caused more by the mutual26 jealousy27 of the townships than by any opposition28 to the emperor. The sight of the soldiers restored order. The smaller colonies were pardoned, but at Capua the Third legion234 was left in winter quarters and some of the leading families fined.235 Tarracina, on the other hand, received no relief. It is always easier to requite29 an injury than a service: gratitude30 is a burden, but revenge is found to pay. Their only consolation31 was that one of Vergilius Capito's slaves, who had, as we 102have seen,236 betrayed the town, was hanged on the gallows32 with the very rings237 on his fingers which Vitellius had given him to wear.
At Rome the senate decreed to Vespasian all the usual prerogatives33 of the principate.238 They were now happy and confident. Seeing that the civil war had broken out in the provinces of Gaul and Spain, and after causing a rebellion first in Germany and then in Illyricum, had spread to Egypt, Judaea, Syria,239 and in fact to all the provinces and armies of the empire, they felt that the world had been purged34 as by fire and that all was now over. Their satisfaction was still further enhanced by a letter from Vespasian, which at first sight seemed to be phrased as if the war was still going on. Still his tone was that of an emperor, though he spoke35 of himself as a simple citizen and gave his country all the glory. The senate for its part showed no lack of deference36. They decreed that Vespasian himself should be consul37 with Titus for his colleague, and on Domitian they conferred the praetorship with the powers of a consul.240
4Mucianus had also addressed a letter to the senate 103which gave rise to a good deal of talk.241 If he were a private citizen, why adopt the official tone? He could have expressed the same opinions a few days later from his place in the House. Besides, his attack on Vitellius came too late to prove his independence, and what seemed particularly humiliating for the country and insulting to the emperor was his boast that he had held the empire in the hollow of his hand, and had given it to Vespasian. However, they concealed38 their ill-will and made a great show of flattery, decreeing to Mucianus in the most complimentary39 terms full triumphal honours, which were really given him for his success against his fellow countrymen, though they trumped40 up an expedition to Sarmatia as a pretext.242 On Antonius Primus they conferred the insignia of the consulship41, and those of the praetorship on Cornelius Fuscus and Arrius Varus. Then came the turn of the gods: it was decided43 to restore the Capitol. These proposals were all moved by the consul-designate, Valerius Asiaticus.243 The others signified assent44 by smiling and holding up their hands, though a few, who were particularly distinguished45, or especially practised in the art of flattery, delivered set speeches. When it came to the turn of Helvidius Priscus, the praetor-designate, he expressed himself in terms which, while doing honour to a good emperor, were perfectly frank 104and honest.244 The senate showed their keen approval, and it was this day which first won for him great disfavour and great distinction.
5Since I have had occasion to make a second allusion245 to a man whom I shall often have to mention again,246 it may be well to give here a brief account of his character and ideals, and of his fortune in life. Helvidius Priscus came from the country town of Cluviae.247 His father had been a senior centurion46 in the army. From his early youth Helvidius devoted his great intellectual powers to the higher studies, not as many people do, with the idea of using a philosopher's reputation as a cloak for indolence,248 but rather to fortify47 himself against the caprice of fortune when he entered public life. He became a follower48 of that school of philosophy249 which holds that honesty is the one good thing in life and sin the only evil, while power and rank and other such external things, not being qualities of character, are neither good nor bad. He had risen no higher than the rank of quaestor when Paetus Thrasea chose him for his son-in-law,250 and of Thrasea's virtues49 he absorbed none so much as his independence. As citizen, senator, husband, son-in-law, friend, in every sphere of life he was thoroughly50 consistent, always showing contempt 105for money, stubborn persistence51 in the right, and courage in the face of danger. 6Some people thought him too ambitious, for even with philosophers the passion for fame is often their last rag of infirmity. After Thrasea's fall Helvidius was banished52, but he returned to Rome under Galba and proceeded to prosecute53 Eprius Marcellus,251 who had informed against his father-in-law. This attempt to secure a revenge, as bold as it was just, divided the senate into two parties, for the fall of Marcellus would involve the ruin of a whole army of similar offenders54. At first the struggle was full of recrimination, as the famous speeches on either side testify; but after a while, finding that Galba's attitude was doubtful and that many of the senators begged him to desist, Helvidius dropped the prosecution55. On his action in this matter men's comments varied56 with their character, some praising his moderation, others asking what had become of his tenacity57.
To return to the senate: at the same meeting at which they voted powers to Vespasian they also decided to send a deputation to address him. This gave rise to a sharp dispute between Helvidius Priscus and Eprius Marcellus. The former thought the members of the deputation ought to be nominated by magistrates58 acting59 under oath; Marcellus demanded their selection by lot. The consul-designate had already spoken in 7favour of the latter method, but Marcellus' motive60 was personal vanity, for he was afraid that if others 106were chosen he would seem slighted. Their exchange of views gradually grew into a formal and acrimonious61 debate. Helvidius inquired why it was that Marcellus was so afraid of the magistrates' judgement, seeing that he himself had great advantages of wealth and of eloquence62 over many others. Could it be the memory of his misdeeds that so oppressed him? The fall of the lot could not discern character: but the whole point of submitting people to the vote and to scrutiny63 by the senate was to get at the truth about each man's life and reputation. In the interest of the country, and out of respect to Vespasian, it was important that he should be met by men whom the senate considered beyond reproach, men who would give the emperor a taste for honest language. Vespasian had been a friend of Thrasea, Soranus, and Sentius,252 and even though there might be no need to punish their prosecutors64, still it would be wrong to put them forward. Moreover, the senate's selection would be a sort of hint to the emperor whom to approve and whom to avoid. 'Good friends are the most effective instruments of good government. Marcellus ought to be content with having driven Nero to destroy so many innocent people. Let him enjoy the impunity65 and the profit he has won from that, and leave Vespasian to more honest advisers66.'
1078Marcellus replied that the opinion which was being impugned67 was not his own. The consul-designate had already advised them to follow the established precedent68, which was that deputations should be chosen by lot, so that there should be no room for intrigue17 or personal animosity. Nothing had happened to justify69 them in setting aside such an ancient system. Why turn a compliment to the emperor into a slight upon some one else? Anybody could do homage70. What they had to avoid was the possibility that some people's obstinacy71 might irritate the emperor at the outset of his reign72, while his intentions were undecided and he was still busy watching faces and listening to what was said. 'I have not forgotten,' he went on, 'the days of my youth or the constitution which our fathers and grandfathers established.253 But while admiring a distant past, I support the existing state of things. I pray for good emperors, but I take them as they come. As for Thrasea, it was not my speech but the senate's verdict which did for him. Nero took a savage delight in farces73 like that trial, and, really, the friendship of such an emperor cost me as much anxiety as banishment74 did to others. In fine, Helvidius may be as brave and as firm as any Brutus or Cato; I am but a senator and we are all slaves together. Besides, I advise my friend not to try and get an upper hand with our emperor or to force his tuition on a man of ripe years,254 who wears the insignia of a triumph and is the father 108of two grown sons. Bad rulers like absolute sovereignty, and even the best of them must set some limit to their subjects' independence.'
This heated interchange of arguments found supporters for both views. The party which wanted the deputies chosen by lot eventually prevailed, since even the moderates were anxious to observe the precedent, and all the most prominent members tended to vote with them, for fear of encountering ill-feeling if they were selected.
9This dispute was followed by another. The Praetors, who in those days administered the Treasury,255 complained of the spread of poverty in the country and demanded some restriction75 of expenditure76. The consul-designate said that, as the undertaking77 would be so vast and the remedy so difficult, he was in favour of leaving it for the emperor. Helvidius maintained that it ought to be settled by the senate's decision. When the consuls42 began to take each senator's opinion, Vulcacius Tertullinus, one of the tribunes, interposed his veto, on the ground that they could not decide such an important question in the emperor's absence. Helvidius had previously78 moved that the Capitol should be restored at the public cost, and with the assistance of Vespasian. The moderates all passed over this suggestion in silence and soon 109forgot it, but there were others who took care to remember it.256
10It was at this time that Musonius Rufus257 brought an action against Publius Celer on the ground that it was only by perjury79 that he had secured the conviction of Soranus Barea.258 It was felt that this trial restarted the hue80 and cry against professional accusers. But the defendant81 was a rascal9 of no importance who could not be sheltered, and, moreover, Barea's memory was sacred. Celer had set up as a teacher of philosophy and then committed perjury against his pupil Barea, thus treacherously82 violating the very principles of friendship which he professed83 to teach. The case was put down for the next day's meeting.259 But now that a taste for revenge was aroused, people were all agog84 to see not so much Musonius and Publius as Priscus and Marcellus and the rest in court.
11Thus the senate quarrelled; the defeated party nursed their grievances85; the winners had no power to enforce their will; law was in abeyance86 and the emperor absent. This state of things continued until Mucianus arrived in Rome and took everything into his own hands. This shattered the supremacy87 of Antonius and Varus, for, though Mucianus tried to show a friendly face towards them, he was not very 110successful in concealing88 his dislike. But the people of Rome, having acquired great skill in detecting strained relations, had already transferred their allegiance. Mucianus was now the sole object of their flattering attentions. And he lived up to them. He surrounded himself with an armed escort, and kept changing his house and gardens. His display, his public appearances, the night-watch that guarded him, all showed that he had adopted the style of an emperor while forgoing89 the title. The greatest alarm was aroused by his execution of Calpurnius Galerianus, a son of Caius Piso.260 He had attempted no treachery, but his distinguished name and handsome presence had made the youth a subject of common talk, and the country was full of turbulent spirits who delighted in revolutionary rumours90 and idly talked of his coming to the throne. Mucianus gave orders that he should be arrested by a body of soldiers, and to avoid a conspicuous91 execution in the heart of the city, they marched him forty miles along the Appian road, where they severed92 his veins93 and let him bleed to death. Julius Priscus, who had commanded the Guards under Vitellius, committed suicide, more from shame than of necessity. Alfenus Varus survived the disgrace of his cowardice94.261 Asiaticus,262 who was a freedman, paid for his malign95 influence by dying the death of a slave.
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1
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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promiscuously
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| adv.杂乱地，混杂地 | |
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corpses
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| n.死尸，尸体( corpse的名词复数 ) | |
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civilians
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| 平民，百姓( civilian的名词复数 )； 老百姓 | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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needy
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| adj.贫穷的，贫困的，生活艰苦的 | |
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rascally
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| adj. 无赖的，恶棍的 adv. 无赖地，卑鄙地 | |
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rascal
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| n.流氓；不诚实的人 | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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temperately
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| adv.节制地，适度地 | |
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disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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plundering
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的现在分词 ) | |
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modesty
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| n.谦逊，虚心，端庄，稳重，羞怯，朴素 | |
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cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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vent
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| n.通风口，排放口；开衩；vt.表达，发泄 | |
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quell
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| v.压制，平息，减轻 | |
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disquiet
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| n.担心，焦虑 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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requite
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| v.报酬，报答 | |
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gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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gallows
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| n.绞刑架，绞台 | |
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prerogatives
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| n.权利( prerogative的名词复数 )；特权；大主教法庭；总督委任组成的法庭 | |
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purged
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| 清除（政敌等）( purge的过去式和过去分词 )； 涤除（罪恶等）； 净化（心灵、风气等）； 消除（错事等）的不良影响 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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deference
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| n.尊重，顺从；敬意 | |
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consul
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| n.领事；执政官 | |
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concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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complimentary
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| adj.赠送的，免费的，赞美的，恭维的 | |
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trumped
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| v.（牌戏）出王牌赢（一牌或一墩）( trump的过去分词 )；吹号公告，吹号庆祝；吹喇叭；捏造 | |
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consulship
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| 领事的职位或任期 | |
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consuls
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| 领事( consul的名词复数 )； （古罗马共和国时期）执政官 （古罗马共和国及其军队的最高首长，同时共有两位，每年选举一次） | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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centurion
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| n.古罗马的百人队长 | |
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fortify
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| v.强化防御，为…设防；加强，强化 | |
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follower
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| n.跟随者；随员；门徒；信徒 | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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persistence
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| n.坚持，持续，存留 | |
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52
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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prosecute
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| vt.告发；进行；vi.告发，起诉，作检察官 | |
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offenders
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| n.冒犯者( offender的名词复数 )；犯规者；罪犯；妨害…的人（或事物） | |
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prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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tenacity
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| n.坚韧 | |
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magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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acrimonious
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| adj.严厉的，辛辣的，刻毒的 | |
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eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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scrutiny
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| n.详细检查，仔细观察 | |
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prosecutors
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| 检举人( prosecutor的名词复数 )； 告发人； 起诉人； 公诉人 | |
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impunity
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| n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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advisers
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| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
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impugned
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| v.非难，指谪( impugn的过去式和过去分词 )；对…有怀疑 | |
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precedent
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| n.先例，前例；惯例；adj.在前的，在先的 | |
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justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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obstinacy
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| n.顽固；（病痛等）难治 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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farces
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| n.笑剧( farce的名词复数 )；闹剧；笑剧剧目；作假的可笑场面 | |
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banishment
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| n.放逐，驱逐 | |
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restriction
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| n.限制，约束 | |
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expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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perjury
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| n.伪证；伪证罪 | |
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80
hue
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| n.色度；色调；样子 | |
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81
defendant
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| n.被告；adj.处于被告地位的 | |
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82
treacherously
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| 背信弃义地； 背叛地； 靠不住地； 危险地 | |
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83
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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84
agog
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| adj.兴奋的，有强烈兴趣的； adv.渴望地 | |
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85
grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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86
abeyance
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| n.搁置，缓办，中止，产权未定 | |
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87
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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concealing
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，遮住( conceal的现在分词 ) | |
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forgoing
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| v.没有也行，放弃( forgo的现在分词 ) | |
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90
rumours
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| n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 )；风闻；谣言；谣传 | |
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91
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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severed
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| v.切断，断绝( sever的过去式和过去分词 )；断，裂 | |
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veins
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| n.纹理；矿脉( vein的名词复数 )；静脉；叶脉；纹理 | |
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cowardice
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| n.胆小，怯懦 | |
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malign
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| adj.有害的；恶性的；恶意的；v.诽谤，诬蔑 | |
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