22Threatened with this gathering5 storm, Munius Lupercus and Numisius Rufus, who were in command of the two legions, proceeded to strengthen the ramparts and walls. They pulled down the buildings near the military camp, which had grown into a small town during the long years of peace, fearing that the 125enemy might make use of them. But they omitted to provide a sufficient store of provisions for the camp, and authorized7 the soldiers to make up the deficiency by looting, with the result that what might have supplied their needs for a long time was consumed in a few days. Meanwhile Civilis advanced, himself holding the centre with the flower of the Batavi: on both banks of the Rhine he massed large bands of Germans to strike terror into the enemy: the cavalry8 galloped9 through the fields, while the ships were simultaneously10 moved up the stream. Here could be seen the colours of veteran Roman cohorts, there the figures of beasts which the Germans had brought from their woods and groves11, as their tribes do when they go to battle. It seemed both a civil and a savage12 war at once; and this strange confusion astounded13 the besieged14. The hopes of the assailants rose when they saw the circumference15 of the ramparts, for there were barely five thousand Roman soldiers to defend a camp which had been laid out to hold two legions.301 However, a large number of camp-followers had collected there on the break-up of peace, and remained to give what assistance they could to the military operations.
23The camp was built partly on the gentle slope of a hill and partly on the level ground. Augustus had believed that it would serve as a base of operations and a check upon the German tribes: as for their actually coming to assault our legions, such a disaster 126never occurred to him. Consequently no trouble had been taken in choosing the site or erecting16 defences: the strength of the troops had always seemed sufficient.
The Batavians and the Germans from across the Rhine302 now formed up tribe by tribe—the separation was designed to show their individual prowess—and opened fire from a distance. Finding that most of their missiles fell harmlessly on to the turrets17 and pinnacles18 of the walls, and that they were being wounded by stones hurled19 from above, they charged with a wild shout and surged up to the rampart, some using scaling-ladders, others climbing over their comrades who had formed a 'tortoise'. But no sooner had some of them begun to scale the wall, than they were hurled down by the besieged, who thrust at them with sword and shield, and buried under a shower of stakes and javelins20. The Germans are always impetuous at the beginning of an action and over-confident when they are winning; and on this occasion their greed for plunder even steeled them to face difficulties. They actually attempted to use siege-engines, with which they were quite unfamiliar21. But though they had no skill themselves, some of the deserters and prisoners showed them how to build a sort of bridge or platform of timber, on to which they fitted wheels and rolled it forward. Thus some of them stood on this platform and fought as though from a mound22, while others, concealed23 inside, tried to undermine the walls. However, stones hurled from catapults soon 127destroyed this rude engine. Then they began to get ready hurdles24 and mantlets, but the besieged shot blazing spears on to them from engines, and even attacked the assailants themselves with fire-darts. At last they gave up all hope of an assault and resolved to try a waiting policy, being well aware that the camp contained only a few days' provisions and a large number of non-combatants. They hoped that famine would breed treason, and counted, besides, on the wavering loyalty25 of the slaves and the usual hazards of war to aid them.
24Meanwhile, Flaccus,303 who had received news of the siege of Vetera, dispatched a party to recruit auxiliaries26 in Gaul, and gave Dillius Vocula, in command of the Twenty-second, a force of picked soldiers from his two legions.304 Vocula was to hurry by forced marches along the bank of the Rhine, while Flaccus himself was to approach by water, since he was in bad health and unpopular with his men. Indeed, they grumbled27 openly that he had let the Batavian cohorts get away from Mainz, had connived28 at Civilis' schemes, and invited the Germans to join the alliance. Vespasian, they said, owed his rise more to Flaccus than to all the assistance of Antonius Primus or of Mucianus, for overt29 hatred30 and hostility31 can be openly crushed, but treachery and deceit cannot be detected, much less parried. While Civilis took the field himself and arranged his own fighting line, Hordeonius lay on a couch in his bedroom and gave whatever orders 128best suited the enemy's convenience. Why should all these companies of brave soldiers be commanded by one miserable32 old invalid33? Let them rather kill the traitor and free their brave hearts and good hopes from the incubus34 of such an evil omen35. Having worked on each other's feelings by these complaints, they were still further incensed36 by the arrival of a letter from Vespasian. As this could not be concealed, Flaccus read it before a meeting of the soldiers, and the messengers who brought it were sent to Vitellius in chains.
25With feelings thus appeased37 the army marched on to Bonn, the head-quarters of the First legion. There the men were still more indignant with Flaccus, on whom they laid the blame of their recent defeat.305 It was by his orders, they argued, that they had taken the field against the Batavians on the understanding that the legions from Mainz were in pursuit. But no reinforcements had arrived and his treachery was responsible for their losses. The facts, moreover, were unknown to the other armies, nor was any report sent to their emperor, although this treacherous39 outbreak could have been nipped in the bud by the combined aid of all the provinces. In answer Flaccus read out to the army copies of all the letters which he had sent from time to time all over Gaul and Britain and Spain to ask for assistance, and introduced the disastrous40 practice of having all letters delivered to the standard-bearers of the legions, who read them to the soldiers before the general had seen them.129 He then gave orders that one of the mutineers should be put in irons, more by way of vindicating41 his authority than because one man was especially to blame. Leaving Bonn, the army moved on to Cologne, where they were joined by large numbers of Gallic auxiliaries, who at first zealously42 supported the Roman cause: later, when the Germans prospered43, most of the tribes took arms against us, actuated by hopes of liberty and an ambition to establish an empire of their own when once they had shaken off the yoke44.
Meanwhile the army's indignation steadily45 increased. The imprisonment46 of a single soldier was not enough to terrify them, and, indeed, the prisoner actually accused the general of complicity in crime, alleging47 that he himself had carried messages between Flaccus and Civilis. 'It is because I can testify to the truth,' he said, 'that Flaccus wants to get rid of me on a false charge.' Thereupon Vocula, with admirable self-possession, mounted the tribunal and, in spite of the man's protestations, ordered him to be seized and led away to prison. This alarmed the disaffected48, while the better sort obeyed him promptly49. The army then unanimously demanded that Vocula should lead them, and Flaccus accordingly resigned the chief command to him. 26However, there was much to exasperate50 their disaffection. They were short both of pay and of provisions: the Gauls refused either to enlist51 or to pay tribute: drought, usually unknown in that climate, made the Rhine almost too low for navigation, and thus hampered52 their commissariat: patrols had 130to be posted at intervals53 all along the bank to prevent the Germans fording the river: and in consequence of all this they had less food and more mouths to eat it. To the ignorant the lowness of the river seemed in itself an evil omen, as though the ancient bulwarks54 of the empire were now failing them. In peace they would have called it bad luck or the course of nature: now it was 'fate' and 'the anger of heaven'.
On entering Novaesium306 they were joined by the Sixteenth legion. Herennius Gallus307 now shared with Vocula the responsibility of command. As they could not venture out against the enemy, they encamped ... at a place called Gelduba,308 where the soldiers were trained in deploying55, in fortification and entrenchment56, and in various other military man?uvres. To inspire their courage with the further incentive57 of plunder, Vocula led out part of the force against the neighbouring tribe of the Cugerni,309 who had accepted Civilis' offers of alliance. The rest of the troops were left behind with Herennius Gallus,310 27and it happened that a corn-ship with a full cargo58, which had run aground close to the camp, was towed over by the Germans to their own bank. This was more than Gallus could tolerate, so he sent a cohort to the rescue. The number of the Germans soon in131creased: both sides gradually gathered reinforcements and a regular battle was fought, with the result that the Germans towed off the ship, inflicting59 heavy losses. The defeated troops followed what had now become their regular custom, and threw the blame not on their own inefficiency60 but on their commanding-officer's bad faith. They dragged him from his quarters, tore his uniform and flogged him, bidding him tell them how much he had got for betraying the army, and who were his accomplices61. Then their indignation recoiled62 on Hordeonius Flaccus: he was the real criminal: Gallus was only his tool. At last their threats so terrified Gallus that he, too, charged Flaccus with treason. He was put in irons until the arrival of Vocula, who at once set him free, and on the next day had the ringleaders of the riot executed. The army showed, indeed, a strange contrast in its equal readiness to mutiny and to submit to punishment. The common soldiers' loyalty to Vitellius was beyond question,311 while the higher ranks inclined towards Vespasian. Thus we find a succession of outbreaks and penalties; an alternation of insubordination with obedience63 to discipline; for the troops could be punished though not controlled.
28Meanwhile the whole of Germany was ready to worship Civilis, sending him vast reinforcements and ratifying64 the alliance with hostages from their noblest families. He gave orders that the country of the Ubii and Treviri was to be laid waste by their nearest 132neighbours, and sent another party across the Maas to harass65 the Menapii and Morini312 and other frontier tribes of Gaul. In both quarters they plundered66 freely, and were especially savage towards the Ubii, because they were a tribe of German origin who had renounced67 their fatherland and adopted the name of Agrippinenses.313 A Ubian cohort was cut to pieces at the village of Marcodurum,314 where they were off their guard, trusting to their distance from the Rhine. The Ubii did not take this quietly, nor hesitate to seek reprisals68 from the Germans, which they did at first with impunity69. In the end, however, the Germans proved too much for them, and throughout the war the Ubii were always more conspicuous70 for good faith than good fortune. Their collapse71 strengthened Civilis' position, and emboldened72 by success, he now vigorously pressed on the blockade of the legions at Vetera, and redoubled his vigilance to prevent any message creeping through from the relieving army. The Batavians were told off to look after the engines and siege-works: the Germans, who clamoured for battle, were sent to demolish73 the rampart and renew the fight directly they were beaten off. There were so many of them that their losses mattered little.
29Nightfall did not see the end of their task. They built huge fires of wood all round the ramparts and 133sat drinking by them; then, as the wine warmed their hearts, one by one they dashed into the fight with blind courage. In the darkness their missiles were ineffective, but the barbarian74 troops were clearly visible to the Romans, and any one whose daring or bright ornaments75 made him conspicuous at once became a mark for their aim. At last Civilis saw their mistake, and gave orders to extinguish the fires and plunge76 the whole scene into a confusion of darkness and the din6 of arms. Discordant77 shouts now arose: everything was vague and uncertain: no one could see to strike or to parry. Wherever a shout was heard, they would wheel round and lunge in that direction. Valour was useless: chance and chaos78 ruled supreme79: and the bravest soldier often fell under a coward's bolt. The Germans fought with blind fury. The Roman troops were more familiar with danger; they hurled down iron-clamped stakes and heavy stones with sure effect. Wherever the sound of some one climbing or the clang of a scaling-ladder betrayed the presence of the enemy, they thrust them back with their shields and followed them with a shower of javelins. Many appeared on top of the walls, and these they stabbed with their short swords. And so the night wore on. 30Day dawned upon new methods of attack. The Batavians had built a wooden tower of two stories and moved it up to the Head-quarters Gate,315 which was the most accessible spot. However, our soldiers, by using strong poles and hurling80 wooden beams, soon 134battered it to pieces, with great loss of life to those who were standing38 on it. While they were still dismayed at this, we made a sudden and successful sally. Meanwhile the legionaries, with remarkable81 skill and ingenuity82, invented still further contrivances. The one which caused most terror was a crane with a movable arm suspended over their assailants' heads: this arm was suddenly lowered, snatched up one or more of the enemy into the air before his fellows' eyes, and, as the heavy end was swung round, tossed him into the middle of the camp. Civilis now gave up hope of storming the camp and renewed a leisurely83 blockade, trying all the time by messages and offers of reward to undermine the loyalty of the legions.
点击收听单词发音
1 envoys | |
使节( envoy的名词复数 ); 公使; 谈判代表; 使节身份 | |
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2 retired | |
adj.隐退的,退休的,退役的 | |
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3 traitor | |
n.叛徒,卖国贼 | |
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4 plunder | |
vt.劫掠财物,掠夺;n.劫掠物,赃物;劫掠 | |
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5 gathering | |
n.集会,聚会,聚集 | |
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6 din | |
n.喧闹声,嘈杂声 | |
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7 authorized | |
a.委任的,许可的 | |
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8 cavalry | |
n.骑兵;轻装甲部队 | |
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9 galloped | |
(使马)飞奔,奔驰( gallop的过去式和过去分词 ); 快速做[说]某事 | |
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10 simultaneously | |
adv.同时发生地,同时进行地 | |
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11 groves | |
树丛,小树林( grove的名词复数 ) | |
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12 savage | |
adj.野蛮的;凶恶的,残暴的;n.未开化的人 | |
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13 astounded | |
v.使震惊(astound的过去式和过去分词);愕然;愕;惊讶 | |
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14 besieged | |
包围,围困,围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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15 circumference | |
n.圆周,周长,圆周线 | |
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16 erecting | |
v.使直立,竖起( erect的现在分词 );建立 | |
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17 turrets | |
(六角)转台( turret的名词复数 ); (战舰和坦克等上的)转动炮塔; (摄影机等上的)镜头转台; (旧时攻城用的)塔车 | |
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18 pinnacles | |
顶峰( pinnacle的名词复数 ); 顶点; 尖顶; 小尖塔 | |
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19 hurled | |
v.猛投,用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 );大声叫骂 | |
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20 javelins | |
n.标枪( javelin的名词复数 ) | |
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21 unfamiliar | |
adj.陌生的,不熟悉的 | |
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22 mound | |
n.土墩,堤,小山;v.筑堤,用土堆防卫 | |
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23 concealed | |
a.隐藏的,隐蔽的 | |
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24 hurdles | |
n.障碍( hurdle的名词复数 );跳栏;(供人或马跳跃的)栏架;跨栏赛 | |
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25 loyalty | |
n.忠诚,忠心 | |
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26 auxiliaries | |
n.助动词 ( auxiliary的名词复数 );辅助工,辅助人员 | |
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27 grumbled | |
抱怨( grumble的过去式和过去分词 ); 发牢骚; 咕哝; 发哼声 | |
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28 connived | |
v.密谋 ( connive的过去式和过去分词 );搞阴谋;默许;纵容 | |
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29 overt | |
adj.公开的,明显的,公然的 | |
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30 hatred | |
n.憎恶,憎恨,仇恨 | |
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31 hostility | |
n.敌对,敌意;抵制[pl.]交战,战争 | |
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32 miserable | |
adj.悲惨的,痛苦的;可怜的,糟糕的 | |
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33 invalid | |
n.病人,伤残人;adj.有病的,伤残的;无效的 | |
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34 incubus | |
n.负担;恶梦 | |
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35 omen | |
n.征兆,预兆;vt.预示 | |
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36 incensed | |
盛怒的 | |
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37 appeased | |
安抚,抚慰( appease的过去式和过去分词 ); 绥靖(满足另一国的要求以避免战争) | |
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38 standing | |
n.持续,地位;adj.永久的,不动的,直立的,不流动的 | |
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39 treacherous | |
adj.不可靠的,有暗藏的危险的;adj.背叛的,背信弃义的 | |
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40 disastrous | |
adj.灾难性的,造成灾害的;极坏的,很糟的 | |
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41 vindicating | |
v.澄清(某人/某事物)受到的责难或嫌疑( vindicate的现在分词 );表明或证明(所争辩的事物)属实、正当、有效等;维护 | |
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42 zealously | |
adv.热心地;热情地;积极地;狂热地 | |
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43 prospered | |
成功,兴旺( prosper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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44 yoke | |
n.轭;支配;v.给...上轭,连接,使成配偶 | |
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45 steadily | |
adv.稳定地;不变地;持续地 | |
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46 imprisonment | |
n.关押,监禁,坐牢 | |
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47 alleging | |
断言,宣称,辩解( allege的现在分词 ) | |
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48 disaffected | |
adj.(政治上)不满的,叛离的 | |
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49 promptly | |
adv.及时地,敏捷地 | |
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50 exasperate | |
v.激怒,使(疾病)加剧,使恶化 | |
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51 enlist | |
vt.谋取(支持等),赢得;征募;vi.入伍 | |
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52 hampered | |
妨碍,束缚,限制( hamper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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53 intervals | |
n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 );间隔时间;[数学]区间;(戏剧、电影或音乐会的)幕间休息 | |
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54 bulwarks | |
n.堡垒( bulwark的名词复数 );保障;支柱;舷墙 | |
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55 deploying | |
(尤指军事行动)使展开( deploy的现在分词 ); 施展; 部署; 有效地利用 | |
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56 entrenchment | |
n.壕沟,防御设施 | |
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57 incentive | |
n.刺激;动力;鼓励;诱因;动机 | |
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58 cargo | |
n.(一只船或一架飞机运载的)货物 | |
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59 inflicting | |
把…强加给,使承受,遭受( inflict的现在分词 ) | |
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60 inefficiency | |
n.无效率,无能;无效率事例 | |
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61 accomplices | |
从犯,帮凶,同谋( accomplice的名词复数 ) | |
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62 recoiled | |
v.畏缩( recoil的过去式和过去分词 );退缩;报应;返回 | |
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63 obedience | |
n.服从,顺从 | |
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64 ratifying | |
v.批准,签认(合约等)( ratify的现在分词 ) | |
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65 harass | |
vt.使烦恼,折磨,骚扰 | |
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66 plundered | |
掠夺,抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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67 renounced | |
v.声明放弃( renounce的过去式和过去分词 );宣布放弃;宣布与…决裂;宣布摒弃 | |
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68 reprisals | |
n.报复(行为)( reprisal的名词复数 ) | |
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69 impunity | |
n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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70 conspicuous | |
adj.明眼的,惹人注目的;炫耀的,摆阔气的 | |
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71 collapse | |
vi.累倒;昏倒;倒塌;塌陷 | |
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72 emboldened | |
v.鼓励,使有胆量( embolden的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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73 demolish | |
v.拆毁(建筑物等),推翻(计划、制度等) | |
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74 barbarian | |
n.野蛮人;adj.野蛮(人)的;未开化的 | |
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75 ornaments | |
n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 );点缀;装饰品;首饰v.装饰,点缀,美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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76 plunge | |
v.跳入,(使)投入,(使)陷入;猛冲 | |
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77 discordant | |
adj.不调和的 | |
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78 chaos | |
n.混乱,无秩序 | |
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79 supreme | |
adj.极度的,最重要的;至高的,最高的 | |
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80 hurling | |
n.爱尔兰式曲棍球v.猛投,用力掷( hurl的现在分词 );大声叫骂 | |
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81 remarkable | |
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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82 ingenuity | |
n.别出心裁;善于发明创造 | |
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83 leisurely | |
adj.悠闲的;从容的,慢慢的 | |
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