De Lamennais, who was born in 1782, was one of the earliest representatives of Christian socialism. He was for a time a French Catholic priest and an ardent3 defender4 of the faith. He sought to bring about an alliance between the masses and the Church, in opposition5 to kings, whom he regarded as oppressors of the people. The Church was to become an organizing power, and was to gather the individuals, the atoms, of industrial society, into a compact and harmonious6 whole. She was to become the soul, the animating7 spirit, of the economic as well as the religious world. He hoped to see her found a grand co-operative association of laborers10, which should free them from the yoke11 of capitalist and the tyranny of landlord. The democratic views entertained by Lamennais,[246] and his opposition to the monarchs14 of Europe, did not give satisfaction among the Church authorities. He went to Rome to plead his cause before Leo XII., and was received with open arms. But afterwards the motto of his journal L’Avenir, “Séparez vous des rois, tendez la main au peuple”—“separate yourselves from the kings, extend your hand to the people”—displeased Gregory XVI., and Lamennais, unable to win over the Pope to his views, finally left the Church in despair. “Catholicism was my own life,” said he, “because it is the life of humanity. I wished to defend it and draw it from the abyss into which it sinks more and more daily. Nothing was easier. The bishops16 have found that it would not suit them. Thus Rome lagged behind. I went there and saw the most abominable17 cloaque which ever offended human eyesight.... No other God rules there but egotism. For a piece of land, for a few piasters, they would bargain away the nations, the whole human race, even the blessed Trinity.”[205]
He wrote, after his return, “Les Paroles d’un Croyant”—“The Words of a Believer”—published in 1833, and perhaps his most celebrated18 work. It is a strange, weird19, fascinating book. In prose, yet with all the fervor20, imagery, and beauty of poetry, he describes the wrongs and sufferings inflicted21 on the laborer8 by rulers and capitalists. How is it, one might ask, that he, so far above the masses, can depict22 their sorrows as vividly23 as if he had felt them? It is precisely24 because he is not far above the toiling26 many; he has in sympathy drawn27 near to them; he feels with[247] and for them; what they have experienced, that has he also lived. Their pain is his pain; their anguish28 is his anguish, and has penetrated29 perhaps more deeply into his soul than into theirs.
In the following passage from “Les Paroles d’un Croyant” he shows how much worse are modern employers who oppress their laborers than were the earlier slave-owners. The story he tells is this:
“Now, there was a wicked and accursed man. And this man was strong and hated toil25, so that he said to himself: ‘What shall I do? If I work not I shall die, and labor9 is to me intolerable.’
“Then there entered into his heart a thought born in hell. He went in the night and seized certain of his brethren while they slept, and bound them with chains.
“‘For,’ said he, ‘I will force them with whips and scourges30 to toil for me, and I will eat the fruit of their labor.’
“And he did that which he had resolved; and others, seeing it, did likewise, and the men of the earth were no longer brothers, but only masters and slaves.
“This was a day of sadness and mourning over all the face of the earth.
“A long time afterwards there arose another man, whose cruelty and wickedness exceeded the cruelty and wickedness of the first man.
“Seeing that men multiplied everywhere, and that the multitude of them was innumerable, he said to himself:
“‘I could indeed enchain some of these, and force them to work for me; but it would then be necessary to feed and otherwise maintain them, and that would diminish my gains. I will do better: I will let them[248] work for nothing; they will die, in truth, but their number is great; I will amass31 a fortune before their number is largely diminished, and there will always remain enough of them.’
“‘Now all this multitude of men might live on what they received in exchange for their labor.’
“Having thus spoken, he addressed himself separately to some of them, and said: ‘You work six hours, and you receive a piece of money for your labor; work twelve hours and you will receive two pieces of money, and you and your wives and your little ones will live better.’
“And they believed him.
“Then he said to them, ‘You work only half the days of the year; work every day in the year and your gains will be doubled.’
“And they believed him still.
“Now it happened that the quantity of labor having been doubled without any increase in the demand therefor, the half of those who previously32 lived by their labor could find no one to employ them.
“Then the wicked man whom they had believed said to them: ‘I will give labor to all, under condition that you will labor the same length of time, and that I shall pay you only half so much as I have been in the habit of doing; because I indeed desire to render you a service, but I do not wish to ruin myself.’
“And as they, their wives, and little ones were suffering the pangs33 of hunger, they accepted the proposal of the wicked man, and they blessed him; for, said they, ‘He gives us our life.’
“And, continuing to deceive them in the same manner, the wicked man ever increased their labor and ever diminished their wages.
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“And they died for lack of the necessaries of life, and others pressed forward to take their places; for poverty had become so terrible in the land, that entire families sold themselves for a morsel34 of bread.
“And the wicked, cruel man, who had lied to his brothers, amassed35 a larger fortune than the wicked man who had enslaved them.
The Christian socialism of England has peculiarities37 which render it exceedingly interesting in connection with an account of French and German Christian socialism, furnishing, as it does, opportunities for instructive comparisons.
It arose about thirty years ago. Its founders38 were men like Charles Kingsley, Frederick Maurice, and Thomas Hughes. They were filled with horror at the wrongs and hardships of the lower classes, and rejected with lofty moral indignation the theory of the Manchester men that state and society were to do nothing about it. They refused to believe that the action of self-interest led to the most perfect social harmony, or that government should do nothing to alleviate39 suffering and elevate the masses. Some of their expressions might have satisfied even a social democrat12. Kingsley expressed his opinion of economic liberalism by describing the Cobden and Bright scheme of the universe as the worst of all narrow, hypocritical, anarchic, and atheistic40 social philosophies; while he predicted the coming of good times to the poor, and the overthrow41 of mammonism, in these words: “Not by wrath42 and haste, but by patience[250] made perfect through suffering, canst thou proclaim this good news to the groaning43 masses, and deliver them, as thy Master did before thee, by the cross and not the sword. Divine paradox44! Folly45 to the rich and mighty—the watchword to the weak, in whose weakness is God’s strength made perfect. ‘In your patience possess ye your souls, for the coming of the Lord draweth nigh.’ Yes, he came then, and the Babel-tyranny of Rome fell, even as the more fearful, the more subtle, and more diabolic tyranny of mammon shall fall ere long—suicidal, even now crumbling46 by its innate47 decay. Yes; Babylon the Great—the commercial world of selfish competition, drunken with the blood of God’s people, whose merchandise is the bodies and souls of men—her doom48 is gone forth49. And then—then—when they, the tyrants50 of the earth, who lived delicately with her, rejoicing in her sins, the plutocrats and bureaucrats51, the money-changers and devourers of labor, are crying to the rocks to hide them, and to the hills to cover them, from the wrath of him that sitteth on the throne; then labor shall be free at last, and the poor shall eat and be satisfied, with things that eye hath not seen nor ear heard, nor hath it entered into the heart of man to conceive, but which God has prepared for those who love him.”[207]
Kingsley and his confrères held that modern competition was only one kind of warfare52, and consequently sinful. They sought to replace it by co-operation, in which they found a practical carrying-out of Christian principles. Mr. Ludlow, Maurice, and others talked the matter over, and finally formed a society in[251] London to promote co-operative undertakings53 and the education of the lower classes. They assisted laborers to found productive co-operative associations. They established also a newspaper, the Christian Socialist54, in which they made propaganda for their faith. They thought they had discovered the panacea55 for all social evils: “I certainly thought,” said Mr. Hughes afterwards—“and, for that matter, have never altered my opinion to this day—that here we had found the solution of the great labor question; but I was also convinced that we had nothing to do but just to announce it, and found an association or two, in order to convert all England, and usher56 in the millennium57 at once, so plain did the whole thing seem to me. I will not undertake to answer for the rest of the council, but I doubt whether I was at all more sanguine58 than the majority.”[208]
The Christian socialists59 established seventeen co-operative societies in London and twenty-four in other parts of England, but chiefly, if not wholly, in the south, before their organ ceased to appear. These, however, all failed. But about this time there began to spring up in the north of England distributive co-operative societies, not designed to produce commodities, but, as their name implies, to distribute them by establishing stores. These associations, which have prospered60 greatly, furnished an opportunity for some of the Christian socialists to exert themselves in behalf of the laborer. So far as there is to-day any active Christian socialism in England, it is to be found in the Co-operative union. Indeed, Mr. Thomas Hughes seems to identify the two movements in a[252] letter,[209] which he was kind enough to write me about Christian socialism. As it is interesting, and Americans are always glad to hear what the author of “Tom Brown at Rugby” has to say, I will take the liberty of quoting such parts of his letter as bear on our subject:
“The details of the Christian socialist movement may still be gathered from The Christian Socialist newspaper, and tracts61, The Journal of Association, its short-lived successor, and Politics for the People, its more short-lived predecessor62.... The leaders are quite scattered—Maurice, Kingsley, and Mansfield dead; Lord Ripon, Governor-general of India; Ludlow, Registrar63 of Friendly Societies; Ellison, a metropolitan64 magistrate65; I a county-court judge. The only one left actively66 in this movement (which I have left only two months since) is E. Vansittart Neale, who is general secretary (and backbone67 and conscience) of the Co-operative union. I was chairman of the southern section till I took this judgeship.
“We have managed to keep this great organization, now consisting of some thousand societies, with some millions of capital, up to the principles of the Christian socialists—nominally, at any rate—and I really think the old spirit is, at any rate, alive in a large proportion of the rising leaders, though the mammon devil is, I am bound to own, vigorous among them, and hard to put down.... I still look to this movement as the best hope for England and other lands.”
Mr. Neale has been good enough to write me a fuller account of the connection between co-operation and Christian socialism, which he regards as two distinct movements—in their origin, at least. I will quote what he has to say about them:
“Manchester, December 4, 1882.
...
“I think that the Christian social efforts of Messrs. Maurice, Kingsley, Hughes, etc., and the co-operative movement out of which our present union has grown up, ought to be distinguished68 as really separate actions, independent of each other in their origin, though they have subsequently, to a certain extent, coalesced70.
[253]
“The distributive societies have grown up since 1844, principally from the impulse originating in the Rochdale Pioneers, which was, so far as it can be said to embody71 any moral principle, Owenite rather than Christian. No doubt it included, from the first, members of the various religious bodies which exist in England, and it never professed72 to substitute any other religious teaching for that given in the name of Christianity, as R. Owen’s followers73 had done. Therefore, among the disciples74, men soon appeared who said, This co-operation which you advocate is nothing else than the practical application of Christianity to the ordinary business of life. Likewise, when, at a later date, those who had gathered around Mr. Maurice’s endeavors to show systematically75 the connection of Christian ideas with the Co-operative union, as is done by Mr. Hughes and myself in the ‘Manual for Co-operation,’ ... this application was accepted by the Congress of the Co-operative union as a legitimate77 descent of co-operation, and is more or less assented78 to at the present time by co-operators who never were in any way connected with Mr. Maurice.
“But this has been, as I have said, a result of relations which have grown up between two movements, distinct in their origin, but similar in their tendencies, and from this similarity, and the aid afforded by each to the other, naturally disposed to coalesce69.
“In their origin the stores were antecedent to the teachings of the Christian socialists, which did not begin in any definite shape until 1849 and 1850, when the Rochdale Pioneers had got over the difficulties of their beginnings, and were doing a business of ￡6611 8s. 9d. in 1844 and ￡13,179 17s. in 1850; and other stores were beginning to spring up and attain79 considerable proportions in various towns of Lancashire and Yorkshire, under the influence of the success of Rochdale. In London we had scarcely any knowledge of these societies till the end of 1850; and our efforts took principally the direction of attempts to form productive associations of workers by means of advances of capital to them on loan at four per cent. interest, and with no other security than the stock in trade of the societies founded by these endeavors.
“Theoretically, the idea we endeavored to spread was the conception of workers as brethren—of work as coming from a brotherhood80 of men associated for their common benefit—who therefore rejected any notion of competition with each other as inconsistent with the true form of society, and, without formally preaching communism, sought to found industrial establishments communistic in feeling, of which it should be the aim, while paying ordinary wages and interest[254] at the rate I have mentioned, to apply the profits of the business in ways conducive81 to the common advantage of the body whose work produced them.
“The Christian element about this teaching was rather a something floating over it than definitely embodied82 in it. No attempt was made to formulate83 any religious creed84 which should be professed even by those who formed the central body—‘The Council of Promoters of Workingmen’s Societies,’ as it was called. Still less was there any attempt to limit the men employed in any of the societies to those professing85 Christianity. There was a general understanding that the tone of any writings put forth by the council or any of its members should be such as Maurice and Kingsley would approve. But this was all. Of the freedom of opinion in the council a striking proof is Mr. Lloyd Jones, who had been one of R. Owen’s missionaries86, and never professed any form of Christianity, and who was one of the most active members.
“Such was the character of this Christian socialism, even where it was most concentrated. In its relation to the co-operation of the north the religious element was yet more thrown into the background. Our connection with these societies came through the law—I mean the English law—not the Gospel. Mr. Hughes, Mr. Ludlow, Mr. Furnivall, another active member of our council, and I, were barristers. The law relating to such societies as we desired to form, and as our northern friends desired to form on their own account, was then very little suitable to our wants. Mr. Slaney, a member of Parliament, who took a great interest in all efforts of the working population to help themselves, got a committee appointed to inquire into the investments of the middle and working classes. Much interesting evidence was given before this committee in 1850 and in 1852. Mr. Slaney introduced into Parliament a bill originally drawn by Mr. Ludlow, with some assistance from me, which was carefully considered by a special committee of the House of Commons, who suggested many improvements in it; and on their report was accepted by the House, and became the original law of ‘Industrial and Provident88 Societies.’ These operations established, as you will easily suppose, friendly relations between us in London and our friends in the north, who went on and flourished greatly in their distributive societies under the protection given them by the law of 1852; and were in continual communication with Mr. Ludlow, Mr. Hughes, and myself during the next seventeen years as to alterations89 and amendment90 of their law, of which there were several in the course of these[255] years, and as to questions of a legal character affecting their business.
“In the meantime the societies formed under our special influence in London had all come to grief. Had it not been for the growth of distributive co-operation in the north the movement would have been at an end in England. And this growth took place spontaneously, with no other help from us than was afforded by the legal assistance that I have mentioned and occasional visits of some one of our body. At last, in 1869, principally through the influence of the late Mr. William Prior, one of the disciples of R. Owen, a conference was held in London, which was continued for four days, and was attended by several delegates from the northern societies. At the conference papers were read on a number of topics of a social character. Discussions were carried on upon them, and an impulse was given to the feeling of union out of which our present organization has arisen. From that time a conference—or, as we call it, a congress—has been held every year in some part of Great Britain. Subscriptions91 from the societies have been organized. In 1873 a systematic76 division of Great Britain into districts, for the purposes of propaganda, was established. Sectional committees were appointed in each district, and a united board formed by delegates from them, which has the general direction of the whole movement. Now, with the formation of this organization, the southern influences which had given birth to the notion of Christian socialism began again to make themselves felt. We have supplied more largely than our northern friends the intellectual factor, which has found the material to which to apply itself in the co-operative societies of manufacturing Britain. Thus it is that the ‘Manual for Co-operation,’ which I think must be considered as the most matured and complete exposition of the relation between Christianity and social reform, has come to be accepted by the Co-operative union, and published at its expense, as a recognized exposition of the views entertained by most of those who endeavor to give a distinct form to their views.”
The Englishman, like the American, is eminently92 practical. He must find some concrete form in which to embody his ideas. If he cannot now obtain all he desires, he will take what he can get and wait for an opportune93 moment to gain possession of what remains94. He does not cease to think, plan, and even dream, but[256] he spends more time in action than in talk. Thus have the Christian socialists of England, without changing their views, contented95 themselves for the present with distributive co-operation. They have, however, done far more than to establish co-operative associations. They called attention to the duties and responsibilities of wealth as well as its rights. They induced men to stop and consider whether it might not, after all, be possible to do something to ameliorate the condition of the unfortunate and to improve the poor and degraded. The results have been seen in generous, philanthropic, and, to a large extent, successful endeavors to elevate those low down to a higher plane of life and thought. Legislation has followed, limiting the length of a day’s work, restricting the employment of young children, regulating the labor of women, protecting operatives in factories, and otherwise benefiting the laboring96 classes. This has counteracted97 the effects of discontent and dangerous agitation98 so far as to prevent the violent attempts at revolution, once feared. The humane99 and enlightened views, which to-day obtain to such an extent in England, are due, far more than is generally supposed, to the warm-hearted zeal100 of those noble Englishmen who were called Christian socialists.
In Germany, there are two branches of the Christian Socialists, the Protestants and the Roman Catholics.
The Protestant Christian Socialists are not numerous, nor are they sufficiently101 important to justify102 much more than the mention of their existence. Their two leaders are Dr. Todt, a pastor103, and Dr. St?cker, court-chaplain, who is known on account of his leadership in the Anti-Semitic agitation in Germany. His part in[257] this latter movement shows how little nobility there is in his nature. I attended one meeting of the Christian Socialists in Berlin. Instead of proposals to ameliorate the condition of laborers, I heard little save abuse of the Jews. When any member of the audience was invited to reply, a bright-appearing young man of twenty or thereabouts came forward and began to talk in a sensible sort of way concerning the position of the Hebrews, but his arguments were soon drowned by the hooting104 of the rabble105. Court-pastor St?cker bowed him off the stage with mock ceremoniousness. I thought the young man showed to far better advantage than the leader of those whom he was addressing.
The ideas of the Protestant Christian Socialists are rather vague and indefinite. They favor, however, legislation in behalf of the laboring classes similar to that which is now in force in England, and desire a strong monarch13 to take the lead in measures designed to elevate the toiling masses. They wish also to bring the people back to the Church, that they may enjoy the consolations106 of religion. Dr. Todt appears to hope for a peaceful introduction of communism, or some form of socialism approaching thereto, in a far-distant future.
Catholic Christian Socialism in Germany is a far more important, a far nobler, movement. Its leading light was the late Bishop15 of Mainz or Mayence, Baron107 von Ketteler.
Wilhelm Emanuel Baron von Ketteler was born in 1811, in Münster. He came of an old and honorable family. He studied law, and began his career in the German courts, before he decided108 to devote himself to the Church. He was ordained109 as priest in 1844 and was made bishop in 1850.
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Von Ketteler was keen, eager, eloquent—a valiant110 champion of the Church, who fought for her emancipation111 from state control, and obtained important concessions112. His activity was remarkable113, and displayed itself prominently in the foundation of numerous institutions, as monasteries114, unions, schools, orphan-asylums, and houses of refuge. He understood how to make use of the press in forwarding his designs, which included plans intended to promote the welfare of the masses. After the formation of the German empire Von Ketteler took a leading position in the party of the Ultramontanes, and was ever ready with tongue and pen in all matters concerning the relations of state to Church and school.
He opposed the proclamation of the doctrine115 of papal infallibility as inopportune, but, after it had been proclaimed, he became its ardent supporter.
Von Ketteler’s eventful life ended in 1875, and his body now rests in the cathedral at Mainz.
Von Ketteler accepts the doctrine of the iron, cruel law of wages, and assents116 to many of the teachings of the social democrats117, in so far as they are directed against our present social organization. He seeks salvation118, however, in the Catholic Church.
He holds that God or the Church is the supreme119 owner of all property, and that human rights are only secondary. Men have only the right of administering what has been committed to them. The Church has always held, says he, that if a starving man took a loaf of bread to satisfy hunger which he could still in no other way, it was no theft. In that case human proprietary120 rights yield to the divine right of self-preservation.
The good-will of the Church is also shown in the[259] large property which she has accumulated to alleviate the sufferings of the poor. It was not her fault that she was deprived of a great part of this by the secularization121 of her possessions, which took place after the Reformation. It increased the distress122 of the unfortunate, and the worldly powers were obliged to enact123 poor-laws to relieve those who had thereby124 been reduced to helplessness.
The misery125 of the present time is due to materialism126 and liberal politics. The state and the Church should exercise greater control over human conduct in such matters, e.g., as marriage.
“We will not deny,” says Von Ketteler, “that in various regions the contraction127 of marriage is made too difficult; but, on the other hand, a certain limitation is justifiable—is founded in reason as well as in Christianity—and the abolition128 of all limitations cannot fail to promote thoughtlessness in the contraction of marriage, and thus injure the family. Of such a character is the general effort and tendency to regard marriage as a simple civil institution, to introduce the Civilehe—i.e., marriage by civil authorities alone—and to separate it entirely129 from the Church. The stability of the family is based on the religious and Christian doctrine of marriage. Especially is the view of the Catholic Church that marriage is a sacrament, and can be dissolved only by death, the immovable foundation of this stability.”[210]
Von Ketteler regards the dissolution of the organic bonds, or ties of society, as one cause of our present troubles. He is, consequently, in favor of trade corporations,[260] and has a friendly feeling for the guilds130 of the Middle Ages. He combats vehemently131 the atomism of modern liberalism. There is, in my opinion, a great deal of truth in what he says about the necessity of religion to cure the ills of modern society. He declares that “Christ is the Saviour132 of the world, not only because he has redeemed133 our souls, but also because he brought salvation for all human institutions and relations—civil, political, and social. Especially is he the Saviour of the laboring classes.... He has elevated the labor-class from servitude to its present condition;[211] without him all humanitarian134 tendencies of the so-called friends of the laboring man will not prevent his sinking again into a state of slavery.”
Von Ketteler mentions five remedies which the Church has to offer the laborer.
1. She founds and manages institutions for the benefit of the laborer unable to work. These are managed by those who have a tender interest in his welfare. Love to Christ will enable the Catholic nurses to perform disagreeable and repulsive135 services in a mild and gentle manner.
2. She offers him the institution of the Christian family.
3. She presents to him the truths and doctrines136 of the Church, which are the true education of the laborer. The doctrine of the liberals, that education for the laborers is to be found in self-help and in their unions for instructing working-men is only a simulacrum and deceit.
4. She offers him the social power of the Church.[261] This unites men, and may be used to assist in founding unions and societies of laborers. Such unions are Christian in nature.[212]
5. This social power of the Church might be used in establishing productive co-operative associations on a Christian basis. Nothing could be more pleasing to God and beneficial to man than gifts of the wealthy for this purpose.
For our part, we rejoice that men of all shades of opinion are turning to Christianity for help in the solution of social problems, and trust that the poor and needy137, where they are now estranged138 from the Church, may ere long be led to recognize in her their best friend. All Christian men, and particularly the authorities of the Church, should see to it that no opportunity is lost to win to her the toiling masses. We fully87 agree with a celebrated Belgian professor[213] of Political Economy when he writes: “The proletarians have been detached from and will return to Christianity when they begin to understand that it brings to them freedom and equal rights, whereas atheistic materialism consecrates139 their slavery and sacrifices them to pretended natural laws. By a complete misapplication of its ideas, the religion of Christ, transformed into a temporal and sacerdotal institution, has been called in as the ally of caste, despotism, and the ancient régime to sanction all social inequalities. The Gospel, on the contrary, is the good news to the poor—the announcement of the advent140 of that kingdom[262] when the humble141 shall be lifted up and the disinherited shall possess the earth.”
The End
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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ardent
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defender
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opposition
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harmonious
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animating
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| v.使有生气( animate的现在分词 )；驱动；使栩栩如生地动作；赋予…以生命 | |
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laborer
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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laborers
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yoke
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democrat
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monarch
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monarchs
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bishop
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bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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abominable
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celebrated
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weird
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fervor
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inflicted
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depict
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vividly
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precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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toiling
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| 长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的现在分词 )； 艰难缓慢地移动，跋涉 | |
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27
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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anguish
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| n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦，烦恼 | |
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29
penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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30
scourges
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| 带来灾难的人或东西，祸害( scourge的名词复数 )； 鞭子 | |
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31
amass
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| vt.积累，积聚 | |
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32
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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33
pangs
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| 突然的剧痛( pang的名词复数 )； 悲痛 | |
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34
morsel
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| n.一口，一点点 | |
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amassed
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| v.积累，积聚( amass的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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36
tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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37
peculiarities
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| n. 特质, 特性, 怪癖, 古怪 | |
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38
founders
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| n.创始人( founder的名词复数 ) | |
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39
alleviate
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| v.减轻，缓和，缓解(痛苦等) | |
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40
atheistic
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| adj.无神论者的 | |
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41
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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42
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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43
groaning
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| adj. 呜咽的, 呻吟的 动词groan的现在分词形式 | |
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paradox
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| n.似乎矛盾却正确的说法；自相矛盾的人(物) | |
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45
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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46
crumbling
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| adj.摇摇欲坠的 | |
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47
innate
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| adj.天生的，固有的，天赋的 | |
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48
doom
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| n.厄运，劫数；v.注定，命定 | |
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49
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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50
tyrants
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| 专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 )； 暴君似的人； （古希腊的）僭主； 严酷的事物 | |
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51
bureaucrats
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| n.官僚( bureaucrat的名词复数 )；官僚主义；官僚主义者；官僚语言 | |
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52
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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53
undertakings
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| 企业( undertaking的名词复数 )； 保证； 殡仪业； 任务 | |
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54
socialist
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| n.社会主义者；adj.社会主义的 | |
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55
panacea
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| n.万灵药；治百病的灵药 | |
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56
usher
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| n.带位员，招待员；vt.引导，护送；vi.做招待，担任引座员 | |
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57
millennium
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| n.一千年，千禧年；太平盛世 | |
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58
sanguine
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| adj.充满希望的，乐观的，血红色的 | |
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59
socialists
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| 社会主义者( socialist的名词复数 ) | |
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60
prospered
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| 成功，兴旺( prosper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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61
tracts
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| 大片土地( tract的名词复数 )； 地带； （体内的）道； （尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的）短文 | |
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62
predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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63
registrar
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| n.记录员，登记员；(大学的)注册主任 | |
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64
metropolitan
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| adj.大城市的，大都会的 | |
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65
magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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66
actively
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| adv.积极地，勤奋地 | |
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67
backbone
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| n.脊骨，脊柱，骨干；刚毅，骨气 | |
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68
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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69
coalesce
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| v.联合，结合，合并 | |
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70
coalesced
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| v.联合，合并( coalesce的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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71
embody
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| vt.具体表达，使具体化；包含，收录 | |
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72
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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73
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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74
disciples
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| n.信徒( disciple的名词复数 )；门徒；耶稣的信徒；（尤指）耶稣十二门徒之一 | |
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75
systematically
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| adv.有系统地 | |
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76
systematic
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| adj.有系统的，有计划的，有方法的 | |
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77
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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78
assented
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| 同意，赞成( assent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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79
attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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80
brotherhood
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| n.兄弟般的关系，手中情谊 | |
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81
conducive
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| adj.有益的，有助的 | |
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82
embodied
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| v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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83
formulate
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| v.用公式表示；规划；设计；系统地阐述 | |
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84
creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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85
professing
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| 声称( profess的现在分词 )； 宣称； 公开表明； 信奉 | |
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86
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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87
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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88
provident
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| adj.为将来做准备的，有先见之明的 | |
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89
alterations
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| n.改动( alteration的名词复数 )；更改；变化；改变 | |
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90
amendment
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| n.改正，修正，改善，修正案 | |
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91
subscriptions
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| n.（报刊等的）订阅费( subscription的名词复数 )；捐款；（俱乐部的）会员费；捐助 | |
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92
eminently
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| adv.突出地；显著地；不寻常地 | |
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93
opportune
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| adj.合适的，适当的 | |
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94
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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95
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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96
laboring
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| n.劳动，操劳v.努力争取(for)( labor的现在分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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97
counteracted
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| 对抗，抵消( counteract的过去式 ) | |
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98
agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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99
humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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100
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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101
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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102
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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103
pastor
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| n.牧师，牧人 | |
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104
hooting
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| （使）作汽笛声响，作汽车喇叭声( hoot的现在分词 )； 倒好儿； 倒彩 | |
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105
rabble
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| n.乌合之众，暴民；下等人 | |
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106
consolations
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| n.安慰，慰问( consolation的名词复数 )；起安慰作用的人（或事物） | |
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107
baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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108
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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109
ordained
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| v.任命（某人）为牧师( ordain的过去式和过去分词 )；授予（某人）圣职；（上帝、法律等）命令；判定 | |
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110
valiant
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| adj.勇敢的，英勇的；n.勇士，勇敢的人 | |
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111
emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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112
concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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113
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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114
monasteries
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| 修道院( monastery的名词复数 ) | |
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115
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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116
assents
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| 同意，赞同( assent的名词复数 ) | |
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117
democrats
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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118
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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119
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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120
proprietary
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| n.所有权，所有的；独占的；业主 | |
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121
secularization
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| n.凡俗化，还俗，把教育从宗教中分离 | |
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122
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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123
enact
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| vt.制定(法律)；上演，扮演 | |
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124
thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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125
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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126
materialism
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| n.［哲］唯物主义，唯物论；物质至上 | |
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127
contraction
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| n.缩略词，缩写式，害病 | |
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128
abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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129
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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130
guilds
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| 行会，同业公会，协会( guild的名词复数 ) | |
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131
vehemently
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| adv. 热烈地 | |
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132
saviour
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| n.拯救者，救星 | |
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133
redeemed
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| adj. 可赎回的，可救赎的 动词redeem的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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134
humanitarian
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| n.人道主义者，博爱者，基督凡人论者 | |
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135
repulsive
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| adj.排斥的，使人反感的 | |
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136
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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137
needy
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| adj.贫穷的，贫困的，生活艰苦的 | |
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138
estranged
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| adj.疏远的，分离的 | |
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139
consecrates
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| n.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的名词复数 )；奉献v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的第三人称单数 )；奉献 | |
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140
advent
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| n.(重要事件等的)到来，来临 | |
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141
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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