Let it not be a matter of surprise that I class those persecutions as among the means through which the church was destroyed. The force of heathen rage was aimed at the leaders and strong men of the body religious; and being long-continued and relentlessly3 cruel, those most steadfast4 in their adherence5 to the church invariably became its victims. These being stricken down, it left none but weaklings to contend for the faith, and made possible those subsequent innovations in the religion of Jesus which a pagan public sentiment demanded, and which so completely changed both the spirit and form of the Christian6 religion as to subvert7 it utterly8.
Let me further ask that no one be surprised that violence is permitted to operate in such a case. The idea that the right is always victorious9 in this world; that truth is always triumphant10 and innocence11 always divinely protected, are old, fond fables12 with which well-meaning men have amused credulous13 multitudes; but the stern facts of history and actual experience in life correct the pleasing delusion14. Do not misunderstand me. I believe in the ultimate victory of the right, the ultimate triumph of truth, the final immunity15 of innocence from violence. These—innocence, truth and the right—will be at the last more than conquerors16; they will be successful in the war, but that does not prevent them from losing some battles. It should be remembered always that God has given to man his agency; and that fact implies that one man is as free to act wickedly as another is to do righteousness. Cain was as free to murder his brother as that brother was to worship God; and so the pagans and Jews were as free to persecute17 and murder the Christians18 as the Christians were to live virtuously20 and worship Christ as God. The agency of man would not be worth the name if it did not grant liberty to the wicked to fill the cup of their iniquity21, as well as liberty to the virtuous19 to round out the measure of their righteousness. Such perfect liberty or agency God has given man; and it is only so variously modified as not to thwart22 his general purposes. Hence it comes that even when stealthy Murder in sight of his helpless victim meditates23 the crime, no voice to prevent the act "speaks through the blanket of the dark" crying, "Hold! hold!" Of course it follows that running parallel with this fact of man's liberty is the solemn truth of his full responsibility for the use he makes of it.
In the light of these reflections, then, I say that after Christ, as before his day, the kingdom of heaven suffered violence and the violent took it by force.[1] How far that violence, as manifested in the persecutions of the first three Christian centuries, was effectual as a factor in causing the destruction of the church is now to engage our attention.
At the outset, however, there is a difficulty I cannot pass without comment—the disagreement of eminent24 writers on the extent and severity of the persecutions endured by the Christians up to the accession of Constantine to the imperial throne of Rome. On the one hand infidel writers, such as Gibbon and Dodwell, have sought to minimize the suffering of the Christians under the persecutions, and on the other, Christian writers, such as Milner, Paley and Fox, have sought to magnify it. The motive25 on the part of both infidels and Christians is obvious. The more violent and extensive the persecutions, the more the martyrs26, the more glorious the triumph for the church. While on the other hand, if the persecutions can be proven to be limited, the suffering made to appear trifling27 and the martyrs few in number, the church is robbed of so much of her glory. Doubtless both parties have gone to extremes in the contention28. Unfortunately for the Christian side of the controversy29, there is much reason for believing that the account of Christian suffering within the period named has been much exaggerated. Their chief authority—Eusebius—has thrown more or less suspicion upon the trustworthiness of all that he has written, by declaring in the opening chapter of his Ecclesiastical History and elsewhere that "Whatsoever30, therefore, we deem likely to be advantageous31 to the proposed subject, we shall endeavor to reduce to a compact body by historical narration32. For this purpose we have collected the materials that have been scattered33 by our predecessors35, and culled36, as from some intellectual meadows, the appropriate extracts from ancient authors."[2]
On these passages Gibbon remarks: "The gravest of the ecclesiastical historians, Eusebius himself, indirectly37 confesses that he has related whatever might redound39 to the glory, and that he has suppressed all that could tend to the disgrace of religion. Such an acknowledgment will naturally excite a suspicion that a writer who has so openly violated one of the fundamental laws of history, has not paid a very strict regard to the observance of the other."[3] Draper also refers to the same when, commenting upon the inaccuracies of early Christian writers, he says: "In historical compositions there was a want of fair dealing40 and truthfulness41 almost incredible to us; thus, Eusebius naively42 avows43 that in his history he shall omit whatever might tend to the discredit44 of the church, and magnify whatever might conduce to her glory."[4]
But while it must be conceded that there is much reason for believing that the Christian fathers exaggerated both the extent and severity of those early persecutions, it remains45 clear that both the extent and severity of them were greater and more baneful46 to the church than infidel writers allow; and the truth of it may be proven independent of the testimonies47 of the Christian fathers. The proofs I refer to are the edicts themselves, considered in the light of the well-known cruelty of the Roman people, intensified48 by the malice49 of religious zeal50 aroused to suppress an obnoxious51 society whose doctrines53 were held to be destructive of the ancient religion of Rome, and a menace to the existence of the state itself.
Passing by the persecutions inflicted55 upon the Christians by the Jews, an account of which is to be found in the New Testament56, I call attention to the first great pagan persecution1 under the cruel edict of the Emperor Nero. For our information in respect to this persecution we are indebted not to any Christian writer, but to the judicious57 Tacitus, whom even "the most sceptical criticism is obliged to respect."[5] Nero having set on fire the city of Rome, in order that he might witness a great conflagration58, and wishing to divert suspicion from himself, first accused and then tried to compel the Christians to confess the great crime—and now Tacitus:
"With this view he inflicted the most exquisite59 tortures on those men who, under the vulgar appellation60 of Christians, were already branded with deserved infamy61. They derived62 their name and origin from Christ, who, in the reign63 of Tiberius had suffered death by the sentence of the procurator Pontius Pilate. For awhile this dire38 superstition64 was checked; but it again burst forth65; and not only spread itself over Judea, the first seat of this mischievous66 sect67, but was even introduced into Rome, the common asylum68 which receives and protects whatever is impure69, whatever is atrocious. The confessions70 of those that were seized discovered a great multitude of their accomplices72, and they were all convicted, not so much for the crime of setting fire to the city, as for their hatred73 of human kind. They died in torments75, and their torments were embittered76 by insults and derision. Some were nailed on crosses; others sewn up in the skins of wild beasts, and exposed to the fury of dogs; others, again, smeared77 over with combustible78 materials, were used as torches to illuminate79 the darkness of the night. The gardens of Nero were destined80 for the melancholy81 spectacle, which was accompanied with a horse-race, and honored with the presence of the emperor, who mingled82 with the populace in the dress and attitude of a charioteer. The guilt83 of the Christians deserved indeed the most exemplary punishments, but the public abhorrence84 was changed into commiseration85, from the opinion that those unhappy wretches86 were sacrificed, not so much to the public welfare as to the cruelty of a jealous tyrant87."[6]
Eminent scholars are divided in opinion as to whether this persecution under Nero extended to the provinces or was confined to the city of Rome. Gibbon assumes that it was both brief and confined to the city. According to Milman "M. Guizot, on the authority of Suplicious Severus and of Orosius inclines to the opinion of those who extend the persecution to the provinces. Mosheim rather leans to that side on this much disputed question. Neander takes the view of Gibbon, which is, in general, that of the most learned writers."[7]
This controversy need not detain us a moment. It matters not to my purpose whether the edicts of Nero extended to the provinces or were limited in their operations to the Christians within the capital. The testimony88 of Tacitus is sufficient to prove, first, that the persecution was general within the city; second its terrible cruelty; and third, the great abhorrence in which the Christians were held by the Romans.
I submit to the consideration of the reader that a people so greatly detested89 as the Christians, were not likely to meet with gentle treatment from the Romans; and when, as subsequently it came to pass, the people clamored for the sacrifice of the saints whom they abhorred90 as the enemies of mankind, instead of looking upon them with commiseration as the citizens of Rome did in their persecution under Nero—when the Roman people, I say, clamored for the sacrifice of the Christians and the emperors were cruel enough, and unjust enough to issue edicts for their destruction, the persecutions of those times were neither so limited nor so free from severity as Gibbon and others would have us believe. Even in this persecution under Nero, if no edicts were sent into the provinces commanding the execution of Christians, it is not unreasonable91 to believe that the despisers of the followers92 of Christ, finding warrant for their conduct by what was taking place at Rome, under the supervision93 of the emperor himself, would not hesitate to inflict54 hardships upon the saints without the formality of his proclamation.
It was this unofficial persecution which, without doubt, arose in the provinces as an indirect result of the persecution in the capital, that has led a number of prominent writers to believe that Nero's persecution extended throughout the empire. However that may be, a "great multitude" suffered in the city of Rome, and were subject to such tortures and cruel modes of death—described, mark you, by the unfriendly Tacitus—that little is left to be added even by the fervid94 imaginations of the Christian fathers. It is reasonable to believe that the subsequent persecutions were not freer from cruelty than this one under Nero; and therefore, though some allowance must be made for exaggeration in the writings of the Christian fathers, it may be safely concluded that those persecutions which preceded the reign of Constantine were both widespread and horribly cruel.
What is usually denominated the third persecution of the Christian Church occurred in the reign of Trajan, 98—117 A. D. Here, as in the persecution under Nero, we may determine something of the severity and manner of it from a Roman writer. Trajan intrusted the government of Bithynia and Pontius to his personal friend, the younger Pliny. The new governor, in his administration of the affairs of his provinces, found himself perplexed95 as to what course he should pursue in regard to the Christians brought before him for trial. He accordingly wrote to his master for instruction; and I deem his letter of such importance as showing the severity to which Christians were subject, the character of the Christians, and the number of unfaithful members who had evidently entered the church by that time, that I give it in extenso:
"Health.—It is my usual custom, sir, to refer all things, of which I harbor any doubts, to you. For who can better direct my judgment96 in its hesitation97, or instruct my understanding in its ignorance? I never had the fortune to be present at any examination of Christians, before I came into this province. I am, therefore, at a loss, to determine what is the usual object either of inquiry98 or of punishment, and to what length either of them is to be carried. It has also been with me a question very problematical, whether any distinction should be made between the young and the old, the tender and the robust99; whether any room should be given for repentance100, or the guilt of Christianity, once incurred101 is not to be expiated102 by the most unequivocal retraction103; whether the name itself, abstracted from any flagitiousness of conduct, or the crimes connected with the name, be the object of punishment. In the meantime, this has been my method, with respect to those who were brought before me as Christians: If they pleaded guilty, I interrogated104 them twice afresh, with a menace of capital punishment. In case of obstinate105 perseverance106, I ordered them to be executed. For of this I had no doubt, whatever was the nature of their religion, that a sullen107 and obstinate inflexibility108 called for the vengeance109 of the magistrate110. Some who were infected with the same madness whom, on account of their privilege of citizenship111, I reserve to be sent to Rome, to be referred to your tribunal. In the course of this business, information pouring in, as is usual when they are encouraged, more cases occurred. An anonymous112 libel was exhibited, with a catalogue of names of persons, who yet declared they were not Christians then or ever had been; and they repeated after me an invocation of the gods and of your image, which for this purpose I had ordered to be brought with the images of the deities113. They performed sacred rites114 with wine and frankincense, and execrated116 Christ, none of which things I am told a real Christian can ever be compelled to do. On this account I dismissed them. Others named by an informer, first affirmed and then denied the charge of Christianity, declaring that they had been Christians, but had ceased to be so, some three years ago, others still longer, some even twenty years ago. All of them worshiped your image, and the statues of the gods, and also execrated Christ. And this was the account which they gave of the nature of their religion they once professed117, whether it deserves the name of crime or error, namely, that they were accustomed on a stated day to meet before daylight, and repeat among themselves a hymn118 to Christ as to a god, and to bind119 themselves by an oath with an obligation of not committing any wickedness; but on the contrary, of abstaining120 from thefts, robberies, and adulteries; also, of not violating their promise, or denying a pledge; after which it was their custom to separate, and to meet again at a promiscuous121, harmless meal, from which last practice they however desisted, after the publication of my edict, in which, agreeably to your order, I forbade any societies of that sort. On which account I judged it the more necessary, to inquire, by torture, from two females, who were said to be deaconesses, what is the real truth. But nothing could I collect, except a depraved and excessive superstition. Deferring122, therefore, any further investigation123, I determined124 to consult you. For the number of the culprits is so great, as to call for serious consultation125. Many persons are informed against of every age, and of both sexes; and more still will be in the same situation. The contagion126 of the superstition hath spread not only through cities, but even villages and the country. Not that I think it impossible to check and correct it. The success of my efforts hitherto forbids such desponding thoughts; for the temples, once almost desolate127, begin to be frequented, and the sacred solemnities which had long been intermitted, are now attended afresh, and the sacrificed victims are now sold everywhere, which once could scarcely find a purchaser. Whence, I conclude, that many might be reclaimed129, were the hope of impunity130, on repentance, absolutely confirmed."[8]
To this Trajan sent the following answer: "You have done perfectly131 right, my dear Pliny, in the inquiry which you have made concerning Christians. For truly no one general rule can be laid down which will apply itself to all cases. These people must not be sought after. If they are brought before you and convicted, let them be capitally punished, yet with this restriction132, that if anyone renounce133 Christianity, and evidence his sincerity134 by supplicating135 our gods, however suspected he may be for the past, he shall obtain pardon for the future, on his repentance. But anonymous libels in no case ought to be attended to; for the precedent136 would be of the worst sort, and perfectly incongruous to the maxims137 of my government."[9]
Gibbon makes much of the perplexity of Pliny as to how to proceed against the Christians. For since the life of that Roman had been employed in the acquisition of learning and the business of the world; since from the age of nineteen he had pleaded with distinction in the tribunals of Rome; therefore, from the ignorance of this Roman governor, the great historian of the Decline and Fall concludes that there were no general laws or decrees of the senate in force against the Christians previous to Pliny accepting the governorship of Bithynia.[10] There is nothing, however, in the circumstance of Pliny's ignorance to justify138 such a conclusion.
It is not difficult to conceive how laws and decrees against the Christians could exist and yet a man employed as Pliny was have no technical knowledge of the modus operandi of procedure against them. His very letter, quoted above, seems to recognize the existence of such laws before he went into Bithynia; for he pleads as an excuse for his ignorance of how to proceed in the business neither the non-existence, nor the newness of the laws, but merely the fact that he had never been present at the examination of Christians brought to trial previous to accepting the governorship of his provinces.
In like spirit Gibbon points to the mildness of both the emperor and the governor as being against the idea that this persecution was very severe. Giving full credit for that mildness, what was the status of the Christians as to liability to persecution in Bithynia and Pontus after Pliny received the instruction of his master? (1) They were not to be sought after, that is, hunted down for the mere139 sake of destroying them; (2) anonymous complaints or libels were not to be entertained against them; (3) if brought before the judge and they would renounce their religion by supplicating the gods of Rome, they were to receive pardon. So far the tender mercies of Trajan extended. They could still be accused by any one bold enough to affix140 his name to the charge; and if the accused Christians refused to deny the faith, they were punished by sentence of death. When it is considered how bitter was the malice of their enemies, and how wide-spread the detestation of Christianity, it will be conceded that even in Bithynia and Pontus, notwithstanding the mildness of the emperor and the humanity of the governor, there was still left plenty of opportunity to vex141 the church and make persecution contribute to its destruction. I say even in Bithynia and Pontus this was the case; how much more was it so in those provinces where less humane142 magistrates143 than Pliny administered the laws, and who proceeded without asking for instruction from the emperor! In such provinces the saints were liable to be accused anonymously144, put to the torture, not with a view to force from them a confession71, but a denial of the charge, failing in which they were executed without mercy.
The limits of this inquiry forbids anything like an exhaustive examination of the several persecutions endured by the Christians. I shall therefore content myself with a brief reference to those most disastrous145 to the church.
Passing by, then, the persecutions under Aurelius and Verus, in which the sufferings of the Christians in Gaul were most severe—especially in the cities of Lyons and Vienne,[11] where churches were well nigh destroyed by its violence; and also passing by the persecutions which arose under the edicts of Severus, which were issued more especially to prevent the propagation of Christianity than to punish those already converts to it, I come to that general and terrible persecution under Decius Trajan, in the middle of the third century. The incentive146 which prompted the action of Decius against the Christians is variously ascribed to hatred of his predecessor34, Philip, whom he had murdered, and who was friendly to the church; to his zeal for paganism; and lastly to his fear, feigned147 or real, that the Christians would usurp148 the empire. Perhaps all these motives149 combined impelled150 him to make war upon the church. According to the representations of one Dionysius, quoted by Eusebius, the persecution, at least in Africa, began before the edicts of Decius were issued. "The persecution with us," says the writer referred to, "did not begin with the imperial edict but precede it by a whole year. And a certain prophet and poet, inauspicious to the city [Alexandria], whoever he was, excited the mass of the heathens against us, stirring them up to their native superstition. Stimulated151 by him, and taking full liberty to exercise any kind of wickedness, they considered this the only piety152, and the worship of their demons153, viz, to slay154 us. * * But as the sedition155 and civil war overtook the wretches, their cruelty was diverted from us to one another. We then drew a little breath, while their rage against us was a little abated156. But, presently, that change from a milder reign was announced to us, and much terror was now threatening us. The decree [of Decius] had arrived, very much like that which was foretold157 by our Lord, exhibiting the most dreadful aspects so that, if it were possible, the very elect would stumble. All indeed were greatly alarmed, and many of the more eminent immediately gave way to them; others, who were in public offices, were led forth by their very acts; others were brought by their acquaintances and when called by name, they approached the impure and unholy sacrifices. But pale and trembling, as if they were not to sacrifice but themselves to be the victims and the sacrifices to the idols159. They were jeered160 by many of the surrounding multitude, and were obviously equally afraid to die and to offer the sacrifice. But some advanced with greater readiness to the altar and boldly asserted that they had never before been Christians, concerning whom the declaration of our Lord is most true, that they will scarcely be saved. Of the rest, some followed the one or the other of the preceding; some fled, others were taken, and of these some held out as far as the prison and bonds, and some after a few days' imprisonment161 abjured162 Christianity before they entered the tribunal. And some, also, after enduring the torture for a time, at last renounced163. Others, however, firm and blessed pillars of the Lord, confirmed by the Lord himself, and receiving in themselves strength and power, suited and proportioned to their faith, became admirable witnesses of his kingdom."[12]
Eusebius at great length recounts the suffering of individuals both in the east and west divisions of the empire, but it is not necessary to follow him through all those details. It will be sufficient to say that this persecution was more terrible than any which preceded it. It extended over the whole empire, and had for its avowed164 object the enforced apostasy165 of the Christians.[13]
How unrelenting the efforts must have been to encompass166 either the destruction or the apostasy of the Christians will appear when it is known that the governors of the provinces were "commanded, on pain of forfeiting167 their own lives, either to exterminate168 all Christians utterly, or bring them back by pain and tortures to the religion of their fathers." "During two years," continues Mosheim, "a great multitude of Christians in all the Roman provinces were cut off by various species of punishment and suffering. This persecution was more cruel and terrific than any that preceded it; and immense numbers dismayed, not so much by the fear of death, as by the dread158 of the long-continued tortures by which the magistrates endeavored to overcome the constancy of the Christians, professed to renounce Christ; and procured169 for themselves safety, either by sacrificing, i. e., offering incense115 before the idols, or by certificates purchased with money."[14]
Gibbon, who never admits the severity of the persecutions under the emperors, except when compelled by undeniable facts, says, of this one under Decius: "The fall of Philip (the predecessor of Decius) introduced with a change of masters, a new system of government so oppressive to the Christians that their former condition, ever since the time of Domitian, was represented as a state of perfect freedom and security, if compared with the rigorous treatment which they experienced under the short reign of Decius. * * * The bishops170 of the most considerable cities were removed by exile or death; the vigilance of the magistrates prevented the clergy172 of Rome during sixteen months from proceeding173 to the new election; and it was the opinion of the Christians that the emperor would more patiently endure a competition for the purple than a bishop171 for the capital."[15]
Milner, quoting Cyprian, says concerning the effect of this persecution: "Vast numbers lapsed174 into idolatry immediately. Even before men were accused as Christian many ran to the forum175 and sacrificed to the gods as they were ordered; and the crowds of apostates176 were so great that the magistrates wished to delay numbers of them till the next day, but they were importuned177 by the wretched suppliants178 to be allowed to prove themselves heathens that very night."[16]
The reign of Decius was brief, lasting179 only two years, and toward the close of it, as if surfeited180 with slaughter181, the violent persecution against the saints relaxed somewhat of its severity; but his successors, Gallus and his son Volusian, renewed it. A pestilential disease broke out about this time and spread through a number of the provinces, and this the pagan priests persuaded the populace was a curse sent upon the people on account of the toleration shown to the Christians. This was sufficient to re-kindle the flames of hatred and for two years more the Church of Christ suffered violence as it had done under Decius.
There remains but one more persecution to notice, that which is commonly known as the Diocletian. It could be called more properly the Galerian persecution; for Galerius, son-in-law to the emperor, and one with two others—Constantius Chlorus and Maximian—who shared with him the responsibility of governing the empire,[17] had most to do with it. It is said that Galerius was urged to secure the edicts of Diocletian against the Christians by his mother, Romlia, a very haughty182 woman, who had taken offense183 because the saints had excluded her from their sacrament meetings. Be that as it may, it is generally conceded that this severest of all persecutions against the Church of Christ was inaugurated and carried on through the hatred and influence of Galerius.
According to Eusebius[18] the persecution began in the nineteenth year of the reign of Diocletian—303 A. D. The emperor in issuing his first edict could not be brought to the infamy of aiming at the lives of the saints; it appears he could only be brought to that by degrees. His first edict ordered the destruction of the Christian churches, and the surrender of the holy scriptures184 and the degradation185 of Christians from office. Shortly after this the royal palace at Nicomedia was twice set on fire, and from it Galerius fled, giving out that he feared Christian malice had attempted his life. The Christians being charged with the crime the incident was made the excuse for issuing a second edict, "in consequence of which whole families of the pious186 were slain187 at the imperial command, some with the sword, some also with fire. But the populace, binding188 another number upon planks189, threw them into the depths of the sea."[19]
A rebellion which occurred in Syria about this time was also charged to Christian intrigue190, and a third edict was issued commanding that the heads of the church everywhere should be thrust into prison. "The spectacle of affairs after these events exceeds all description. Innumerable multitudes were imprisoned191 in every place, and the dungeons192 formerly193 destined for murderers and the vilest194 criminals were then filled with bishops, and presbyters, and deacons, readers and exorcists, so that there was no room left for those condemned195 for crimes."[20] It was ordered after a time that the prisoners should be granted their liberty on condition that they offer sacrifice at the shrine196 of the heathen gods. To effect that purpose the judges were commanded to employ the most excruciating tortures.
Diocletian thought to destroy the Christian "superstition" by overcoming the constancy of the leaders; but meeting with more resistance than he anticipated, he at last issued a fourth edict, directing the magistrates to compel all Christians, irrespective of age, sex, or official position, to offer sacrifice to the gods; and to employ tortures to compel that apostasy. The magistrates yielded strict obedience197 to the edict of the emperor, and the Christian church was reduced to the last extremity198.[21] The scenes of suffering from tortures and bloodsheds throughout the empire, except in Gaul, where Constantine reigned199, defy description. "Thousands, both men, and women and children," says Eusebius, speaking of those who suffered in Egypt, "despising the present life for the sake of our Savior's doctrine52, submitted to death in various shapes. Some, after being tortured with scrappings[22] and the rack, and the most dreadful scourgings, and other innumerable agonies which one might shudder200 to hear, were finally committed to the flames; and some plunged201 and drowned in the sea, others voluntarily offering their own heads to their executioners, others dying in the midst of their torments, some wasted away by famine, and others again fixed202 to the cross. Some, indeed, were executed as malefactors usually were; others, more cruelly, were nailed with the head downwards203, and kept alive until they were destroyed by starving on the cross itself."[23]
After describing similar but still more cruel tortures endured by the Christians of Thebais, Eusebius continues: "And all these things were doing not only for a few days or some time but for a series of whole years. At one time ten or more, at another more than twenty, at another time not less than thirty, and even sixty, and again at another time, a hundred men with their wives and little children were slain in one day, whilst they were condemned to various and varied204 punishments. We ourselves have observed when on the spot, many crowded together in one day suffering decapitation, some the torments of the flames; so that the murderous weapon was completely blunted, and having lost its edge, broke to pieces; and the executioners themselves wearied with the slaughter, were obliged to relieve one another."[24]
Gibbon, whose very reluctance205 to concede the severity of these persecutions induces me to quote him as often as admissions are forced from his unwilling206 lips, says of this persecution: "The magistrates were commanded to employ every method of severity which might reclaim128 them from their odious207 superstition, and obliged them to return to the established worship of the gods. This rigorous order was extended, by a subsequent edict, to the whole body of Christians, who were exposed to a violent and general persecution. Instead of those salutary restraints which had required the direct and solemn testimony of an accuser, it became the duty as well as the interest of the imperial officer to discover, to pursue, and to torment74 the most obnoxious among the faithful. Heavy penalties were denounced against all who should presume to save a prescribed sectary from the just indignation of the gods and the emperors."[25]
This persecution lasted for ten years; and at the end of that time the church presented a melancholy spectacle. Everywhere, even in Gaul, the Christian houses of worship were laid in ruins. Streams of Christian blood had flowed in every province of the empire, excepting in Gaul, where Constantine governed; and there, it will be remembered, a previous persecution under Aurelius and Verus had well-nigh destroyed the churches. Public worship was suspended. The saints were either driven to apostasy by tortures, had fled from the provinces to the barbarians208, or kept themselves concealed209. Meantime the magistrates incited210 as much by avarice211 as by hatred of Christianity, confiscated212 not only the church property, but also the private possessions of the ministers. In other cases the church leaders were either slain, or mutilated and sent to the mines or banished213 from the country. "Many through dread of undergoing torture had made way with their own lives, and many apostatized from the faith; and what remained of the Christian community, consisted of weak, poor and timorous214 persons."[26]
After adopting these measures for the destruction of the church, severities of another character were put in operation. "It was thought necessary to subject to the most intolerable hardships the condition of those perverse215 individuals who should still reject the religion of nature, of Rome, and of their ancestors. Persons of liberal birth were declared incapable216 of holding any honors or employments; slaves were forever deprived of the hopes of freedom, and the whole body of the people were put out of the protection of the law. The judges were authorized217 to hear and determine every action that was brought against a Christian. But the Christians were not permitted to complain of any injury which they themselves had suffered; and thus those unfortunate sectaries were exposed to the severity, while they were excluded from the benefits of public justice. This new species of martyrdom, so painful and lingering, so obscure and ignominious218 was, perhaps, the most proper to weary the constancy of the faithful; nor can it be doubted that the passions and interest of mankind were disposed on this occasion to second the designs of the emperors."[27] That the Romans considered the destruction of the Christian church completed by the Diocletian persecution is witnessed by the inscriptions219 upon monuments and medals. Two pillars in Spain, erected220 to commemorate221 the reign of Diocletian bore the following; on the first—
"DIOCLETIAN, JOVIAN, MAXIMIAN HERCULIUS, CAESARES AUGUSTI, FOR HAVING EXTENDED THE ROMAN EMPIRE IN THE EAST AND WEST, AND FOR HAVING EXTINGUISHED THE NAME OF CHRISTIANS, WHO BROUGHT THE REPUBLIC TO RUIN;"
On the second,
"DIOCLETIAN, ETC., FOR HAVING ADOPTED GALERIUS IN THE EAST, FOR HAVING EVERYWHERE ABOLISHED THE SUPERSTITION OF CHRIST, FOR HAVING EXTENDED THE WORSHIP OF THE GODS."
And on the medal of Diocletian this: "THE NAME OF CHRISTIAN BEING EXTINGUISHED."[28]
When it is remembered that these persecutions, to which I have briefly222 referred, ran through more than three centuries; that the emperors whose edicts inaugurated them possessed223 unlimited224 power to execute their decrees; that the age in which they occurred was cruel beyond modern comprehension; that Roman, that is to say, pagan hatred of Christians was venomously bitter, because they were made to believe that the existence of the ancient religion of Rome and latterly the existence of the empire itself depended upon the destruction of Christianity—when all this is remembered, it is not to be wondered at that the saints were worn out, or so nearly so that only "weak and timorous" men were left to ineffectually resist the paganization of Christianity—the destruction of the Church of Christ.
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persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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afflicted
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| 使受痛苦，折磨( afflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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3
relentlessly
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| adv.不屈不挠地；残酷地；不间断 | |
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steadfast
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| adj.固定的，不变的，不动摇的；忠实的；坚贞不移的 | |
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5
adherence
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| n.信奉，依附，坚持，固着 | |
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6
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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subvert
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| v.推翻；暗中破坏；搅乱 | |
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8
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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9
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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fables
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| n.寓言( fable的名词复数 )；神话，传说 | |
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credulous
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| adj.轻信的，易信的 | |
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delusion
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| n.谬见，欺骗，幻觉，迷惑 | |
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15
immunity
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| n.优惠；免除；豁免，豁免权 | |
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conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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persecute
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| vt.迫害，虐待；纠缠，骚扰 | |
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18
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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19
virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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virtuously
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| 合乎道德地，善良地 | |
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21
iniquity
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| n.邪恶；不公正 | |
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22
thwart
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| v.阻挠，妨碍，反对；adj.横(断的) | |
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meditates
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| 深思，沉思，冥想( meditate的第三人称单数 )； 内心策划，考虑 | |
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eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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25
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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martyrs
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| n.martyr的复数形式；烈士( martyr的名词复数 )；殉道者；殉教者；乞怜者（向人诉苦以博取同情） | |
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27
trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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28
contention
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| n.争论，争辩，论战；论点，主张 | |
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29
controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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30
whatsoever
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| adv.（用于否定句中以加强语气）任何；pron.无论什么 | |
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31
advantageous
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| adj.有利的；有帮助的 | |
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32
narration
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| n.讲述，叙述；故事；记叙体 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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34
predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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35
predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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36
culled
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| v.挑选，剔除( cull的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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37
indirectly
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| adv.间接地，不直接了当地 | |
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38
dire
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| adj.可怕的，悲惨的，阴惨的，极端的 | |
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39
redound
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| v.有助于；提；报应 | |
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40
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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41
truthfulness
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| n. 符合实际 | |
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42
naively
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| adv. 天真地 | |
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43
avows
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| v.公开声明，承认( avow的第三人称单数 ) | |
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discredit
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| vt.使不可置信；n.丧失信义；不信，怀疑 | |
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45
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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46
baneful
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| adj.有害的 | |
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47
testimonies
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| （法庭上证人的）证词( testimony的名词复数 )； 证明，证据 | |
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48
intensified
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| v.（使）增强， （使）加剧( intensify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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49
malice
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| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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50
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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51
obnoxious
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| adj.极恼人的，讨人厌的，可憎的 | |
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52
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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53
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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54
inflict
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| vt.(on)把…强加给，使遭受，使承担 | |
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55
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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56
testament
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| n.遗嘱；证明 | |
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57
judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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58
conflagration
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| n.建筑物或森林大火 | |
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59
exquisite
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| adj.精美的；敏锐的；剧烈的，感觉强烈的 | |
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60
appellation
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| n.名称，称呼 | |
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61
infamy
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| n.声名狼藉，出丑，恶行 | |
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62
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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63
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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64
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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65
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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66
mischievous
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| adj.调皮的，恶作剧的，有害的，伤人的 | |
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67
sect
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| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
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68
asylum
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| n.避难所，庇护所，避难 | |
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69
impure
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| adj.不纯净的，不洁的；不道德的，下流的 | |
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70
confessions
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| n.承认( confession的名词复数 )；自首；声明；（向神父的）忏悔 | |
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71
confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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72
accomplices
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| 从犯，帮凶，同谋( accomplice的名词复数 ) | |
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73
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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74
torment
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| n.折磨；令人痛苦的东西(人)；vt.折磨；纠缠 | |
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75
torments
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| （肉体或精神上的）折磨，痛苦( torment的名词复数 )； 造成痛苦的事物[人] | |
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76
embittered
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| v.使怨恨，激怒( embitter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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77
smeared
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| 弄脏； 玷污； 涂抹； 擦上 | |
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78
combustible
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| a. 易燃的,可燃的; n. 易燃物,可燃物 | |
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79
illuminate
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| vt.照亮，照明；用灯光装饰；说明，阐释 | |
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80
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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81
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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82
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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83
guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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84
abhorrence
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| n.憎恶；可憎恶的事 | |
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85
commiseration
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| n.怜悯，同情 | |
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86
wretches
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| n.不幸的人( wretch的名词复数 )；可怜的人；恶棍；坏蛋 | |
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87
tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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88
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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89
detested
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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90
abhorred
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| v.憎恶( abhor的过去式和过去分词 )；（厌恶地）回避；拒绝；淘汰 | |
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91
unreasonable
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| adj.不讲道理的，不合情理的，过度的 | |
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92
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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93
supervision
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| n.监督，管理 | |
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94
fervid
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| adj.热情的；炽热的 | |
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95
perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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96
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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97
hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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98
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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99
robust
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| adj.强壮的，强健的，粗野的，需要体力的，浓的 | |
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100
repentance
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| n.懊悔 | |
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101
incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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102
expiated
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| v.为（所犯罪过）接受惩罚，赎（罪）( expiate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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103
retraction
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| n.撤消；收回 | |
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104
interrogated
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| v.询问( interrogate的过去式和过去分词 )；审问；（在计算机或其他机器上）查询 | |
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105
obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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106
perseverance
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| n.坚持不懈，不屈不挠 | |
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107
sullen
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| adj.愠怒的，闷闷不乐的，(天气等)阴沉的 | |
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108
inflexibility
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| n.不屈性，顽固，不变性；不可弯曲；非挠性；刚性 | |
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109
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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110
magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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111
citizenship
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| n.市民权，公民权，国民的义务(身份) | |
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112
anonymous
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| adj.无名的；匿名的；无特色的 | |
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113
deities
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| n.神，女神( deity的名词复数 )；神祗；神灵；神明 | |
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114
rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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115
incense
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| v.激怒；n.香，焚香时的烟，香气 | |
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116
execrated
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| v.憎恶( execrate的过去式和过去分词 )；厌恶；诅咒；咒骂 | |
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117
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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118
hymn
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| n.赞美诗，圣歌，颂歌 | |
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119
bind
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| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
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120
abstaining
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| 戒（尤指酒），戒除( abstain的现在分词 )； 弃权（不投票） | |
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121
promiscuous
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| adj.杂乱的，随便的 | |
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122
deferring
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| v.拖延，延缓，推迟( defer的现在分词 )；服从某人的意愿，遵从 | |
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123
investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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124
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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125
consultation
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| n.咨询；商量；商议；会议 | |
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126
contagion
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| n.(通过接触的疾病)传染；蔓延 | |
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127
desolate
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| adj.荒凉的，荒芜的；孤独的，凄凉的；v.使荒芜，使孤寂 | |
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128
reclaim
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| v.要求归还，收回；开垦 | |
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129
reclaimed
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| adj.再生的；翻造的；收复的；回收的v.开拓( reclaim的过去式和过去分词 )；要求收回；从废料中回收（有用的材料）；挽救 | |
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130
impunity
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| n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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131
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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132
restriction
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| n.限制，约束 | |
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133
renounce
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| v.放弃；拒绝承认，宣布与…断绝关系 | |
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134
sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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135
supplicating
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| v.祈求，哀求，恳求( supplicate的现在分词 ) | |
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136
precedent
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| n.先例，前例；惯例；adj.在前的，在先的 | |
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137
maxims
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| n.格言，座右铭( maxim的名词复数 ) | |
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138
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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139
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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140
affix
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| n.附件，附录 vt.附贴，盖(章)，签署 | |
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141
vex
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| vt.使烦恼，使苦恼 | |
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142
humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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143
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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144
anonymously
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| ad.用匿名的方式 | |
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145
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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146
incentive
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| n.刺激；动力；鼓励；诱因；动机 | |
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147
feigned
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| a.假装的，不真诚的 | |
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148
usurp
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| vt.篡夺，霸占；vi.篡位 | |
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149
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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150
impelled
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| v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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151
stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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152
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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153
demons
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| n.恶人( demon的名词复数 )；恶魔；精力过人的人；邪念 | |
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154
slay
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| v.杀死，宰杀，杀戮 | |
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155
sedition
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| n.煽动叛乱 | |
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156
abated
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| 减少( abate的过去式和过去分词 )； 减去； 降价； 撤消（诉讼） | |
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157
foretold
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| v.预言，预示( foretell的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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158
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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159
idols
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| 偶像( idol的名词复数 )； 受崇拜的人或物； 受到热爱和崇拜的人或物； 神像 | |
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160
jeered
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| v.嘲笑( jeer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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161
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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162
abjured
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| v.发誓放弃( abjure的过去式和过去分词 )；郑重放弃（意见）；宣布撤回（声明等）；避免 | |
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163
renounced
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| v.声明放弃( renounce的过去式和过去分词 )；宣布放弃；宣布与…决裂；宣布摒弃 | |
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164
avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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165
apostasy
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| n.背教，脱党 | |
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166
encompass
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| vt.围绕，包围；包含，包括；完成 | |
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167
forfeiting
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| （因违反协议、犯规、受罚等）丧失，失去( forfeit的现在分词 ) | |
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168
exterminate
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| v.扑灭，消灭，根绝 | |
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169
procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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170
bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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171
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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172
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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173
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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174
lapsed
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| adj.流失的，堕落的v.退步( lapse的过去式和过去分词 )；陷入；倒退；丧失 | |
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175
forum
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| n.论坛，讨论会 | |
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176
apostates
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| n.放弃原来信仰的人( apostate的名词复数 )；叛教者；脱党者；反叛者 | |
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177
importuned
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| v.纠缠，向（某人）不断要求( importune的过去式和过去分词 )；（妓女）拉（客） | |
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178
suppliants
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| n.恳求者，哀求者( suppliant的名词复数 ) | |
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179
lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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180
surfeited
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| v.吃得过多( surfeit的过去式和过去分词 )；由于过量而厌腻 | |
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181
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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182
haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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183
offense
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| n.犯规，违法行为；冒犯，得罪 | |
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184
scriptures
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| 经文，圣典( scripture的名词复数 )； 经典 | |
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185
degradation
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| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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186
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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187
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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188
binding
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| 有约束力的，有效的，应遵守的 | |
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189
planks
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| （厚）木板( plank的名词复数 )； 政纲条目，政策要点 | |
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190
intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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191
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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192
dungeons
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| n.地牢( dungeon的名词复数 ) | |
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193
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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194
vilest
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| adj.卑鄙的( vile的最高级 )；可耻的；极坏的；非常讨厌的 | |
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195
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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196
shrine
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| n.圣地，神龛，庙；v.将...置于神龛内，把...奉为神圣 | |
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197
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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198
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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199
reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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200
shudder
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| v.战粟，震动，剧烈地摇晃；n.战粟，抖动 | |
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201
plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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202
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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203
downwards
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| adj./adv.向下的（地），下行的（地） | |
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204
varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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205
reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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206
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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207
odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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208
barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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209
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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210
incited
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| 刺激，激励，煽动( incite的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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211
avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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212
confiscated
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| 没收，充公( confiscate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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213
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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214
timorous
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| adj.胆怯的，胆小的 | |
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215
perverse
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| adj.刚愎的；坚持错误的，行为反常的 | |
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216
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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217
authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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218
ignominious
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| adj.可鄙的，不光彩的，耻辱的 | |
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219
inscriptions
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| （作者）题词( inscription的名词复数 )； 献词； 碑文； 证劵持有人的登记 | |
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220
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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221
commemorate
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| vt.纪念，庆祝 | |
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222
briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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223
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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224
unlimited
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| adj.无限的，不受控制的，无条件的 | |
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