It was time for the citizen-general Bonaparte to turn his eyes toward the citizen-directors. There had been an open rupture1, as we have said, among the five elect of the Luxembourg. Carnot and Barthélemy had drawn2 completely apart from their colleagues, Barras, Rewbell, and La Reveillière-Lepaux.
The result was that the ministry3 could not continue as it was, some of the ministers being creatures of Barras, Rewbell, and La Reveillière-Lepaux, while others followed Carnot and Barthélemy.
There were seven ministers: Cochon, Minister of Police; Bénézech, Minister of the Interior; Truguet, Minister of Marine4; Charles Delacroix, Minister of Foreign Affairs; Ramel, Minister of Finance; Merlin, Minister of Justice, and Pétiet, Minister of War.
[Pg 459]
Cochon, Pétiet, and Bénézech were tainted5 with royalism. Truguet was haughty6 and violent and determined7 to have his own way. Delacroix was not equal to his post. In the opinion of the majority of the directors—Barras, Rewbell, and La Reveillière-Lepaux—Merlin and Ramel alone should be retained.
The opposition8, on the other hand, demanded the removal of four ministers—Merlin, Ramel, Truguet, and Delacroix.
Barras yielded up Truguet and Delacroix; but he cut off three others who were members of the Five Hundred, and whose loss would greatly trouble the two Chambers9. These were, as we have said, Cochon, Pétiet, and Bénézech.
We hope that Madame de Sta?l's salon10 has not been forgotten. It was there, it will be remembered, that the future author of "Corinne" formed a coterie11 of opinion, almost as influential12 as that of the Luxembourg or the Clichy Club.
Now, Madame de Sta?l, who had made one minister under the monarchy13, was haunted with the desire to make another under the Directory.
The life of her candidate had been an eventful one, interesting because of its many changes. He was forty-three years old, a member of one of the foremost families of France, born lame14 like Mephistopheles, whom he resembled somewhat in face and mind—a resemblance which increased when he found his Faust. Destined15 for the Church because of his infirmity, although the eldest16 of his family, he had been created Bishop17 of Autun at the early age of twenty-five. Then came the Revolution. Our bishop adopted all its principles, was elected a member of the Constituent18 Assembly, suggested the abolition19 of ecclesiastical tithes20, celebrated21 mass on the Champ de Mars on the day of the Federation22, blessed the flags, admitted the new constitution of the clergy23, and consecrated24 bishops25 who took the oath, which led to his excommunication by Pope Pius VI.
[Pg 460]
Sent to London by Louis XVI., to assist the French ambassador, Monsieur de Chauvelin, he received an order to withdraw from the cabinet of Saint James in 1794; and at the same time he learned from Paris that he had been accused by Robespierre.
This double proscription26 proved fortunate for him; he was ruined, and went to America, where he accumulated another fortune in commerce. He returned to Paris some three months before the time of which we are writing.
His name was Charles-Maurice de Talleyrand-Périgord.
Madame de Sta?l, a woman of great intellect, had been attracted by the man's charming wit; she knew the depths that lay beneath her new friend's assumed frivolity27. She introduced him to Benjamin Constant, who was her cicisbeo at the time, and Benjamin put him in communication with Barras.
Barras was enchanted28 with our prelate. After being presented by Madame de Sta?l to Benjamin Constant, and by Benjamin Constant in turn to Barras, he induced Barras to present him to Rewbell and La Reveillière-Lepaux. He won them as he won everybody else, and it was agreed that he should be made Minister of Foreign Affairs in Bénezéch's stead.
The members of the Directory held a meeting to elect by secret ballot29 the members of the various ministries30 who should succeed those who were retiring. Carnot and Barthélemy, not ignorant of the agreement between their three colleagues, imagined that they could successfully oppose them. But they realized their mistake when they perceived that the three were unanimous in their choice of those who were to go, those who were to remain, and those who were to come in.
Cochon, Pétiet, and Bénézech were dismissed; Ramel and Merlin were retained. Monsieur de Talleyrand was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs; Pléville-Lepel, Minister of Marine; Fran?ois de Neufchateau went to the Department of the Interior, and Lenoir-Laroche to the Police Department.
[Pg 461]
They also nominated Hoche, Minister of War; but he was only twenty-eight, and the requisite31 age was thirty.
It was this selection that had disturbed Bonaparte in his headquarters at Milan. The secret session had terminated with a violent altercation32 between Barras and Carnot. Carnot reproached Barras for his luxurious33 mode of life and his dissolute habits. Barras accused Carnot of defection to the royalist factions34. From accusations35 they passed to the vilest37 insults.
"You are only a vile36 rascal38!" Barras said to Carnot. "You have sold the Republic, and now you wish to cut the throats of those who defend it. Wretch39, brigand40!" he continued, rising and shaking his fist in the other's face; "there is not a citizen who would not be justified41 in spitting in your face."
"Very good," replied Carnot; "I will answer your insults between now and to-morrow."
The next day passed, but Barras was not visited by Carnot's seconds. The affair had no further consequence.
The appointment of this ministry, in which the two councils had not been consulted, caused a great sensation among the representatives. They resolved at once to organize for a struggle. One of the advantages of counter-revolutions is that they furnish historians with documents which they would not otherwise be able to obtain.
And indeed, when the Bourbons returned in 1814, each one tried to outdo the rest in proving that he had conspired42 against the Republic or the Empire—that is to say, that he had helped to betray his country.
Their object was to claim the reward of treason; and thus it was that we became acquainted with all the conspiracies43 which precipitated44 Louis XVI. from his throne; conspiracies of which the people had but a vague notion under the Republic and the Empire, because proofs were lacking.
But in 1814 these proofs were no longer lacking. Each man presented the proofs of his treason with his right hand and held out the left for reward.
[Pg 462]
It is therefore to that epoch45 of moral degradation46 and self-accusation that we must turn for the official details of those struggles in which the guilty were sometimes looked upon as victims, and the administrators47 of justice as oppressors. For the rest, the reader must have perceived that in the work we are now offering to the public gaze, we appear rather as a romantic historian than as a historical novelist. We believe that we have sufficiently48 proven our imagination, to be permitted on this occasion to prove our exactitude, while preserving at the same time the element of poetical49 fancy which will make the perusal50 of this work easier and more attractive than that of history despoiled51 of its embellishments.
We have, therefore, had recourse to one of those counter-revolutionary revelations to determine how far the Directory was threatened, and how urgent was the coup52 d'état which was decided53 upon.
We have seen how, passing Bonaparte, the three directors had turned to Hoche, and how this movement in favor of the man who had pacified54 the Vendée had alarmed the commander of the Army of Italy. It was Barras who had turned to Hoche.
Hoche was preparing an expedition to Ireland, and he had resolved to detach twenty-five thousand men from the Army of the Sambre-et-Meuse, and to take them to Brest. These twenty-five thousand men could pause as they crossed France, in the neighborhood of Paris, and in a day's march could be at the disposal of the Directory.
Their approach drove the denizens55 of the Rue56 de Clichy to the last extremity57. The principle of a national guard had been established by the Constitution. They, knowing that this national guard would contain the same elements as the Sections, hastened to join the organization.
Pichegru was chosen president and selected to draw up a plan. He presented a plan inspired by all the cleverness of which his genius, combined with his hatred58, rendered him capable.
[Pg 463]
Pichegru was equally bitter against the royalists, because they had not chosen to profit by his devotion to the royalist cause, and against the republicans, because they had punished him for his causeless devotion. He had gone so far as to desire a revolution of which he would be the prime organizer and which would benefit him alone. At that time his reputation very justly equalled that of his illustrious rivals, Bonaparte, Moreau, and Hoche.
If he had succeeded, Pichegru would have created himself dictator, and, once dictator, he would have opened the way for the return of the Bourbons, from whom he would perhaps have asked nothing but a pension for his father and brother, and a house with a vast library for himself and Rose. The reader will remember who Rose was. It was she to whom he had sent, out of his savings59 in the Army of the Rhine, an umbrella which little Charles had carried to her.
The same little Charles, who knew him so well, has since said of him: "An empire would have been too small for his genius; a farm would have been too large for his indolence!"
It would take too long to describe Pichegru's scheme for the organization of the national guard; but, once organized, it would have been entirely60 in his hands. Led by him, and Bonaparte absent, it might have occasioned the downfall of the directors.
A book published by the Chevalier Delarue, in 1821, takes us with him into the club in the Rue de Clichy. The house where the club met belonged to Gilbert des Molières.
All the counter-revolutionary projects, which prove that the 18th Fructidor was not a simple abuse of power and a brutal61 caprice, emanated62 from this house.
The Clichians found themselves at a disadvantage by the passage of Hoche's troops and his alliance with Barras. They immediately assembled at their usual meeting-place, formed groups around Pichegru and inquired as to his means of resistance.
Surprised like Pompey, he had no real means at hand.[Pg 464] His sole resource lay in the passions of the various Sections. They discussed the projects of the Directory, and concluded, from the change in the ministry and the advance of the troops, that the directors were planning a coup d'état against the Corps63 Legislatif.
They proposed the most violent measures. They wanted to suspend the Directory. They wished to bring charges against its individual members. They even went so far as to suggest that they be outlawed64.
But they lacked the strength necessary to achieve this result. They had only the twelve hundred grenadiers who composed the guard of the Corps Legislatif—a part of the regiment65 of dragoons commanded by Colonel Malo. They finally proposed, in their desperation, to send a squad66 of grenadiers into each district of the capital to rally round them the citizens who had taken up arms on the 13th Vendémiaire.
This time it was the Corps Legislatif, which, unlike the Convention, roused Paris against the government. They talked much without reaching any decision—as is always the case with those who lack strength.
Pichegru, when consulted, declared that he would be unable to maintain any resistance with the slender force at his disposal. The confusion was at its height when a message came from the Directory with information concerning the march of the troops. It said that Hoche's troops, on their way from Namur to Brest to embark67 for Ireland, would stop at Paris.
Then arose cries and shouts to the effect that the Constitution of the Year III. forbade troops to approach within a radius68 of thirty-six miles of Paris. The messenger from the Directory intimated that he had a reply to that objection.
"The commissioner69 in charge was ignorant of this article of the Constitution. His ignorance was the real cause of this infraction70 of the laws. The Directory furthermore affirmed that the troops had received orders to retrace71 their steps at once."
[Pg 465]
They were obliged to content themselves with this explanation in default of others; but it satisfied no one, and the excitement that it had caused spread from the two councils and the Clichy Club throughout Paris, where each citizen prepared himself for events no less exciting than those which had occurred on the 13th Vendémiaire.
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1
rupture
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| n.破裂；(关系的)决裂；v.(使)破裂 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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marine
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| adj.海的；海生的；航海的；海事的；n.水兵 | |
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tainted
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| adj.腐坏的；污染的；沾污的；感染的v.使变质( taint的过去式和过去分词 )；使污染；败坏；被污染，腐坏，败坏 | |
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haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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chambers
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| n.房间( chamber的名词复数 )；（议会的）议院；卧室；会议厅 | |
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salon
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| n.[法]沙龙；客厅；营业性的高级服务室 | |
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coterie
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| n.(有共同兴趣的)小团体，小圈子 | |
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12
influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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13
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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14
lame
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| adj.跛的，(辩解、论据等)无说服力的 | |
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15
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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16
eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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constituent
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| n.选民；成分，组分；adj.组成的，构成的 | |
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abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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tithes
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| n.（宗教捐税）什一税，什一的教区税，小部分( tithe的名词复数 ) | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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federation
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| n.同盟，联邦，联合，联盟，联合会 | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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24
consecrated
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| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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proscription
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| n.禁止，剥夺权利 | |
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27
frivolity
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| n.轻松的乐事，兴高采烈；轻浮的举止 | |
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28
enchanted
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| adj. 被施魔法的，陶醉的，入迷的 动词enchant的过去式和过去分词 | |
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29
ballot
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| n.（不记名）投票，投票总数，投票权；vi.投票 | |
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ministries
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| （政府的）部( ministry的名词复数 )； 神职； 牧师职位； 神职任期 | |
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requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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altercation
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| n.争吵，争论 | |
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33
luxurious
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| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
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factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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35
accusations
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| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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36
vile
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| adj.卑鄙的，可耻的，邪恶的；坏透的 | |
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vilest
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| adj.卑鄙的( vile的最高级 )；可耻的；极坏的；非常讨厌的 | |
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rascal
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| n.流氓；不诚实的人 | |
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wretch
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| n.可怜的人，不幸的人；卑鄙的人 | |
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brigand
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| n.土匪，强盗 | |
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41
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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42
conspired
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| 密谋( conspire的过去式和过去分词 )； 搞阴谋； （事件等）巧合； 共同导致 | |
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conspiracies
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| n.阴谋，密谋( conspiracy的名词复数 ) | |
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44
precipitated
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| v.（突如其来地）使发生( precipitate的过去式和过去分词 )；促成；猛然摔下；使沉淀 | |
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45
epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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46
degradation
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| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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administrators
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| n.管理者( administrator的名词复数 )；有管理（或行政）才能的人；（由遗嘱检验法庭指定的）遗产管理人；奉派暂管主教教区的牧师 | |
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48
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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49
poetical
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| adj.似诗人的；诗一般的；韵文的；富有诗意的 | |
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50
perusal
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| n.细读，熟读；目测 | |
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51
despoiled
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| v.掠夺，抢劫( despoil的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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52
coup
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| n.政变；突然而成功的行动 | |
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53
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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54
pacified
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| 使（某人）安静( pacify的过去式和过去分词 )； 息怒； 抚慰； 在（有战争的地区、国家等）实现和平 | |
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55
denizens
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| n.居民，住户( denizen的名词复数 ) | |
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56
rue
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| n.懊悔，芸香，后悔；v.后悔，悲伤，懊悔 | |
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57
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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58
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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59
savings
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| n.存款，储蓄 | |
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60
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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61
brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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62
emanated
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| v.从…处传出，传出( emanate的过去式和过去分词 )；产生，表现，显示 | |
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63
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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64
outlawed
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| 宣布…为不合法（outlaw的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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65
regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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66
squad
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| n.班，小队，小团体；vt.把…编成班或小组 | |
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67
embark
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| vi.乘船，着手，从事，上飞机 | |
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68
radius
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| n.半径，半径范围；有效航程，范围，界限 | |
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69
commissioner
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| n.（政府厅、局、处等部门）专员，长官，委员 | |
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70
infraction
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| n.违反；违法 | |
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71
retrace
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| v.折回；追溯，探源 | |
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