The "most dear" Duke of Burgundy, with whom Caxton was appointed to negotiate in 1464, was Philip, surnamed the Good. He was a wise and peaceful prince, and honourably3 earned his title. We know not whether Caxton was in immediate4 attendance upon the court of Philip from the commencement of his mission until the death of the duke in 1467; but the evidence is subsequently clear that he was about the court in some office of trust after the succession to the dukedom of the eldest5 son of Philip, the Count of Charolois. The character of this prince was entirely6 opposed to that of his father; and he acquired the name of Charles le Téméraire, or the Rash. This fiery7 prince, whose influence in that warlike age was perhaps greater than the benignant power of his father, was not likely to have looked very favourably8 upon an envoy9 from Edward of England: for he was allied10 by blood on his mother's side to the house of Lancaster, and was consequently opposed to the fortunes of the house of York. The court of Burgundy was the resort of many of the adherents11 {63} of that unhappy house, who had fled from England after many a vain struggle with the triumphant12 Edward. These fugitives13 are described by Comines "as young gentlemen whose fathers had been slain14 in England, whom the Duke of Burgundy had generously entertained as his relations of the house of Lancaster." Comines adds, "Some of them were reduced to such extremity15 of want and poverty before the Duke of Burgundy received them, that no common beggar could have been in greater; I saw one of them, who was Duke of Exeter (but he concealed16 his name), following the Duke of Burgundy's train bare-foot and barelegged, begging his bread from door to door: this person was the next of the house of Lancaster; had married King Edward's sister: and being afterwards known, had a small pension allowed him for his subsistence. There were also some of the family of the Somersets, and several others, all of them slain since, in the wars." But the policy of Charles of Burgundy, after his accession to the dukedom, led him to consider the ties of ancient friendship as of far less importance than the strengthening of his hand by an alliance with the successful house of York. Within a year of his accession he married Margaret, sister of Edward IV. Comines says this marriage "was principally to strengthen his alliance against the king of France, otherwise he would never have done it, for the love he bore to the house of Lancaster." The establishment of Margaret as Duchess of Burgundy {64} gave a direction to the fortunes of William Caxton, and was in all likelihood the proximate cause that he was our first English printer.
Margaret Plantagenet was married to Charles of Burgundy at the city of Bruges, on the 3rd of July, 1468. We have the distinct evidence of Caxton that he was residing at Bruges some months previous to the marriage; that he had little to do; and that he employed his leisure in literary pursuits. In his 'Recuyell of the Historyes of Troye' it is stated in the title-page, "which said translation and work was begun in Bruges, in the county of Flanders, the first day of March, the year of the Incarnation a thousand, four hundred, sixty and eight." The prologue19 begins as follows:—"When I remember that every man is bounden by the commandment and counsel of the wise man to eschew20 sloth21 and idleness, which is mother and nourisher of vices22, and ought to put myself unto virtuous23 occupation and business, then I, having no great charge or occupation, following the said counsel, took a French book and read therein many strange marvellous histories, wherein I had great pleasure and delight, as well for the novelty of the same, as for the fair language of the French, which was in prose so well and compendiously24 set and written, methought I understood the sentence and substance of every matter. And for so much as this book was new and late made and drawn25 into French, and never had seen it in our English tongue, I thought in myself it should be a good business to {65} translate it into our English, to the end that it might be had as well in the royaume of England as in other lands, and also for to pass therewith the time, and thus concluded in myself to begin this said work, and forthwith took pen and ink, and began boldly to run forth26, as blind Bayard, in this present work."
Philip de Comines, speaking of the prosperity of the people at the time of the accession of Charles, says, "The subjects of the house of Burgundy lived at that time in great plenty and prosperity, grew proud and wallowed in riches.... The expenses and habits both of women and men were great and extravagant27; their entertainments and banquets more profuse28 and splendid than in any other place that I ever saw." The city of Bruges was then the great seat of this wealth and luxury. The Flemish nobles lived here in mansions29 of striking architecture, some traces of which still remain. The merchants vied with the nobles in tasteful magnificence. The canals of Bruges were crowded with boats laden30 with the richest treasures of distant lands. It was commerce that made the inhabitants of Bruges, of Ghent, and the other great Flemish towns so rich and powerful; and the same commerce was the encourager of art, which even at this early period displayed itself amongst a people naturally disposed for its cultivation31. Charles the Rash destroyed much of this prosperity by his aptitude32 for war. But in the onset33 of his career he fought with all the pomp and {66} graces of the old chivalry, and his court was the seat of such romantic pageantries that John Paston, an Englishman who went over with Margaret of York, writes, "As for the duke's court, as for lords, ladies, and gentlewomen, knights35, esquires, and gentlemen, I heard never of none like to it save King Arthur's court." It was here, without doubt, that William Caxton, the yeoman's son of the Weald of Kent, and afterwards the mercer's apprentice36 of the city of London, acquired that love for the literature of chivalry which he displays on many occasions in his office of translator and printer. Here he made acquaintances that led him to the study of the romance-writers, as for example of a worthy37 canon of whom he writes, "Oft times I have been excited of the venerable man Messire Henry Bolomyer canon of Lausanne, for to reduce for his pleasure some histories, as well in Latin and in romance as in other fashion written; that is to say, of the right puissant38, virtuous, and noble Charles the Great, King of France and Emperor of Rome, son of the great Pepin, and of his princes and barons39, as Rowland, Oliver, and other." His zeal40 for this species of literature left him not in his latest years: for in his translation of 'The Book of the Order of Chivalry,' which was printed by him about 1484, he rises into absolute eloquence41 in his address at the conclusion of the volume: "Oh, ye knights of England, where is the custom and usage of noble chivalry that was used in those days? What do ye now, but go to the baynes [baths] and {67} play at dice42? And some, not well advised, use not honest and good rule, against all order of knighthood. Leave this, leave it! and read the noble volumes of St. Graal, of Lancelot, of Galaad, of Trystram, of Perse Forest, of Percyval, of Gawayn, and many more: there shall ye see manhood, courtesy, and gentleness. And look in latter days of the noble acts sith the Conquest, as in King Richard days C?ur de Lion, Edward I., and III. and his noble sons, Sir Robert Knolles, Sir John Hawkwode, Sir John Chandos, and Sir Gueltiare Manny. Read Froissart; and also behold43 that victorious44 and noble King Harry45 V., and the captains under him, his noble brethren the earls of Salisbury, Montagu, and many other, whose names shine gloriously by their virtuous noblesse and acts that they did in the honour of the order of chivalry. Alas46, what do ye but sleep and take ease, and are all disordered from chivalry?" Caxton was dazzled, as many others were, with the bravery and the generosity47 of the chivalric48 character. He did not see the cruelty and pride, the oppression and injustice49, that lurked50 beneath the glittering armour51 and the velvet52 mantle53. Yet he was amongst those who first helped to destroy the gross inequality upon which chivalry was founded, by raising up the middle classes to the possession of knowledge. There were scenes transacting54 at Bruges, even at the very hour when Margaret of York came to give her hand to Charles of Burgundy, that must have shown him what {68} fearful passions were too often the companions of the courage and graces of knighthood.
At the midsummer of 1468 Bruges presented a scene of magnificence that was probably unequalled in those days of costly55 display. On the occasion of the approaching marriage, the nobility of Charles's extensive dominions56 arrived from every quarter. Ambassadors were there from all Christian57 powers. It looked like an occasion on which men should forget that there was such a thing as war in the world; and when despotism should put on its blandest58 smile and its most courteous59 reverence60 for all orders of men. The Duke of Burgundy anxiously desired the presence of the Count de St. P?l, the great Constable61 of France. The constable arrived, surrounded with every pomp that his pride could devise,—with trumpets62 and banners, with pages on foot and crowds of horsemen, and a naked sword borne before him as the symbol of sovereignty. Charles was irritated beyond measure, and refused to receive the great lord, who from that hour became his deadliest enemy. But there was something more tragic63 to be enacted64 in the midst of a population looking only for high triumphs and royal pleasures. One of the chamberlains of the Duke of Burgundy was an illegitimate son of the Lord of Condé; he was very young, of exceeding beauty, and the most agreeable manners. He had fought by the side of the duke at the battle of Montlhéry, and was one of his most especial favourites. The youth, with that {69} ferocious65 self-abandonment which was not incompatible66 with the gentlest manners in courts and the noblest honours in camps, committed a murder under circumstances of extraordinary aggravation67. He was playing at tennis, and, the fairness of a stroke being doubtful, a bystander was called upon to decide. Deciding against the Bastard68 of Condé, the young man swore that he would be revenged. The bystander, who was a canon of the church, fled to his home, and the furious youth pursued him. The canon escaped, but his brother encountered the madman. Some victim must be offered up to appease69 his selfish rage, and the brother was in his path. The wretched man fell on his knees, and, clasping his hands, begged for mercy. Those uplifted hands were cut off in an instant, and the sword that had been honourably drawn at Montlhéry, pierced the breast of an unoffending citizen. Such a murder could not pass unnoticed; and yet the young man's friends did not doubt that he would go unpunished, for he had committed the crime in his father's lordship. Such crimes were often committed with impunity70 by the great and the powerful; and even the commonalty were unprepared to expect any heavier punishment than a pecuniary71 recompense to the relations of the murdered man. The duke, however, had taken his determination. The Bastard of Condé was held in arrest at the house of the gatekeeper of the city of Bruges. Charles was solicited72 on every side for pardon, and even the relations of the deceased, {70} having been moved by suitable presents, supplicated73 his release; but the duke kept the matter in suspense74 till Bruges was filled with his subjects from every part of his dominions, and especially with the most powerful of his nobles. At the instant that he was ready to depart to meet the Lady Margaret at the neighbouring port of Ecluse, he commanded that the young man should be taken to the common prison, and the next morning led to execution. Even the magistrate75 of the city to whom this command was intrusted thought it impossible that the duke should execute one so highly connected, as if he were a common offender76. The execution was delayed several hours by the magistrate in the hope that the duke would relent; but no respite77 came. The youth was carried through the city to the place of execution, amidst the tears of the people, who forgot his crime in his beauty. He was beheaded, and his body divided into four quarters. The Lord of Condé and his adherents left the city vowing78 vengeance79. The nobles assembled felt themselves outraged80 by this exercise of absolute power. Even the citizens attributed the stern decree of the duke to his indomitable pride rather than to his love of justice. Such was the prelude81 to the bridal festivities of the court of Burgundy; of which one who wrote an especial description in Latin says, "The sun never shone upon a more splendid ceremony since the creation of the world."
There can be no doubt that Caxton was in the {71} direct employ of Margaret, Duchess of Burgundy. What he has told us himself of his position in her court is far more interesting than all the conjectures82 which his biographers have exercised upon the matter. He was in an honourable84 position, he was treated with confidence, he was grateful. We have already given an extract from the prologue to his 'Recuyell of the Historyes of Troye,' which shows when and under what circumstances he commenced the translation of that work. Remembering his simpleness and unperfectness in the French and English languages (which passage we have already noticed), he continues: "When all these things came before me, after that I had made and written five or six quires, I fell in despair of this work, and purposed no more to have continued therein, and the quires laid apart; and in two years after laboured no more at this work, and was fully85 in will to have left it. Till on a time it fortuned that the right high, excellent, and right virtuous princess, my right redoubted lady, my Lady Margaret"—and then he gives her a host of titles—"sent for me to speak with her good grace of divers86 matters, among the which I let her highness have knowledge of the aforesaid beginning of this work; which anon commanded me to shew the said five or six quires to her said grace. And when she had seen them, anon she found defaute [fault] in mine English, which she commanded me to amend87, and moreover commanded me straightly [immediately] to continue and make an {72} end of the residue88 then not translated. Whose dreadful commandment I durst in no wise disobey, because I am a servant unto her said grace, and receive of her yearly fee, and other many good and great benefits, and also hope many more to receive of her highness; but forthwith went and laboured in the said translation after my simple and poor cunning, all so nigh as I can following mine author, meekly90 beseeching91 the bounteous92 highness of my said lady, that of her benevolence93 list to accept and take in gree [take kindly] this simple and rude work." The picture which Caxton thus presents to us of his showing his translation with an author's diffidence to the "dreadful" duchess, her criticism of his English, and her very flattering command that in spite of all its faults he should make an end of his work, is as interesting as Froissart's account of his literary recreations with Gaston de Foix:—"The acquaintance of him and of me was because I had brought with me a book, which I made at the contemplation of Winceslaus of Bohemia, Duke of Luxembourg and of Brabant, which work was called 'Meliador,' containing all the songs, ballads94, rondeaux, and virelays which the gentle duke had made in this time, which by imagination I had gathered together; which book the Count of Foix was glad to see. And every night after supper I read therein to him; and while I read there was none durst speak any word, because he would I should be well understood, wherein he took great solace95." In both cases the {73} men of letters were received on a free and familiar footing in the courtly circles. In the case of Caxton this was even more honourable to the Lady Margaret, than the welcome which Gaston de Foix gave to the accomplished96 knight34 Sir John Froissart. Caxton had no knightly97 honours to recommend him; he was a plain merchant: but he was unquestionably a man of modesty98 and intelligence; he had travelled much; he was familiar with the most popular literature of his day; and he desired to extend the knowledge of it by translations into his native language. It is difficult to say what was his exact employment in the court of the Lady Margaret. He was somewhat too old to partake of its light amusements, to mingle99 in its gallantries, or even to prompt my lady's fool with some word of wisdom. We have seen that four months before Margaret of York came to Bruges he had "no great charge or occupation," and he undertook the translation of a considerable work "for to pass therewith the time." It has, however, been maintained of late years, that Caxton was at this very time a printer. The question is a curious one, and we may bestow100 a little space upon its examination.
Mr. Hallam, in his 'Literature of Europe,' noticing the progress of printing, says that several books were printed in Paris in 1470 and 1471, adding, "But there seem to be unquestionable proofs that a still earlier specimen101 of typography is due to an English printer, the famous Caxton. His 'Recueil {74} des Histoires de Troye' appears to have been printed during the life of Philip, Duke of Burgundy, and consequently before June 15, 1467. The place of publication, certainly within the duke's dominions, has not been conjectured102. It is, therefore, by several years the earliest printed book in the French language. A Latin speech by Russell, ambassador of Edward IV. to Charles of Burgundy, in 1469, is the next publication of Caxton. This was also printed in the Low Countries." The authority upon which the learned and accomplished historian of the Middle Ages relies for this statement is that of Mr. Dibdin, in his 'Typographical Antiquities103.' The French edition of the 'Recueil des Histoires de Troye' bears no printer's name, date, or place. It purports104 to have been composed by Raoul le Fevre, chaplain to Duke Philip de Bourgoyne, in the year 1464. The evidence that this book was printed by Caxton was summed up by Mr. Bryant, and communicated by him to Mr. Herbert, the first editor of Ames's 'Typographical Antiquities.' The Rev18. Mr. Dibdin, the second editor, says that these memoranda105 of Mr. Bryant's "clearly prove it to have been the production of Caxton." The argument rests upon these points: that the French and English editions of Le Fevre's work have an exact conformity106 and likeness107 throughout, for not only the page itself, but the number of lines in a page, the length, breadth, and intervals108 of the lines, are alike in both, and the letters, great and small, are of the same {75} magnitude. It corresponds too with 'The Game of the Chess,' printed by Caxton in England, in 1474. "These considerations," says Mr. Bryant, "settle who the printer was." We venture to doubt this. Mr. Bryant has himself shown how this resemblance might be produced between books printed by Caxton, and books supposed to be printed by him, without Caxton being the actual printer. "Mentz was taken by the Duke of Saxony in the year 1462, and most of the artificers employed by John Fust, the great inventor, were dispersed109 abroad. I make no doubt but Caxton, who was at no great distance from Mentz, took this opportunity of making himself a master of the mystery, which he had been at much trouble and expense to obtain. This I imagine he effected by taking into pay some of Fust's servants, and settling them for a time at Cologne. Of this number probably were Pinson and Rood, Mechlin, Lettou, and Wynkyn de Worde. With the help of some of these, he printed the book [which Wynkyn de Worde says Caxton printed] 'Bartholomeus de Prop111. Rerum,' and the translation of the 'Recueil;' and probably many other books, which, being either in French or Latin, were not vendible112 in our country, and consequently no copies are extant here. Of all the books he printed in England, I do not remember above one in a foreign language." The calamity113 which drove the printers of Mentz from their homes, the storming of the city by Adolphus of Nassau, would naturally disperse110 their types, as well as break up {76} their workshops. The resemblance between the doubtful books, and books undoubtedly114 printed by Caxton, was the resemblance of types cast in the same matrices; the spaces between the lines, as well as the form and magnitude of the letters, were produced by the letters being cast in the same mould. The resemblance would have been equally produced whether the types were used by one and the same printer, or by two printers. The typographical antiquarians say that the same types are used in the French and English works of Le Fevre and in Caxton's 'Game of Chess;' and Mr. Herbert adds, that the types are the same as those used by Fust and Schoeffer, the partners of Guttenberg. If the resemblance of types were sufficient to determine the printer of two or more books, then Fust and Schoeffer ought to be called the printers of the French 'Recueil,' as well as of the English translation which Caxton says he printed at Cologne. There can be little doubt that, when Caxton went to Cologne to be a printer in 1471, he became possessed115 of the types and matrices with which he printed his translation of Le Fevre, and subsequently brought to England to print his 'Game of Chess.' Another printer might have preceded him in their possession, and might have received them direct from Fust and Schoeffer. When the art ceased to be a mystery, a profit might arise from selling the types or multiplying the matrices. Upon these considerations we wholly demur116 to the assertion, resting solely117 upon this {77} resemblance, that Caxton was a printer during the life of Philip le Bon. The belief is entirely opposed to his own statement, that shortly after the death of this prince he was completely at leisure, and set about a translation to while away his time. To be a printer in those days was a mighty118 undertaking119. We shall subsequently see that he declares that he had practised and learnt the art at great charge and expense. It is wholly unlikely, also, that so gossiping a man, who makes a familiar friend of his readers, telling them of almost every circumstance that led to the printing of every book, that he in his translation should not have said one word of being the printer of the original work. The other book, the Latin speech by Russell, in 1469, which has been called the second publication of Caxton, is attributed to him absolutely upon no other grounds than the same resemblance of type. Assuredly we cannot receive the fact of resemblance as conclusive120 of Caxton being the printer either in this case or in that of the preceding. He tells us that in 1470 he was a servant receiving yearly fee from the Duchess of Burgundy, and completed an extensive work at her command, which he simply began "to eschew sloth and idleness," and to put himself "unto virtuous occupation and business." When he did fairly become a printer, he left sufficiently121 clear indications of his habitual122 industry. We have no question how he filled up his time when the press at Westminster was at work.
{78}
It was in the autumn of 1470, when Master William Caxton would appear to have been busily labouring in some silent turret123 of the palace at Bruges, upon his translation of Raoul le Fevre, that an event occurred, of all others the most calculated to spread consternation124 in the court of Burgundy, and to make the bold duke feel that in abandoning his family alliance with the house of Lancaster he had not done the politic125 thing which he anticipated. Edward IV., who had sat for some years with tolerable quiet upon the English throne, to which he had fought his way in many a battlefield with prodigious126 bravery, suddenly arrived at Bruges, in the October of 1470, a discrowned fugitive. He made his escape from the overwhelming inroad of the power of Warwick, "attended," says Comines, "by seven or eight hundred men without any clothes but what they were to have fought in, no money in their pockets, and not one in twenty of them knew whither they were going." He, the most beautiful man of the time, as Comines describes him,—who for twelve or thirteen years of prosperity had lived a life of the most luxurious127 gratification,—he arrived at Bruges, after being chased by privateers, and with difficulty rescued from their hands, so poor that he "was forced to give the master of the ship for his passage a gown lined with martens." At Bruges, then, did this fugitive remain nearly five months, when he again leaped into his throne, in the following April, with a triumphant boldness which has only one parallel {79} in modern history,—that of the march of Napoleon from Elba. In May, 1471, he addressed a letter in French to the nobles and burgomasters of Bruges, thanking them for the courtesy and hospitality he had received from them during his exile. Edward was of a sanguine128 temper; and, however depressed129 in fortune, was not likely, during those five months of humiliation130, to have doubted that in good time he should regain131 the throne. He was of an easy and communicative disposition132; and would naturally confer with his sister and her confidential133 servants upon his plans and prospects134. Comines says, "King Edward told me that, in all the battles which he had gained, his way was, when the victory was on his side, to mount on horseback, and cry out to save the common soldiers, and put the gentry135 to the sword." We mention this to show that he was not indisposed to talk of himself and his doings with those whom he met during his exile. It is more than probable, then, that he had the same sort of free communication with his countryman Caxton. It was at this period that the progress of the art of printing must have been a subject of universal interest The merchants of Bruges had commercial intercourse136 with all the countries of Europe; and they would naturally bring to the court of Burgundy some specimens137 of that art which was already beginning to create a new description of commerce. From Mentz, Bamberg, Cologne, Strasburg, and Augsburg, they would bring some of the Latin and German bibles {80} which, from 1461 to 1470, had issued from the presses of those cities. The presses of Italy, and especially of Rome, of Venice, and of Milan, had, during the same period, sent forth books, and more particularly classical works, in great abundance. The art had made such rapid progress in Italy, that in the first edition of St. Jerome's Epistles, printed in 1468, the Bishop138 of Aleria thus addresses Pope Paul II.: "It was reserved for the times of your holiness for the Christian world to be blessed with the immense advantages resulting from the art of printing; by means of which, and with a little money, the poorest person may collect together a few books. It is a small testimony139 of the glory of your holiness, that the volumes which formerly140 scarcely an hundred golden crowns would purchase may now be procured141 for twenty and less, and these well-written and authentic142 ones." It is pretty clear that Caxton, when he began his translation of the 'Histories of Troye,' had some larger circulation in view than could be obtained by the medium of transcription: "I thought in myself it should be a good business to translate it into our English, to the end that it might be had as well in the royaume of England as in other lands." It is also probable that he was moving about in search of the best mode of printing it; for he says, at the end of the second book of the 'Recueil,' "And for as much as I suppose the said two books be not had before this time in our English language, therefore I had the better will {81} to accomplish the said work; which work was begun in Bruges, and continued in Gaunt [Ghent], and finished in Cologne, in time of the troublous world, and of the great divisions being and reigning143 as well in the royaumes of England and France as in all other places universally through the world, that is to wit, the year of our Lord one thousand, four hundred, and seventy-one." But he further says, with reference to his translation of the third book, which he doubted about doing, "because that I have now good leisure, being in Cologne, and have none other thing to do at this time in eschewing144 of idleness, mother of all vices, I have deliberated in myself of the contemplation of my said redoubted lady, to take this labour in hand." We shall presently see when Caxton became, or at any rate avowed145 himself to have become, a printer. Up to this point we see him only as a translator, a man of leisure, and not one learning a new and difficult craft. But we see him moving about from Bruges to Ghent, from Ghent to Cologne, without any distinct or specified146 object. There can be little doubt, we believe, that he was endeavouring to make himself acquainted with the new art, still in great measure a secret art, the masters of which required to be approached with considerable caution. That the presence of Edward IV. in Flanders, during a period when Caxton might readily have had access to his person, might have led him to believe that the time would come when, under the patronage147 of the restored prince, he might carry {82} the art to London, is not an improbable conjecture83. Amongst the companions of Edward's exile was his brother-in-law, the celebrated148 Lord Rivers. This brave and accomplished young nobleman subsequently translated a book called 'The Dictes and Sayings of Philosophers,' which Caxton printed at Westminster, in 1477. The printer has added an appendix to this translation, from which we collect that the noble author and his literary printer were upon terms of mutual149 confidence and regard: "At such time as he had accomplished this said work, it liked him to send it to me in certain quires to oversee150.... And so afterward17 I came unto my said lord, and told him how I had read and seen his book, and that he had done a meritorious151 deed in the labour of the translation thereof.... Then my said lord desired me to oversee it, and, where as I should find fault, to correct it, wherein I answered unto his lordship that I could not amend it.... Notwithstanding he willed me to oversee it." Earl Rivers, then Lord Scales, was also at Bruges upon the occasion of the Lady Margaret's marriage. Employed, therefore, by the Duchess of Burgundy, the sister of Edward IV., and honoured with the confidence of Earl Rivers, his brother-in-law, we may reasonably believe that the presence of Edward at Bruges in 1470-71 might have had some influence upon the determination of Caxton to learn and practise the new art of printing, and to carry it into England, if the "troublous times" could afford him occasion. We {83} have distinct evidence that Edward IV. gave a marked encouragement to the labours of Caxton as a translator, in a book printed by him without any date, 'The Life of Jason,' written, as were the 'Histories of Troy,' by Raoul le Fevre, in which Caxton says in his prologue, "For as much as late by the commandment of the right high and noble princess my Lady Margaret, &c., I translated a book out of French into English, named 'Recueil,' &c.... Therefore, under the protection and sufferance of the most high, puissant, and Christian king, my most dread89 natural liege, Lord Edward, &c., I intend to translate the said book of the 'Histories of Jason.'" The expression "for as much as late by the commandment, &c.," brings the date of the 'Histories of Jason' close to that of the 'Histories of Troy' and points out the probability that the protection and sufferance of Edward was afforded to Caxton when the king was a fugitive at the court of Burgundy. In the 'Issues of the Exchequer,' there is the following entry of a payment on the 15th of June, in the 19th of Edward IV., "To William Caxton, in money paid to his own hands, in discharge of twenty pounds which the lord the king commanded to be paid to the same William for certain causes and matters performed by him for the said lord the king." This is eight years after the period of Edward's exile, being in 1479. But as the productions of Caxton's press were very prolific152 at this time, we may believe that the payment of such a large sum for certain {84} causes and matters performed for the king was in some degree connected with his labours in the introduction of printing into England,—a payment not improbably postponed153 for obligations incurred154, and promises granted, at an earlier period.
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1
chivalry
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| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
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fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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honourably
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| adv.可尊敬地，光荣地，体面地 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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6
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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favourably
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| adv. 善意地，赞成地 =favorably | |
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envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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10
allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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11
adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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13
fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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14
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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15
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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16
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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17
afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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18
rev
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| v.发动机旋转，加快速度 | |
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19
prologue
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| n.开场白，序言；开端，序幕 | |
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20
eschew
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| v.避开，戒绝 | |
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21
sloth
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| n.[动]树懒；懒惰，懒散 | |
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22
vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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23
virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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24
compendiously
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| adv.扼要地；简要地；摘要地；简洁地 | |
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25
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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26
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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27
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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28
profuse
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| adj.很多的，大量的，极其丰富的 | |
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29
mansions
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| n.宅第，公馆，大厦( mansion的名词复数 ) | |
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30
laden
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| adj.装满了的；充满了的；负了重担的；苦恼的 | |
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31
cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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32
aptitude
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| n.(学习方面的)才能，资质，天资 | |
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33
onset
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| n.进攻，袭击，开始，突然开始 | |
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34
knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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35
knights
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|
| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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36
apprentice
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|
| n.学徒，徒弟 | |
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37
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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38
puissant
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| adj.强有力的 | |
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39
barons
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| 男爵( baron的名词复数 )； 巨头； 大王； 大亨 | |
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40
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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41
eloquence
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|
| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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42
dice
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|
| n.骰子；vt.把（食物）切成小方块，冒险 | |
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43
behold
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|
| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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44
victorious
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|
| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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45
harry
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| vt.掠夺，蹂躏，使苦恼 | |
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46
alas
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| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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47
generosity
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|
| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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48
chivalric
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| 有武士气概的，有武士风范的 | |
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49
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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50
lurked
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| vi.潜伏，埋伏（lurk的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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51
armour
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| （=armor）n.盔甲；装甲部队 | |
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52
velvet
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| n.丝绒，天鹅绒；adj.丝绒制的，柔软的 | |
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53
mantle
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| n.斗篷，覆罩之物，罩子；v.罩住，覆盖，脸红 | |
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54
transacting
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| v.办理（业务等）( transact的现在分词 )；交易，谈判 | |
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55
costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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56
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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57
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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58
blandest
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| adj.（食物）淡而无味的( bland的最高级 )；平和的；温和的；无动于衷的 | |
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59
courteous
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| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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60
reverence
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|
| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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61
constable
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| n.(英国)警察，警官 | |
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62
trumpets
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|
| 喇叭( trumpet的名词复数 )； 小号； 喇叭形物； （尤指）绽开的水仙花 | |
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63
tragic
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|
| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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64
enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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65
ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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66
incompatible
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| adj.不相容的，不协调的，不相配的 | |
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67
aggravation
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| n.烦恼，恼火 | |
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68
bastard
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| n.坏蛋，混蛋；私生子 | |
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69
appease
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| v.安抚，缓和，平息，满足 | |
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70
impunity
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| n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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71
pecuniary
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|
| adj.金钱的；金钱上的 | |
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72
solicited
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|
| v.恳求( solicit的过去式和过去分词 )；（指娼妇）拉客；索求；征求 | |
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73
supplicated
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|
| v.祈求，哀求，恳求( supplicate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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74
suspense
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| n.（对可能发生的事）紧张感，担心，挂虑 | |
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75
magistrate
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|
| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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76
offender
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|
| n.冒犯者，违反者，犯罪者 | |
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77
respite
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|
| n.休息，中止，暂缓 | |
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78
vowing
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|
| 起誓，发誓（vow的现在分词形式） | |
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79
vengeance
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|
| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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80
outraged
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| a.震惊的，义愤填膺的 | |
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81
prelude
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| n.序言，前兆，序曲 | |
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82
conjectures
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|
| 推测，猜想( conjecture的名词复数 ) | |
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83
conjecture
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|
| n./v.推测，猜测 | |
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84
honourable
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|
| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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85
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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86
divers
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|
| adj.不同的；种种的 | |
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87
amend
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|
| vt.修改，修订，改进；n.[pl.]赔罪，赔偿 | |
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88
residue
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|
| n.残余，剩余，残渣 | |
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89
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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90
meekly
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|
| adv.温顺地，逆来顺受地 | |
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91
beseeching
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|
| adj.恳求似的v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的现在分词 ) | |
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92
bounteous
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|
| adj.丰富的 | |
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93
benevolence
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|
| n.慈悲，捐助 | |
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94
ballads
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| 民歌，民谣，特别指叙述故事的歌( ballad的名词复数 )； 讴 | |
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95
solace
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|
| n.安慰；v.使快乐；vt.安慰(物)，缓和 | |
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96
accomplished
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|
| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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97
knightly
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|
| adj. 骑士般的 adv. 骑士般地 | |
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98
modesty
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| n.谦逊，虚心，端庄，稳重，羞怯，朴素 | |
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99
mingle
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| vt.使混合，使相混；vi.混合起来；相交往 | |
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100
bestow
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| v.把…赠与，把…授予；花费 | |
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101
specimen
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| n.样本，标本 | |
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102
conjectured
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| 推测，猜测，猜想( conjecture的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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103
antiquities
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| n.古老( antiquity的名词复数 )；古迹；古人们；古代的风俗习惯 | |
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104
purports
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| v.声称是…，（装得）像是…的样子( purport的第三人称单数 ) | |
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105
memoranda
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| n. 备忘录, 便条 名词memorandum的复数形式 | |
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106
conformity
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| n.一致，遵从，顺从 | |
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107
likeness
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| n.相像，相似（之处） | |
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108
intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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109
dispersed
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|
| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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110
disperse
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| vi.使分散；使消失；vt.分散；驱散 | |
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111
prop
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| vt.支撑；n.支柱，支撑物；支持者，靠山 | |
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112
vendible
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| adj.可销售的，可被普遍接受的n.可销售物 | |
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113
calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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114
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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115
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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116
demur
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| v．表示异议，反对 | |
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117
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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118
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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119
undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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120
conclusive
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| adj.最后的，结论的；确凿的，消除怀疑的 | |
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121
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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122
habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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123
turret
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| n.塔楼，角塔 | |
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124
consternation
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| n.大为吃惊，惊骇 | |
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125
politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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126
prodigious
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| adj.惊人的，奇妙的；异常的；巨大的；庞大的 | |
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127
luxurious
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| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
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128
sanguine
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| adj.充满希望的，乐观的，血红色的 | |
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129
depressed
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| adj.沮丧的，抑郁的，不景气的，萧条的 | |
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130
humiliation
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| n.羞辱 | |
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131
regain
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| vt.重新获得，收复，恢复 | |
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132
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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133
confidential
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| adj.秘（机）密的，表示信任的，担任机密工作的 | |
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134
prospects
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| n.希望，前途(恒为复数) | |
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135
gentry
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| n.绅士阶级，上层阶级 | |
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136
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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137
specimens
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| n.样品( specimen的名词复数 )；范例；（化验的）抽样；某种类型的人 | |
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138
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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139
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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140
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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141
procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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142
authentic
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| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
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143
reigning
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| adj.统治的，起支配作用的 | |
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144
eschewing
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| v.（尤指为道德或实际理由而）习惯性避开，回避( eschew的现在分词 ) | |
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145
avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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146
specified
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| adj.特定的 | |
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147
patronage
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| n.赞助，支援，援助；光顾，捧场 | |
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148
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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149
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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150
oversee
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| vt.监督，管理 | |
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151
meritorious
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| adj.值得赞赏的 | |
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152
prolific
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| adj.丰富的，大量的；多产的，富有创造力的 | |
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153
postponed
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| vt.& vi.延期，缓办，（使）延迟vt.把…放在次要地位；[语]把…放在后面（或句尾）vi.（疟疾等）延缓发作（或复发） | |
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154
incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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